Notes on the ancient coinage of Hispania citerior

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Hill, George Francis, Sir, 1867-1948
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Numismatic Notes and Monographs
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American Numismatic Society
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NOTES ON THE ANCIENT COINAGE OF HISPANIA CITERIOR

As this is probably the last piece of numismatic work to which I shall put my signature, a word in explanation of its incompleteness may perhaps be allowed. These notes were intended as a kind of preliminary survey of the field which was afterwards to be covered by a full-dress catalogue of the Ancient Coins of Spain. About two-fifths of the way through the work, I have been called to other duties. My manuscript, which includes a descriptive catalogue of the coins of all the mints dealt with in these notes, might have been left to my successor, who will eventually make the Catalogue of Spain, to incorporate with his own. But I have thought it better to leave him a free hand, by printing my own views, for what they are worth; he can then accept or reject them at his pleasure, and his book will have a unity which it would lack were it to be two-fifths mine, and three-fifths his. The descriptive catalogue will be at his service; the theories put forward in these notes will be his just so far as, and no farther than, he desires to accept them.

The paper On the Coins of Narbonensis with Iberian inscriptions (Num. Notes and Monographs No. 44) was written and printed before the change in my plans was known; otherwise, I should have included it in the present Notes.

These notes are, I am well aware, rather incoherent, perhaps sometimes inconsistent, and doubtless would have been considerably altered and pulled together had I had time to cover the whole ground and work over it again.

It is necessary before proceeding any further to state what method of transliteration I adopt for the Iberian signs. Much yet remains uncertain, but a certain amount of progress has been made of recent years. I give (preceding the plates of coins) a table of the chief signs with which we shall be concerned (there are still more thorny problems in the part of the peninsula to which these notes do not extend), together with the equivalents used by Hübner (Monumenta Linguae Ibericae), Gümez-Moreno (Sobre los Iberos y su Lengua, in Homenaje a Menéndez Pidal, III, 1925, pp. 475–499) and myself. I do not propose to justify any variations of mine from other systems here, but may take occasion to do so in the course of the notes.

The I bero-Roman coinage of Citerior has been fitted by Zobel 1 into the following periods:

1. 226–214 B.C. Coinage in Saguntum (silver victoriati), Tarraco, Celsa, and perhaps Ilerda (bronze from the time of the expedition of P. Scipio in 217 onwards). The bronze is sextantal, the silver of the weight of the early victoriati.

2. 214–204 B.C. Extension of the coinage. Silver denarii and quinarii, the denarius later on reduced to 1/84 lb.; the bronze, beginning with rare sextantal issues, becomes uncial.

3. 204–154 B.C. Greatest extension of Ibero-Roman coinage. Catalonia, as also the rest of the cities of the littoral, ceases to strike silver, which is issued in great quantities in Aragün (especially at Osca), on the upper Ebro and in Segobriga and Acci, the capitals of Celtiberiaand Bastetania. Towards the middle of the period Osca becomes the exclusive silver mint for all the province. The denarius is of reduced weight; no quinarii. Bronze is uncial.

4. 154–72 B.C. Money coined again for the Lusitano-Celtiberian war which ended with the fall of Numantia in 133; small issues in Aragün and the greater part of ancient Celtiberia; on the upper Ebro and in the district of the Arevaci and the Bastetani, affected by the war, the coinage degenerates in style and quality. The provincial reform of 133 doubtless stopped the official coinage of money with Iberian inscriptions, though it was revived for a time during the Sertorian war (80–72 B.C.) in some fortresses such as Celsa, Saetabis, Gili, Saguntum, Tanusia.

5. The latest coin with an Iberian legend is the ace of Osicerda with the reverse type of the elephant trampling on a serpent, copied from the denarius of Caesar.

Zobel's great experience compels us to regard this scheme with respect. Nevertheless, theories which neatly fit the stages of development of a coinage exactly into the periods of political history are so seldom borne out by an examination of the facts, that it has seemed better to attack the problem of dating from a purely numismatic standpoint, calling in the aid of historical data where they are helpful in supporting or correcting the conclusions independently reached from the coins themselves.

I now proceed to discuss the various coinages, following more or less the division into regions adopted by Hübner. Hübner's grouping, so far as I have tested it, seems to me to be sound on the whole. That of Vives appears to be arbitrary; his work is awkward to use for reference and unindexed, it ignores the problems of the transliteration of Iberian and the identification of place-names, and, owing to the lack of final revision by the author, swarms with inaccuracies. I have accordingly used it merely as a collection of material, in which respect it is incomparable and indispensable. Thanks to the help of His Grace the Duke of Alba, I have been able to see and copy the majority of the casts used by Vives for his Plates; these casts, the property mainly of the Instituto de Valencia de Don Juan, and partly of the Junta de Ampliacion de Estudios, were at his suggestion sent over to London for study. Without this assistance, the material for what follows would have been so patchy that the task would hardly have been worth undertaking. It is greatly to be regretted that certain collections of great importance, of which Vives had only paper rubbings instead of casts, still remain inaccessible to the student.

I have to thank many other persons, curators of collections, and many private collectors, for their kindness in allowing me to have casts or photographs, from amongst which the illustrations to these Notes have been taken. The public collections are those of Athens (Mr. Constanto-poulos), Berlin (Dr. Regling and Dr. Liegle), Béziers (M. Cambon), Cambridge (Mr. Grose), Copenhagen (Dr. Galster), Glasgow, Hunterian (Sir George Macdonald), Gotha (Dr. Pick), The Hague (M. Kerkwijk, who very kindly sent the whole of the coins of Spain over to London for study), Leningrad (Dr. Zograph), Mainz, Central Museum (Dr. Behrens), Oslo (Dr. Holst), Paris (M. Dieudonné and M. Babelon), Stockholm (Mr. Appelgren), Vienna (Dr. Loehr and Dr. Pink). Of private owners I must mention gratefully M. Bourgey, who allowed me free access to the Vidal Quadras y Ramon Collection and supplied, as will be seen from the plates, many casts; Mr. Empedocles; Mr. Cyril Lockett; Sig. Johnson of Milan (through Sig. A. Anzani); Mr. Newell (who supplied photographs of the whole of his Iberian collection and innumerable casts); Mr. Seymour de Ricci and Mr. F. A. Walters.

Finally my thanks are due to the editors of the Numismatic Notes and Monographs for their courtesy in admitting this contribution to publication, and to my colleagues Mr. Mattingly and Mr. Robinson, whom I have constantly consulted, and of whom the latter has kindly read these proofs and made many useful suggestions.

In selecting coins for illustration I have preferred, as a rule, specimens which have not been or are not likely to be illustrated elsewhere, so far as this has been compatible with clearness of detail. But this has not always been possible, and I have had to fall back on coins illustrated by Vives, or those which will eventually appear in the British Museum Catalogue.

Following the suggestion of an American correspondent, Mr. Rickard, I have used the word "ace" to represent the Roman unit as. The word is good English, and avoids a frequently tiresome confusion.

REGIO EMPORITANA RHODE

Rhode, the modern Rosas, (where, however, no traces of the old city have yet been discovered), was founded, according to Pseudo-Scymnus (vv. 203 f.), first by Rhodians, later by Phocaeans from Massalia; according to Strabo (III, 4, 8; C. 160) by the Empori tans, 1 though the story that it was founded first by Rhodians, then by Massaliotes, is also known to him (XIV, 2, 10; C. 654). The story of the foundation by Rhodes may have no more basis than the likeness of names.

According to Strabo there was a cult of the Ephesian Artemis both at Rhode and at Emporiae; this cult, brought by the Phocaeans to Massalia, was established by the Massaliotes in all their colonies (IV, 1, 4; C. 179).

The coinage of Rhode begins in the first half of the fourth century. The head on the obverse of no. 1 (Pl. I) is clearly crowned with barley or rye; 2 it is therefore not a direct copy of the head on the Syracusan decadrachms, as Vives, for instance, supposes. If it is copied from anything, it is from the Siculo-Punic tetradrachms such as Head, Coins of the Ancients, III, C. 39. More probably, however, it is an independent development by the Rhodetan engraver in the same direction as the Siculo-Punic. The influence of the Massaliote drachms is visible. On the other hand, there is no trace of barley on Pl. I, no. 3, which like most, if not all, other published drachms presumably derives more directly from the Arethusa of Euainetos. The style is less round, thinner than on no. 1. The form of the inscription, ΡΟΔΗ, instead of the full ethnic, suggests that the artist meant the head for the personification of the city.

No. 1 has a monogram behind the head; the same monogram is legible on other specimens of somewhat varying style, so that it must not necessarily be assumed that it is an engraver's signature, or, if it is, that it was always put there by the artist himself.

The rose—four-petalled and conventional—seems to be seen from below, although on at least one drachm, and on the bronze coins (Pl. I, 4) 3 the sepals are only visible outside the area of the petals. The concavity of the design, combined with the inner arcs, which suggests at first that the artist was trying to represent the natural, upper view of the open flower combined with the under view, is perhaps merely an accident.

Among the barbarous imitations of the drachm which exist in very large quantities, only those have been considered here which represent the reverse type of the original in a more or less recognizable form. Even these are probably for the most part of Gaulish origin. The interesting coin at Stockholm, Pl. I, 2, shows however that we must be careful how we speak of barbarous copies. No one would suspect that the obverse could be from the hand of any but a Greek engraver. Yet on the reverse the form of the rose has been completely misrepresented, and round the central boss appear four ornaments, three of them at least of the penannular torque pattern and typically Celtic. Drachms on which the rose has become a wheel or a star, or broken up into a cruciform pattern, are not here included. 4 It is impossible to say where local imitations (if there are any) end and more properly Gaulish ones begin. In the gold imitation published by Vives (his Pl. I, 8), which as he says is Gaulish, the rose has disappeared, but the sepals remain in the form of a cross accompanied by four stars.

It is doubtful whether much is to be made of the inscriptions on the imitations. One (Pl. I, 6), is clearly however a broken down copy of the Emporitan legend. Schuchardt attempts (Iber. Dekl., p. 39) to read rotn in the inscription on one coin (Pujol, epigr. 55; a good specimen at Paris, Pl. I, 5), taking it to be the genitive of the non-Iberian name Rhode. I prefer to see in it a corruption of the Greek inscription ΡΟΔΗ, occurring as it does in just the same place on the coin as that name (cp. Pl. I, 3).

The standard. The maximum weight reached by any original of Rhode is 5.13 gm. (Brera, no. 20); that of the imitations is 5.50 (Berlin); there is also a semi-barbarous drachm of 5.20 in the Ashmolean (Godwyn Coll.). The peak of the frequency, whether only originals are taken or the barbarous imitations included, is at 4.80 to 4.75; 21 out of some 33 specimens range between the 4.70 and 4.90 lines. The numbers are however too few for a thoroughly satisfactory inference to be drawn. 5

End Notes

1
Meineke's text: ἐνταûθα δ' ἔστι кαὶ ή 'Ρóδη πоλίχνιον, 'Εμποριτimageν кτίσμα, τινὲς δὲ 'Ροδίων ϕασι. Stephanus Byz. wrongly gives the ethnic as 'Poδαimageος. Philipon's note (Les Ibères, 1909, pp. 172–3) is a tissue of absurdities.
2
Cp. the fine Lorichs specimen, here Pl. I, 2.
3
Vives, Pl. I, 6 and 7.
4
On these imitations generally, see H. de la Tour, Atlas, Pl. VIII; Blanchet, Traité des monnaies gauloises, p. 279.

EMPORIAE

The modern Ampurias, 6 near the mouth of the Fluvia (the ancient Clodianus) was founded by the Massaliotes some time in the second half of the sixth century, as appears from the pottery found on the site.

According to Posidonius the first colonists settled on an island 7 (supposed to be Cape San Martin, now joined to the mainland); afterwards they established themselves on the mainland, in one part of a city which was divided by a wall, the space on the other side being occupied by native Indiketae; 8 the two communities eventually coalesced. The Greeks called the place 'Εμπóριоν; the native city was known to them as 'Іνδιкή. To this double origin, and to the addition of the later Roman settlement, was due the plural form Emporiae by which the place is generally known. A form Emporia is also attested by some of the coins of Roman date.

Like Rhode, Emporion derived a cult of the "Ephesian" Artemis from Massalia. In this connexion it is interesting to note that the female head on one group of silver drachms is assimilated to the Greek Artemis; the dolphin behind her neck has become a bow and quiver (Pl. I, 19).

Emporiae was the key to Northern Spain; it was thence that the Romans launched their campaigns for the conquest of the country in 218, 211 and 195 B.C. Roman colonists, according to Livy, were settled there by Caesar after the defeat of Pompey's sons at Munda in 45 B.C.; when Livy wrote, all the inhabitants had obtained the Roman citizenship. Pliny (N.H., III, 23) has: oppida civium Romanorum Baetulo, Iluro, flumen Arnum, Blandae, flumen Alba, Emporiae , geminum hoc veterum incolarum et Graecorum qui Phocaeensium fuere soboles. He mentions no colony, and it never was one in the technical sense. Livy's statement merely means that veterans were settled there. The coins shew that it became a municipium. 9

The earliest currency attributable to Emporion consists of small silver coins with types imitated from a number of sources. They are none of them earlier than the fourth century. 10 It is of course possible that some of the uninscribed small silver found in Spain (as in the hoards of Rosas, Pont de Molins, Morella, etc.) 11 were made at Emporion, and some of these may be earlier than the coins inscribed EM. But considering how imitative the small coins inscribed EM are, it is not certain that uninscribed coins with similar types were necessarily made at Emporion.

In this study those coins are recognized which bear the initials of the city or have similar types to others so inscribed. Of the coins inscribed with the first two or three letters of the name, the types are derived mainly from Sicily or South Italy, but also from farther afield. Vives exaggerates the debt to Italy. Phistelia certainly did not provide the original of the facing head on Pl. I, 10, but Syracuse; nor Velia the owl between two pendent laurel-sprays on Pl. I, 16, but Athens, to which is also due the Athena head of the obverse. The origin of the goat on Pl. I, 7, 8, unless it is a native invention, can only be sought in Aenus. The three birds of Vives, Pl. II, 23, can hardly be derived from the two crows of Laus, which only occur on bronze coins of that mint, nor the single bird from Sybaris.

Besides the types of these small coins represented on our Pl. I, 7–16, the following are given by Delgado and Vives: 12

Female head facing. image. Bull charging. Vives, Pl. II, 8.

Head of Athena. image. Man-headed bull, head facing. Delg., Pl. CXXV, 51. Vives, Pl. II, 18.

Female head. image. Bird standing r. Delg., Pl. CXXV, 43. Vives, Pl. II, 22.

Lion's mask. image. Three birds. Delg., Pl. CXXV, 44. Vives, Pl. II, 23.

Bull's head facing. image. Beardless head r. Delg., Pl. CXXV, 42.

The weights of these small coins, in good specimens, have been supposed to approximate to the Massaliote obol and diobol of 0.55 and 1.10 grm.; 13 or to be obols, hemiobols and tartemoria of 0.80, 0.40 and 0.20 grm., representing a drachm of 4.50 grm. 14 But the weights are so irregular that it is difficult to discover to what system they belong. The recorded weights of such of these small coins as may certainly be ascribed to Emporion are grouped mainly about 0.90 grm., and the normal weight may be taken at slightly over that figure. There are no inscribed smaller denominations (for those with the Pegasos belong to the period of the drachms), and the attribution of the hemiobols, etc., to Emporion is therefore uncertain.

These small denominations were followed, probably at the end of the fourth or early in the third century, by a large coinage of drachms (Pl. I, 17) of the well-known Pegasus type. These coins have by previous writers been dated later than it appears they should be; Zobel, e.g., places their first issue after about 240 B.C. The style of the better examples, and the early form of Γ instead of Π, 15 points rather to the first half of the third century. It is to be observed that none of these Greek coins with the ordinary Pegasus type occurred in the great hoard of Segarò to be mentioned later. They were accordingly separated by an interval from the Pegasi of the 'Chrysaor' type (see below).

These early Pegasi bear the name of the Greek community in full (ΕМΓΟРІТΩΝ). In style the best of them are inferior to those of Rhode, and doubtless later in origin; the style rapidly becomes degraded, and is sometimes so bad that it is difficult to distinguish native imitations from products of the Emporitan mint. An interesting series (generally called the Chrysaor series), which is later in date than the other, and like it becomes much degraded and copied, shows in place of the head of Pegasus a small crouching figure, with hands and legs extended (Pl. I, 18). This has been described as a small Eros, but the apparent wing is probably only the remains of the horse's ear. Sometimes the little figure seems to wear a cap. Kabeiros and Chrysaor have also been suggested. The head on the obverse, surrounded by dolphins, is sometimes assimilated to Artemis (see Pl. I, 19). 16

To the third century (and not very late in it), it would seem, must also be assigned the curious coin (Pl. I, 20), on the reverse of which is a rider—perhaps suggested by a Tarentine horseman—with what looks like a wing growing out of his shoulder; it may be merely his cloak, though its treatment recalls the tip of the wing of a Pegasus. The remains of the inscription in the exergue perhaps represent ІМΓ retrograde (for this form compare ІМΓΡІТІ on a Pegasus illustrated by Delgado, Pl. CXXVIII, 94). The unique silver drachm in the Berlin Museum (Zobel, M.N.E., v, p. 20, note 2; Pujol epigr., n. 194; Hübner, 15 h, here Pl. I, 21) certainly appears to me to be of Gaulish origin, with a misunderstood inscription. Out of the two dolphins in front of the head on the original Emporitan drachm the Celt has made a lion tearing the head off a prostrate human figure; out of the wing of the Pegasus he has developed a complete new bird. The inscription which, Hübner says, non potest non Iberica esse, seems to me to be ΓΡІ retrograde, and may be derived from ІМΓΡІТІ (see above, p. 16).

In the Pegasus drachms with symbols (e.g., Vives, Pl. III, 17–21 and Pl. IV), Vives sees the influence of Roman denarii, and he would accordingly date them after 217 B.C., to the early days of Roman influence. It is however hardly possible to bring a coin such as that with the dolphin symbol (Pl. I, 22), down to so late a date.

There is also a long series of imitations of the Emporitan Pegasi bearing inscriptions, sometimes mere barbarous broken down Greek letters, sometimes Iberian, but seldom decipherable. Iltrda and Iltrdašalir are however to be read on certain drachms, which show a wolf below the Pegasus (Delgado, Pl. CXXX, 134 f.). The theory that these coins are coins of alliance between Emporion and various Iberian communities may be unhesitatingly rejected. That many of them are local Iberian copies is not improbable; and such an explanation is quite acceptable in the case of those which seem to represent known or possible Iberian names, like those of Ilerda just mentioned. Others, which seem to be merely blundered, may as Vives thinks be Gaulish imitations, but he probably goes too far in declining to accept any of the imitations as Spanish, although he is willing to admit that "some were coined by tribes that inhabited the Pyrenees on one or the other side" (p. 13). Gauls are not likely to have copied Iberian names so correctly. It is to be observed that the wolf is a type of later Ilerdan coins; it is improbable that a mere imitator would have hit upon this combination.

As regards their art, we know too little to be able to assert that coins with certain characteristics generally supposed to be Gaulish may not have been made in that part of Spain which neighboured Gaul.

The fullest list of these inscriptions, to the number of 63, is given by Hübner (pp. 17–21); there is no doubt that the great majority of them are meaningless.

All writers previous to Vives have accepted as issues of the Spanish Emporion the drachms of the kind illustrated on Pl. I, 23. They are found in the neighbourhood, if the four specimens in the Barcelona Museum really come from the excavations at Ampurias; at any rate they are not known to come from Africa, nor do any coins certainly of Carthaginian origin seem to come from Ampurias. Delgado dates them earlier than the Pegasus drachms, and so does Zobel (M.N.E., iv, pp. 129–30), speaking of their higher weight, more archaic fabric and paleographic peculiarities. He attributes them to a period of Carthaginian domination, about 280–240 B.C. But they are local coins inspired by Carthaginian models, not Carthaginian issues (which would have shown better work).

Vives, on the other hand, 17 will have none of them, although he admits that some have been found in Spain. The art, the types and the standard, he argues, are different from those of Emporion; and the substitution of N for M before Π shows, he says, that the inscription cannot have been written by a Emporitan. He was doubtless unaware that the failure to assimilate the N in such a collocation is familiar to students of Greek inscriptions; and it actually occurs on Pegasi (e.g. Vives, Pl. iii, 9). The suggestion that these coins were issued by a place called Emporion near Carthage in Africa is quite unacceptable. That they are Spanish is practically certain; there exist links between them and the Pegasus series in coins such as those (cp. Botet, p. xliii), which combine the head of Kore surrounded by dolphins on the obverse with the horse and Nike on the reverse. These are, it is true, uninscribed. One of the coins in question, moreover, was closely copied by the engraver of the curious coin with the reverse of Rhode mentioned under that place (Pl. I. 6).

As regards weight, it is true that it rises to above 5 grm. (Zobel, p. 130, gives 5.06 grm., and a specimen at Vienna weighs 5.10 grm.) but this is exceptional. Specimens are too few for a satisfactory use of the frequency table; but 15 out of some 20 specimens fall together in the 4.75–4.90 area of such a table. They are therefore appreciably heavier than the Emporitan coins (see below); but since they agree in this respect with those of Rhode, it is clear that their weight does not forbid their attribution to Spain.

In style they appear to be less early than the best of the drachms; their relief is flatter, and the use of Π instead of Γ and the tendency towards the form in -∊ιτimageν instead of -ιτimageν are also marks of lateness. The high weight may be explained if we suppose that, in initiating a new type, the authorities considered it desirable to go back to something like the original standard. Since they show revived interest in Carthage, it would seem reasonable to assign them to the period 280–240 B.C., as Zobel does (p. 131). They superseded, we may suppose, the earlier Pegasi; and they were followed, after the Roman influence was strengthened by the agreement of 240, by the revived Pegasi with the little figure on the head of the horse.

Vives, as we have seen, dates all the drachms with "signs of Roman influence" (i.e., symbols under the Pegasus) and all the barbarous imitations with Iberian or other legends, after 217. Roman denarii with symbols on the reverse were issued very soon after the introduction of the denarius itself. If, as recent research tends to show, the denarius was not introduced until the Second Punic War, we must date the beginning of the denarii with symbols to about the last decade of the third century B.C.; so that if the drachms in question are really inspired from that quarter, they can hardly begin so early as Vives supposes. Nevertheless symbols are found in the same position on other coins than Roman, e.g., on the Tarentine 'horsemen,' and more especially on the Campano-Tarentine series. It may be observed that in style and fabric the Emporitan drachms come much nearer to these Campano-Tarentine staters (with their female head wearing a triple-drop earring on the obverse) than to Roman denarii. These Campano-Tarentine coins date, according to the current view, from the seventies of the third century. If they influenced the Emporitan drachms with symbols under the Pegasus, the latter may have originated as early as the middle of the century; as we have suggested, about 240.

The weights of the Pegasus drachms, according to Vives (i, p. 10), average about 4.50 grammes; i.e., they are on a standard slightly degenerated from that of Rhode, which is only natural, since they are rather later. In this question we are hampered, as usual, by the fact that Vives has not recorded any of the weights which he had exceptional opportunities of observing. Had he done so he could hardly have put the weight as low as he does. Fortunately his omission is largely repaired by the careful account of the Segarò hoard given by Pujol. 18 The material available seems to point to the following conclusions:

The weights of the Pegasi of the Greek issues with the ordinary Pegasus are most frequently near the 4.70 line of the frequency diagram. 19 The peak of the so-called "Chrysaor" Pegasi on the other hand is distinctly lower, being at 4.20 grm.; there are considerable numbers on the 4.25 and 4.30 grm. lines; and we must, I think, regard the norm as somewhere near 4.30. The barbarous imitations, with blundered Greek or with Iberian inscriptions, fall very little lower than the good Greek coins; the peak is, it is true, at 4.40 grm., but the slope above that point is very gradual, and there are comparatively large numbers in the neighbourhood of 4.70 and 4.65 grm. This would seem to show that these imitations are not much later than the good Greek Pegasi. The "Chrysaor" drachms with symbols show little difference from those without, being grouped much in the same way.

On the whole, therefore, we seem to be justified in regarding the original Greek Pegasi as belonging to the first quarter of the third century. The 'Carthaginian' type we date, with Zobel, to the period 280–240 B.C. The Pegasi of the so-called "Chrysaor" type we regard as following the 'Carthaginian.' The Segarò find shows that these later Pegasi remained in circulation down to the end of the second century; but that find contained no early Pegasi nor any Iberian imitations. 20

These Iberian imitations seem, from their weight, to be earlier than the 'Chrysaor' Pegasi with Greek inscriptions. They are probably contemporary with the Carthaginian type; for the fact that the ordinary Emporitan Pegasi had ceased to be coined would explain the rise of such imitations, made by the natives to take the place of the Pegasi to which they had become accustomed, and of which the supply had ceased. If this is so, then the Iberians invented the modification of the Pegasus with the little figure on his head; for it occurs on these imitations.

What was the origin of the standard of Rhode and Emporion is another question. A derivation from the standard of the Brettians is ruled out by the fact that their coinage does not begin, on any supposition, until the Pyrrhic period. It is presumably the same as the standards in use at Gades and Ebusus; unfortunately the silver coins of these two places are so scarce that they are of little help in establishing the norm. But it is natural to look for a connexion with Carthage. Zobel and others, following him, suppose the weight of the silver drachm to be derived from the gold system of the Carthaginians, in which there is a denomination weighing from 4.82 to 4.62 grm. 21 It seems unlikely that the silver coins, if based on that standard, should not infrequently exceed the normal weight. It is preferable therefore to suppose that this standard is to be explained by some relation between the precious metals peculiar to the country. That such a peculiar relation should have existed is not surprising in a country which was so rich in gold and especially silver.

After the formation of the Roman Province, the Indiketai, like other native tribes, issued coins in their own name, inscribed in Iberian characters, 22 image or image but on a standard which has been supposed to bear some relation to the Roman bronze of the time. The coins which bear the names of the Indiketai alone (Unticescen or Unticscn) are nearly all very late in style, and it is difficult to believe that many of them were struck much before the first century B.C. 23 The highest recorded weight for the ace is 26.70 gm. (Pl. II, 1 a well preserved specimen from Camp III at Renieblas, Haeberlin, no. 129). Next come 24.175 gm. (the Lorichs specimen, Catal., no. 1207); 24.12 gm. (Delg. 191). It apparently corresponds to the uncial ace (full weight 27.29 gm.), but when there was no regularity in the weights of the coins issued at Rome itself, it cannot be expected here. It is better in dealing with the Iberian series to renounce any attempt to cöordinate them with the Roman. Further, as we shall see in dealing with other series, the heaviest Iberian bronzes are not necessarily the earliest. Aces of these types fall very low: as 9.68 gm. (London); 9.10 (Delg. 201); 8.19 and 8.17 (Delg. 212 and 213); i.e. well below the semuncial norm (13.644 gm.) established by the lex Papiria semunciaria in 89 B.C. for the Roman ace. Although a certain number of the pieces of better style may have been struck during the second century, 24 it is probable that the great majority, of which the style is thoroughly debased and the weight low, belong to the first century B.C.

The various groups of coins 25 in the name of the Indiketai are the following:

I. Coins struck in the name of the Indiketai alone (Unticescen). Vives has divided these into two series, according to whether they have on the obverse nothing, or certain letters: (image as a rule, Pl. II, 2, once XV, Pl. II, 3 which is thought to be the Roman numeral, image (Hübner, 9) which is also thought to be a numeral, on the aces; image on the semis; image on the quadrans, Pl. II, 4; and image on the sextans). 26 This does not mean that these first and second 'series of emissions' are separable in date by the differentiae which he indicates.

II. We now come to the groups or series with additional inscriptions.

A. image (-qorkleš or -qorbeleš) on an ace in the Paris collection (Vives 34, Heiss, Pl. IV, 43, Delg. 199).

image (iqorklelš or iqorbeleš) read on an impression of a semis in the Cervera collection, and on a quadrans in the Bosch Collection in the Prado, by Vives, nos. 35, 36. Zobel, M.N.E., v, pp. 28 and 212, followed by Vives, restores this form on the ace. I can make out nothing of the name read by Vives on the Bosch quadrans.

image (iscrkleš or iscrbeleš) on a semis: Pujol, Bol. Acad. Hist., v, 1884, p. 349, no. 60. Zobel, M.N.E., v, p. 215; Hübner, no. 8b. On the strength of this, Hübner would read isqrkleš, not iqrkleš, on the ace.

The name iqorkleš or isqrkleš occurs on a coin of Arse-Saguntum (see below, p. 122). As the same tribal or city-name is not likely to have occurred on both series, the theory that it is a personal name, that is a magistrate's, is to be preferred.

B. image or in abbreviation image (on the coins which also bear the name or names described under A). Zobel, M.N.E., iv, p. 250, v, pp. 28–9, p. 213, no. 18; Hübner, no. 8; Vives, nos. 34–36. Zobel reads iltrarkr, Hübner iltrarc du; the last letter certainly seems to be differentiated from the fourth and sixth. But to suppose, with Zobel and Hübner, that the word contains the conjoint names of two tribes, iltrd (= Ilerdenses) and arcdu(rg), who are joined in triple alliance with the Indiketai, is to strain probability to the utmost. It is sufficient to point out that on the semis and quadrans of this group only ilt appears; the whole word is therefore probably only one name, and may be a second magistrate's.

C. imageХᗡ (edar). Coins with this inscription on the reverse, which bears the type of the lion (Pl. II, 5), have been regarded as aces, and grouped with those inscribed eθrθr. (Zobel, ii, pp. 212–3, nos. 20–22; Vives, nos. 39–40, no weights given.) In Delgado (iii, p. 160, nos. 237, 238) they are regarded as divisions of the ace, though they have the high weight of 13.32 and 14.52 grm. (cp. Heiss, p. 94, no. 47, weighing 12.08 grm.). By their types they should be quadrantes. But these would be abnormally high weights for that denomi- nation, even in view of the notoriously irregular range of weights in the bronze coinage of this period. In a coinage so rude it is difficult to say, from their style, whether these coins of edar are much earlier than the others; but there seems to be no doubt that they must be separated from those of eθrθr.

D. image⊘ᗡ⊘ᗡ. Εθrθr (Pl. II, 6) 27 has generally been taken as a tribal name; 28 for Vives it may be the name of a magistrate. The coins which bear the name edar must be excluded from this series; see above. The form image on coins such as Pl. II, 4, is supposed to be an abbreviation of Εθrθr but of this there is no certainty. See above, on coins with the name of the Indiketai alone.

E. image (edaban or edavan) (Pl. II, 7). Hübner, no. 6, III, k; Vives, 47, 48, probably a personal name.

F. image and image (Pl. II, 8). The reading of these (adkls or adabeles and tikri or tiberi) appears to be certain, and Vives's reading (ukri) is condemned by his own illustrations. Heiss, p. 93, Pl. IV, 44; Delg., iii, p. 158 f., nos. 218 f., PI. CXXXVII, and 231–2, Pl. CXXXVIII; Zobel, ii, pp. 28–9 and pp. 214–5, nos. 46–7; Hübner, no. 7; Vives, nos. 37–8. Here again it seems most reasonable to see a pair of magistrates' names. Schulten (Num., i, p. 134) regards the inscription as a place name.

G. image (šergia) (Pl. II, 10). Heiss, Pl. III, 48; Delg., no. 214; Hübner, no. 13; Vives, no. 45 (who reads šerna in error). The reading is clear on Pl. II, 10 and the Hunter specimen. This coin, if the issues are to be divided into series as Vives has divided them, should form a series by itself. The name may be regarded as personal. Schulten (Num., i, p. 131, note) would connect it with the place name Sargaritha. (Steph. Byz.)

It would seem then that the coinage of Indica, until the erection of the joint city into a municipium and the foundation of the colony of Caesar's veterans, was controlled by magistrates who signed their names, sometimes singly, sometimes in groups of two, one on each side of the coin (like the magistrates of Apollonia and Dyrrhachium).

The standing type of the obverse of these Iberian coins is a head of Roma (or possibly Minerva), in a helmet of late Hellenistic form, usually corresponding to that found on Roman or Italian denarii of the beginning of the first century. To be noticed is the feather which decorates the helmet; this is a feature which occurs on denarii about the beginning of the first century. 29 The derivation of the type is to be looked for in Rome rather than in some S. Italian mint such as Cales or Suessa.

The reverse types (as to the origin of which, speculations will be found in Vives, pp. 6 ff.) are:

For the ace, the Pegasus, usually but not always of the so-called Chrysaor type, proving its derivation from the silver coinage of Emporion, and, indeed, fixing the coinage to that mint.

For the semis, the bull about to toss, not necessarily borrowed; the bull, after all, must have been familiar to the Spaniards from time immemorial. But if it is a loan from anywhere, the source is likely to be Massalia rather than Syracuse.

For the triens, a sea-horse (Pl. II, 9).

For the quadrans, the lion. 30 If borrowed, then from Massalia rather than Velia.

For the sextans, the horse, or horse's head. Both perhaps from the Romano-Campanian, or in the case of the former, possibly from Numidia. Below the horse's head on Pl. II, 10 and its like is a dolphin; an indeterminate object close to the back of the truncation of the neck is not, as has been supposed, a second dolphin.

For the uncia, a wild boar (Vives, Pl. XVI, 5 and p. 7). The attribution of this coin is not certain.

For the half-uncia, a dolphin (Vives, p. 7).

A cock is also found as the reverse of a quadrans (?)—see Pl. II, 11 (Newell Coll., cp. Delg., no. 217). For the type, the bronze coins of Cales, after 268 B.C., have been compared.

We now come to the coins with Latin inscriptions. The reverse type of all is the Pegasus; but the transformation of his head into a little figure is no longer seen. They fall into the following groups.

A. Aces with head of Diana, inscription EMPORIA on obverse, MVNICI on rev. (Pl. III, 1). The form of the p is not clear on specimens accessible to me; the i sometimes has the Iberian form. By Botet (p. lxxiii) these coins are regarded as later than the others to be described. This is improbable; for one thing, the survival of Iberian letters is an argument against their lateness.

B. Aces with head of Minerva, no inscr. on obv., EMPOR on rev.; wreath above Pegasus (PI. III, 2). The helmet of Minerva is of the usual shape, with plain round bowl. The p in the inscr. is rounded, but not quite closed. The wreath when visible is of degenerate form, consisting of a circle of pellets. These coins were frequently countermarked later.

C. Aces with types similar to B, but the helmet of Minerva has the bowl divided into two distinctly marked lobes; a feather is often seen projecting from between them and between the two waves of the crest. On the obverse is a string of initials, usually accompanied by Q, indicating presumably the names of the duoviri quinquennales. 31 These coins fall again into two subgroups:

a. The magistrates' initials are usually only four in number, 32 i.e. they probably indicate praenomen and gentile name of two men (PI. III, 3). The p in the inscription is of an early form, image sometimes inclining to roundness, but never closed. The wreath is usually fairly well made, leaves being suggested.

b. The magistrates' initials are usually six in number; sometimes we find more than one of the first letters of a name; and the stops are so curiously strewn about that it is often difficult to divide up the names. It is probable however that in all cases we have the praenomen, gentile name and cognomen of two quinquennial magistrates. The p is always rounded and usually closed. The wreath is generally of a degraded form, a mere ring of pellets, sometimes with a pellet in the middle (PI. III, 5, 6).

D. Small denominations, with the same types, and abbreviated inscription. Some of these seem to read IM instead of EM; 33 on others, the first letter looks like a broken down Iberian e. 34 Their weights range from 3.20 to 1.10 grm. They are presumably quadrantes.

How are these groups chronologically related? Vives (iv, pp. 5–7) places them all in a transitional period, as a continuation of the group with Iberian inscriptions, and cannot say that they correspond to the imperial rather than to the republican period. Delgado (iii, p. 130) also makes them follow the Iberian bronze coins, and dates them from the middle of the first century to the time of Augustus, subdividing them into the following groups in chronological order:

(a) Aces with head of Diana (our group A). Emporia declared a Roman municipium; fusion by Julius Caesar of the three peoples, Greek, Indigete and Latin.

(b) Duoviral coinage (our group C).

(c) Coinage without names of duoviri, but only EM POR or EMPORIT, 35 and divisions with EM or EMP (our groups B and D). These Delgado regards as contemporary with the earlier coins with names of duoviri; they were, he says, struck in large quantities over a short time, and afterwards countermarked D D by the curia of Emporiae.

The open form of p, on the coins with which we are dealing, was gradually being superseded by the closed form; the latter is found as early as Augustus, for instance on coins of Bilbilis; the former as late as Caligula on coins of Caesar-augusta. It does not therefore help us much in dating our coins; but it is a fair presumption that the very open forms, with a tendency to squareness, such as those found on some quadrantes, or on duoviral coins such as that on PI. Ill, 4, which have been grouped in the British Museum among the earlier, are earlier than the completely closed forms which occur on some duoviral coins with the six initials (Pl. III, 5). The squareheaded form does not occur, so far as I am able to judge, on the aces without magistrates' names; but, on the other hand, though rounded, it does not seem ever to be closed. These aces without magistrates' names are on the whole in better style than those with magistrates' names; the helmet of Minerva is of a better shape (without the impractical bilobed bowl), the relief is slightly higher; on the other hand the small wreath on the reverse seems to be as degenerate as on the worst of the duoviral coins. The fact that the countermark D D is found frequently on this anonymous group, and not on the duoviral groups, seems to indicate that the anonymous coins preceded the others, and were countermarked by the duoviri with the sign d(ecreto) d(ecurionum) after they had ceased to be struck.

As to the Diana aces, remains of the Iberian script are found in the Latin inscriptions on some of them: e.g. Delgado, no. 242, image, no. 243, image confirmed by the two Lorichs specimens at Stockholm and one at Copenhagen reading as Delgado's no. 242. This may be taken as a sign of comparatively early date.

It would seem natural, therefore, taking everything into consideration, to place our groups A, B, C, in that order, relatively, with D as contemporary partly with B, perhaps partly with C. But here we are met with the difficulty that, judging by the style of the helmet of Minerva, the group C must be continuous with the later Iberian coins, which show the same degraded form. It may be observed that certain Iberian coins 36 (which show a Pegasus with the ordinary horse's head, and a wreath above it) might very well, but for their inscription, be classed with the duoviral coins.

We are thus driven to the conclusion that the Iberian mint continued to function after the introduction of the coinage with the head of Diana and the title municipium, and probably right through the period in which the coins inscribed Empor, without duoviral names, were being struck; and that the Iberian coinage only ceased when the duoviral coins began to be issued. That, in fact, there were two mints in operation. But an exact dating of the various groups seems to be beyond reach.

In style, the head of Diana is of the first century B.C., probably about the middle of the century. It should be compared with the heads on Roman denarii, 37 rather than with the entirely unrelated Massaliote type which Vives (iv, p. 6) has picked out for comparison. But there is no need to search for a model on foreign coinage, since (pace Vives) the type of Artemis occurs on the silver coinage of Emporion itself (Pl. I, 19).

Of the inscriptions on the coins of the duoviri quinquennales, the following may be mentioned here as rarer than the others.

Q V A I C (PI. Ill, 3). Vives, p. 8, no. 2, PI. CXXI, 2; Delg., iii, p. 224. Placed by both Delgado 38 and Vives immediately after the Diana aces. Botet (p. lxxiv) proposes to read quais for quaestores!

Q I L C R. Vives, p. 7, no. 5 (but he describes no specimen, nor does Delgado nor Botet).

P I P C S M Q (Pl. III, 6). Vives, p. 9, no. 18.

Aces of Emporiae are sometimes found cut in half (like those of Nemausus) to provide semisses. 39 Pujol (Mem. Num. Esp., iii, p. 163 f.),

Delgado (nos. 287–293) and Botet (p. lxxiv) notice on aces of Emporiae the following countermarks:

  • Dolphin within a circle of dots.
  • DD (decreto decurionum).
  • image (also found on Latin coins of Saguntum).
  • PMP (in three separate marks).
  • Herring-bone like object between two other
  • uncertain, e.g. Pl. III, 2 (certainly not a shield, as Pujol supposes).

End Notes

5
But at any rate it is clear that the statement of P. Paris, Essai sur l'art et l'industrie de l'Espagne primitive, 1904, II, p. 286, that Rhode struck only coins of Attic weight, has, like the majority of his observations about the coinage, no relation to the facts of the case.
6
J. Botet y Siso, Noticia hist, y arqueol. de la ant. ciudad de Emporion, 1879. Hübner in Jahrb., xiii, 1898, pp. 120 ff. and in Pauly-Wissowa, R.E., v, 1905, 2527 ff. (with full citations of most of the ancient authorities). A. Schulten, Ampurias in Neue Jahrb. f. d. kl. Altertum, x, 1907, pp. 324–46. J. Puig y Cadafalch and others in Anuari of the Institut de Estudis Catalans, 1906–1912. A. Frickenhaus, ibid., 1908, pp. 195–240 (on the pottery). P. Paris, Promenades arch, en Esp., ii, 1921, pp. 75–122 (bibliography to date). R. Carpenter, The Greeks in Spain (Bryn Mawr Notes and Monographs, VI), 1925, pp. 97 ff. Schulten in Hermes, lx, 1925, pp. 66–73. For the coinage, besides the general works on Spanish coins, see Pujol y Camps in Mem. Num. Esp., iii, 1873, pp. 1–46, 65–95, 121–189; Botet y Siso, as above.
7
The dolphins surrounding the head of the nymph on the Emporitan drachms may be an echo of this origin, but more likely they are borrowed from the Syracusan original of the type.
8
For the form of this name cf. 'Іνδιкητimageν τιν∊ς Strabo; 'Eνδιϒ∊τimageν παράλιος or πóλ∊ις Ptolemy; 'Іνδιкή, πóλις 'Іβηρίας πλησίον Πνρήνης. τινὲς δὲ Βλαβὲρονραν αὐτήν ϕασιν. τò ἐθνιкòν 'Іνδιкimageται ἢ 'Іνδιкη̑ται Steph. Byz.
9
There is perhaps no need to assume a double community, a veteran colony of the usual type and a municipium arising out of the resident Roman civilians, such as may have existed at Hispalis (J. S. Reid, Municipalities of the Roman Empire, p. 232).
10
It is true that they are found associated with fifth century Greek coins, as in the Mongo (near Denia) hoard (El Archivo, Valencia, v, 1891, pp. 58 f.); but these must have taken some time to reach the place of their deposit.
11
Delgado, Pl. CXXIV, CXXV; Zobel in M.N.E., iv, p. 109 ff.; Botet, pp. XXXV ff.; Kolb in Rev. Num., 1923, p. 4 ff.
12
Botet, Mon. Cat., p. xli, no. ix, wrongly includes in this series the small denomination of the Pegasus drachm.
13
Mommsen, Ann. dell'Inst., XXXV, 1863, p. 6.
14
Vives, i, p. 10. He is doubtless influenced by his assumption that the later Emporitan drachm was about 4.50 grm.; as we shall see, his weight is too low.
15
On Greek coins, the occurrence of Γ after about 200, or of Π before about 250 B.C., is exceptional.
16
For remains of a hellenistic statue of Artemis found at Ampurias, now in the Barcelona Museum, see Anuari de l'institut d'Estudis Catalans, 1909–10, any III, p. 288; 1911–12, any IV, pp. 464 f.; Carpenter, op. cit., Pl. XXV. For a discussion of both obverse and reverse types, Pujol y Camps in Mem. Num Esp., iii, 1873, pp. 28–38.
17
i, p. 16.
18
Rev. de Ciencias Historicas, 1881, pp. 142–162. These drachms were all of the so-called Chrysaor type, and there were none with Iberian inscriptions.
19
Intervals of 0.05 grm.
20
Pujol in Rev. de Ciencias Historicas, 1881, pp. 142–162. Some of the denarii in this hoard used to be dated as late as 63 B.C., but recent research has brought them all up before about 100 B.C.
21
Müller, Anc. Afr., II, p. 84, nos. 54–5.
22
The form Unticescen or Unticscn is probably a genitive plural: Schuchardt, Iber. Dekl., p. 31. It is not possible to arrange the coins chronologically according to the use of one or the other of these forms, as it seems to be at Tarraco.
23
Zobel puts the beginning of the Romano-Iberian coinage about 217 B.C. (Mem. Num. Esp., iv, p. 219); Botet (p. xlix) thinks it is after that date. Nevertheless (p. liii, note 1) he makes an exception for Emporiae, which he thinks began to coin bronze with Iberian inscriptions as early as the middle of the third century. His reason is that there is little or no Greek bronze of Emporiae or Rhode, and bronze was needed to serve as small change for the silver. It is however a commonplace of numismatic history that communities are able to dispense with such bronze coinage.
24
The Renieblas specimen should belong to before 153 B.C., if it was fairly new at the time of the occupation in that year. But there was a second occupation in 137 B.C. (Haeberlin, p. 66), when Mancinus surrendered to the Numantines.
25
See Botet, pp. liv, lv (lists of symbols and legends); Vives, ii, pp. 5 ff.
26
If image (so, and not with the first two signs transposed as Vives gives it) and XV (Delgado 206, 207) are numerals,image cannot be, since it occurs on the same coins. But it might be argued that image is a mark of value, since it occurs on the quadrans, and the quadrans only, not only in the series now being considered, but also in the Εθrθr series. See below, II, D.
27
A well-preserved specimen was found in Camp III at Renieblas (Haeberlin, no. 128), weight 12.43 gm. It is presumably not later than 137 B.C.
28
Zobel thinks that the Greek Rhode was suggested by this native form. See Hübner, no. 4, p. 16.
29
Grueber, B.M.C. Rom. Rep., Pl. XCIV, 4; XCV, 7–9; XCVI, 4–7; XCIX, 3, etc.
30
See however, above, on the coins such as Pl. II, 5, which can hardly be of so low a denomination as the quadrans.
31
Hübner (C.I.L., II, p. 615) takes the Q to mean Quaestores.
32
On one issue, however, one of the two magistrates gives his cognomen in the unusually full form NICOM (Pl. III, 4).
33
Cp. IMPOR on an ace illustrated by Heiss, Pl. III, 55.
34
Cp. Delg., 284 and 286.
35
This longer form, however, is probably confined to the coins with names of duoviri; apparent exceptions seem to be coins on which the names have been worn off the obverse. On some coins, EMPORIA rather than EMPORIT seems to be suggested.
36
E.g. the Hunterian coin, Macdonald, iii, PI. XCVI, 4.
37
E.g. Grueber, Rom. Rep., iii, Pl. XLI, 16 (B.C. 81–73).
38
Delgado under no. 249 (misprinted 149 in his plate) gives a specimen with MVNICIPI on the reverse. If this combination really exists, it shews that this group of coins should come at the beginning of the series with magistrates' name.
39
Vives, Pl. CXXIII, 13.

REGIO TARRACONENSIS CESE—TARRACO

The attribution to Tarraco of the coins inscribed image or image, is, as Vives observes, 1 indisputable, immense quantities of them being found on the site and in its neighbourhood (some thousand of the aces were found in the quarry de Corrumput in 1850). The Iberian name 2 appears as Κίσσα in Polybius (iii, 76, 5), as Cissis in Livy (xxi, 60, 61); the place was the capital of the Cessetani, who inhabited the district between the Hiberus and the Rubricatus, with (according to Ptolemy 3 ), Tarraco and Sabur as their coast-towns. Tarraco itself was an important Iberian fortress. 4 It is supposed that Cissa lay somewhat inland, west of Tarraco, which may have served as its harbour and took its place when it was destroyed. Some have attributed the coins reading Cesse to one place, and those reading Cese or Cse to another. They are however exactly alike in style, and the former show the same sort of issue-marks on the obverse as the latter (image being common to both series). It seems impossible to separate them. A similar doubling of the sibilant is found at Turiaso; cp. also Iturissa, Iturisa.

The series is the most extensive issued by any Iberian mint, and presents the most complete set of denominations. The coins had a wide circulation; it is significant, for instance, that it was coins of this mint that were chosen by the proprietors of the mine at el Centenillo (near La Carolina, prov. of Jaen, in the Sierra Morena) to countermark. 5

Vives distinguishes 33 different issues, which he has attempted to arrange in chronological order; judging by their style, his arrangement seems to be on the whole justified. Some slight alterations in the order have been made here, and for convenience sake, the specimens here described are divided into the following series:

  • Inscription cese (with the earlier form image for the first syllable). Bronze from ace to sextans (Vives, issues 1–4). Pl. III, 7–12.
  • Inscription cese (with the later form image). Silver denarius, quinarius, and bronze ace to uncia (Vives, issues 5–7). Pl. III, 13, 14; IV, 1–6. A group with a palm-branch gives the transition to the next series. 6
  • Inscription cese. Bronze from ace to sextans (Vives, issues 8–33). Pl. IV, 7–16.
  • Inscription cesse. Bronze from ace to quadrans (Vives, pp. 83–4, issues 1–3). Pl. V, 1, 2.

The last two series seem to be more or less contemporaneous; or, rather, series IV may be placed about the middle of series III, when letters instead of symbols first begin to be used as issue-marks.

The obverse type of the silver and bronze, down to the sextans, is the male head, always except on the early ace above mentioned beardless, and usually bare on the first two series, clothed on the third and fourth; on two issues (Vives, 3 and 4) it is laureate. The quadrans (Pl. III, 10) and uncia have a head of Mercury. The reverse types are:

Ace: the usual rider, carrying branch, probably of palm (although the leaves are usually less long and jointed than they should be, it can hardly be meant for laurel or olive). He wears a helmet, usually crested, but not always; a cuirass with pteryges or else a tunic with pleated skirt; and boots with falling tags.

Semis: bridled horse, walking or prancing, the rein extending over his back, as if he were being driven (Pl. IV, 10).

Triens: horse standing; on some (Pl. IV, 2) he appears to be bending down towards a small object, which looks like the head of a bull; his attitude is that of a horse about to lie down, like the horse on a well-known series of Larisaean coins (B.M.C. Thessaly, Larisa, nos. 56 ff.; generally interpreted as a grazing horse).

Quadrans: forepart of Pegasus (Pl. IV, 5); but in one set, that with the club as obverse symbol, there are no less than three different types for this denomination: hippocamp, cock (Pl. IV, 9) and hound.

Sextans: dolphin (Pl. IV, 3).

Uncia: horse prancing (Pl. IV, 6).

The type of the young male head (generally called Hercules), so frequent on Spanish coins, has not found its interpretation; 7 though the idea of the types may have been inspired by the bronze coins of Hieron II. 8 These coins of Hieron must have circulated largely in Spain, if it is true, as it is said, that they are very common in Spanish collections. 9 If the head on the obverse was copied from that on Hieron's coin, the diadem was removed and the head must have received some significance plain to the Iberians but lost to us.

The rider of the reverse is the famous Iberian jinete or light horseman. 10 When he carries arms, his weapon is usually a lance, but he is occasionally provided with other arms, as to which the careful study by Horace Sandars must be consulted. 11

As to this rider-type, Schulten 12 makes the important observation that on the coins of the coast-tribes first subdued by Rome (in Hübner's regio Tarraconensis, regio Iler densis and regio Saguntina) the rider carries peaceful emblems, especially the palm; whereas in the parts later subdued (in the upper Ebro valley and in Celtiberia) he carries the lance couched; this, Schulten says, shows the Roman origin of the coins. He draws the following deduction: If the Iberian coins were issued "ex S.C.," only subject communities can have issued them; and this can be shown to be so. From the map of the mints in Hübner's M.L.I. it is clear that they are confined to the district subdued by Rome down to 133 B.C., that they are thickest in the Ebro valley, on the East Coast, in Baetica, much rarer in Celtiberia, and entirely absent in Lusitania and in the North West which was only conquered by Augustus. This explains why so important a place as Numantia has no coins; it struck none, because it was not conquered.

The deduction seems to be generally true, but the premisses are not quite sound. Thus the rider carries a lance on coins of the following places in regio Tarraconensis , Ilduro, Osconcn; in regio Ilerdensis, Otogesa; in regio Saguntina, Saguntum itself and Saetabis, on the earlier issues. On the later, at Saetabis, the palm takes its place; and, as we shall see, this change may date from after the Numantine war.

To return to the special series of Cese-Tarraco: The usual marks of value occur on the denominations from the triens downwards. On a few coins, pellets occur in the field; these are probably secret issue-marks (see Heiss, Pl. VI, 11; VII, 37, 40, 41; Vives, Pl. XXXV, 8).

The issue of the bronze doubtless began in the first half of the second century. 13 The weight of the heaviest aces is recorded at 18 to 20 grm.; 14 this weight (20.01 grm.) is also reached by a coin in the British Museum. But the mass of the bronze coinage, if one judged by the weight alone, would have to be placed later than the semuncial reduction. There is reason, however, to suppose that the Spanish system, if there was one, had little relation to the Roman. In weight as well as style the later bronze degenerates rapidly (the smaller denominations ceasing to be issued except rarely). The portrait-like treatment of some of the later issues (e.g. Pl. IV, 16) is remarkable.

This series is not normally countermarked, nor indeed is any of the Iberian bronze. The dotted countermark S C on a coin in the British Museum is probably the mark of a mining society, perhaps that which owned the mine now known as el Centenillo. 15

Under the Empire

Roman Tarraco was created by the Scipios (Publius and Gnaeus the brothers, and P. Africanus Major: Pliny, N.H., iii, 3, 21). The colony 16 at Tarraco was probably founded by Julius Caesar, for the title Col. I(ulia) V. T. Tarraco is found in a few inscriptions, though not on coins. The other abbreviations stand for Victrix Triumphalis, for we know from Florus Rhetor that it took its name from the triumphs of Caesar. Nevertheless it was a purely civil foundation; the coin-types are not military, the ox or bull meaning merely that land was assigned to citizens.

Under Augustus, it superseded Carthago Nova as the capital of all Citerior. The Emperor, when he fell sick on his Cantabrian campaign, stayed there a long while from 25 to 24 B.C. The inhabitants dedicated an altar to him, presumably on this occasion; this altar, together with the palm which grew up on it, and was the occasion of a characteristic sarcasm of Augustus, 17 is represented on the coins (Pl. V, 8, 11). The spear and shield that adorn it are Cantabrian trophies. A temple to Deus Augustus was also erected there, permission being granted by Tiberius. 18 The temple was dedicated Aeternitati Augustae, as the coins shew, but from the inscriptions it appears that Roma and other deities were associated in the worship. Jupiter Ammon was worshipped in another temple. 19

The coins of the colony 20 without imperial portraits or names are all placed by Vives at the end of the series. They all have the bull as obverse type; but those which have on the reverse simply a laurel-wreath containing the initials C.V.T. (Pl. V, 3, Vives nos. 23–25) seem to be earlier in style than those which have the altar of Augustus, 21 and the longer title C.V.T.T. 22 In our arrangement the two groups are accordingly separated.

To the reign of Augustus belong three groups of coins, on two of which the Caesars Gaius and Lucius (Pl. V, 4, 5), on the third the Caesar Tiberius, appear. It is strange to find Gaius and Lucius described as twins (gemini). 23 Eckhel suggests that they were regarded as a second pair of Dioscuri. The type of the Caesars standing with their shields is derived from the Roman aurei or denarii struck first probably at Lugdunum about 2 B.C. 24

All the other imperial coinage belongs to the reign of Tiberius. The large coins commemorating the worship of Augustus (Pl. V, 6) were doubtless first struck at the time of the erection of the temple, which was authorized in A.D. 15. As to the coins on which other members of the imperial family are associated with Tiberius, those with the heads of Livia and Drusus son of Tiberius (Pl. V, 9), must have been struck before A.D. 23, and those with the heads of Drusus and Tiberius' nephew Germanicus, adopted by Tiberius in A.D. 4 (Pl. V, 10), before A.D. 19, these dates being given by the deaths of Drusus and Germanicus.

The denominations represented are not only the ace, semis and quadrans, but a heavier denomination which Vives classifies as dupondius; from their weight it is more probable that these last pieces are to be called sestertii; certainly a Roman, accustomed to his own sestertii, would have taken them for such.

Of the types, the seated figure of the Emperor (Pl. V, 6) is similar to that found at Turiaso and Caesaraugusta, with certain differences in attributes and the form of the seat. There is probably little exactitude in these reproductions, for such they doubtless are, of the statues erected to the deified Augustus, possibly the actual cult statues in the temples. How careless the coin-engravers can be in such matters may be seen on comparing the two contemporary representations of the façade of the temple, on which the podium is quite differently represented. The temple dedication Aeternitati Augustae is interesting in connexion with the vows which, it is supposed, were annually offered pro aeternitate Augusta. 25 The dedication of the coins Deo Augusto (whereas, Eckhel remarks, the Romans were content to use the form Divus) is noticeable; perhaps an example of provincial excess in adulation.

The bull, on at least some of the coins, has between his horns a triangular object, such as is seen elsewhere, e.g. at Caesaraugusta and Ercavica, see p. 95 (Pl. V, 11).

End Notes
15
Journ. Rom. Stud., i, 1911, p. 102. Also on five similar coins in the Newell coll. from Sandars sale, lot 166.
16
Hübner in C.I.L., ii, p. 538. Pliny's Scipionum opus means that they built the second wall of Tarraco over the remains of the Iberian wall: Schulten, Tarragona, as above, p. 6.
17
Quint., 6, 3, 77.
18
Tac., Ann., i, 78. Hübner's remark on the worship of the Emperor being inaugurated vivo adhuc Augusto might be taken to imply that the temple was erected at the time; but it really applies only to the altar, the evidence for the erection of which during the Emperor's lifetime is only Quintilian's story. The altar does not appear on the coins until after the death of Augustus.
19
Schulten, Tarragona as above, p. 10.
20
Vives, iv, pp. 128 ff.
21
Cp. Botet, p. lxxvi.
22
Vives, no. 22, is read by him C.V.T.T., but it bears only C.V.T.; so also no. 23. The inscription on the coin described by Vives, no. 26 (C.A.I.A.), is probably a mere blunder; the obv. inscription represents TAR, the rev. C.V.T.T.
23
It is clear that the young men represented are not the twin grandsons of Tiberius.
24
Mattingly, B.M.C., Rom. Emp., i, p. 88.
25
See the citations in de Ruggiero, Dizionario, i, 320.

End Notes

1
ii, p. 65. Heiss, pp. 112, 115–128. Delgado, iii, pp. 386–401. Zobel in M.N.E., v, pp. 36ff., 40–1, Pl. II, 3–11, IV, 5; pp. 222–235, nos. 95–128, 155–74, 179–83, 198–214, 220–225. Berlanga, p. 191 n. Pujol, Bol. Acad., iv, 1885, p. 329; R.C.H., iv, 1886, pp. 146–7; epigr., nos. 77a-p, 78a, b. Hüner, 21, 21a, with earlier references. Vives, ii, pp. 65–81.
2
Hübner in P.W., s.v. Cessetani.
3
Whose MSS. give Κоσσ∊τανоί, Κоσιτανоί, Κоσητανоί
4
Schulten, Tarragona (repr. from Deutsche Zeitung für Spanien, nos. 99–100), describes the Iberian remains. See also the guide to Tarragona antigua y moderna, by E. Morera y Llaurad ό, Tarragona, 1894. The Historia de Tarragona of B. Hernández Sanahuja and the Monumentos romanos en Tarragona of L. Serrewllach, cited by J. Ramόn Mélida, Monumentos romanos de España (Madrid 1925), are not accessible to me.
5
See below, p. 46.
6
Besides the Glasgow specimen (Macdonald, Pl. XCVI, 12), there are other specimens of this group at Berlin (9.00 g.) and in the V.Q.R. (no. 253) and Newell Collections. The ace found at Numantia and misattributed by Haeberlin to Celsa (no. 132 in his list, heavily corroded, wt. 13.20 g.) must be added to the list.
7
See Zobel, M.N.E., iv, p. 239.
8
Vives, II, p. 30; this derivation is accepted by Schulten in Phil. Woch., 1927, 1583: "Rome honoured its true ally by placing his type on the coins struck in Spain."
9
I examined various collections at Gerona, Barcelona, Tarragona, Valencia and Zaragoza, and found no confirmation of this statement.
10
See Zobel, M.N.E., iv, p. 242 f. For statuettes of this figure, see P. Paris, Essai sur l'art et l'industrie de l'Espagne primitive, ii, pp. 224 f. On the origin of the Spanish name for the rider, Hübner (Jahrb., xiii, 1898, p. 124) makes the ingenious suggestion that it is derived from ϒνµνήτης a naked rider, characteristic of Spain according to earliest Greek visitors. He is presumably thinking of the passage of Avienus (v. 464) which describes the Gymnetes as inhabiting the mainland between the Sicanus and Massia. But he gives no authority for his last statement, and the word seems actually to have been the name not of the lightarmed Spanish horseman but of the Balearic slinger.—The rider on the reverse of the coins of Hieron which Vives gives as the model of these coins does not of course necessarily represent the king himself.
11
The Weapons of the Iberians in Archaeologia, LXIV, 1913.
12
Numantia, I, p. 243.
13
A semis, apparently of series II, was found in Renieblas, Camp III (Haeberlin, p. 37, no. 130: "well-preserved"); also a quadrans of ser. II (ibid., 131, "excellent condition," here Pl. IV, 5). Farther, Haeberlin's no. 132 is an ace of Cese of Series II, in poor condition.
14
Heiss, p. 118, no. 3; Vives gives no weights.

LAEETANI

This tribe is mentioned by Pliny (iii, 21 26 ), Strabo (Λ∊ητανоί iii, 4, 8; C. 159), Ptolemy Λαιητανоί ii, 6, 18, 74); cp. C.I.L., ii, 4226 and 6171, and Schulten in R.E., 12, 1, col. 399. They occupied the district between the Cessetani (about Tarraco) and the Indigetes (about Emporiae); the coast towns in this region being Barcino, Baetulo and Blanda. To them are attributed the coins inscribed image laiešcen or laiešcn (Hübner, no. 19; Botet, p. lviii; Vives, ii, p. 49 f.). They may possibly have been struck at Barcino. 27 These coins are divided by Vives into three issues: (1) ace, semis and quadrans of heavy 28 weight and usual types, without symbols (Pl. VI, 1); (2) the same denominations of light weight, also without symbols; (3) an ace of light weight, symbol spear-head (Pl. VI, 2). The head on the obverse is bound with a fillet (not laureate, as Vives says). On one coin in the British Museum, which would appear to belong to his second issue, there may perhaps be a star behind the head. It is by no means certain that the heavier series is earlier than the lighter; see below under Celsa and Seθiscen, pp. 77, 104.

End Notes

26
MSS. lacetani, laetani, letani, laletani, lactani. Distinguish Laeetani from Lacetani and Iacetani: Schulten in Hermes, 63, p. 289.
27
Zobel, M.N.E., v, pp. 37 and 40, note 11.
28
Weights: 21.09 (Br. Mus.); 20.70 (Heiss, p. 213, no. 1); 19.78 (Berlin, Pl. VI, 1).

BAITULO

The coins 29 inscribed image come from the neighbourhood of the mouth of the Ebro, as Delgado informed Hübner. 30 He reads Iaitzole. The identification of the name with Baetulo is plausible, if we can accept the view that I has the sound of ba or va. Hübner and Schuchardt 31 regard it as a variant of i; Zobel as a consonantal i including an a (giving iaitole for the whole word). He identifies the Iaitoletes with the corrupt Lartolaietes of the MSS. of Strabo, iii, 4, 8; C. 159: inhabitants of the coast region N. of Barcelona. His suggestion has met with less favour than it deserves. Considering that I berian has no proper b, the Roman Baetulo may well represent a word beginning with an indeterminate sound (including an a). In Gómez-Moreno's system Iberian I represents BA or MA; I should prefer the alternatives BA or VA, in view of the equation, to be discussed later, image = Vascones. The style and type of the coins are not against it, and the symbol of the rudder would be in place on coins of a maritime mint. Baetulo is represented by Badalona. 32

The denominations ace and quadrans (Pl. VI, 3, 4) alone are known. The coinage, judging from the degraded style and light weight of some specimens, ranged over a long period.

End Notes

29
Delgado, iii, p. 266; Heiss, p. 109; Zobel, M.N.E., v, p. 38, p. 41, p. 221 (nos. 137, 138), p. 232 (no. 215); Pujol in Bol., vii, 1888, p. 35; R.C.H., iv, 1886, p. 207; epigr., no. 121; Cat. V. Quadras y Ramon, nos. 306–8; Hübner, no. 27; Botet, p. lix; Vives, ii, p. 61. Other references in Hübner.
30
In his book, however, Delgado gives no such information, though he assigns the coins to that district.
31
Iber. Dekl., p. 29.

ILDURO

The name (image appears to be the same as the lluro of the Latin authors, 33 the internal dental being softened and lost as in Ilerda for Iltrda. There is nothing in the fabric or style of the coins to prevent our attributing them to the lluro of the Laeetani; Pujol noticed the resemblance of the head on one of the coins which he saw at Barcelona to that on the coins inscribed Laiescen. 34 In the style of the head, the coins of Ilduro are certainly nearer these northern coins, than to those of Saguntum or Saetabis. The only point in favour of the attribution to the Saguntine region is the fact that the rider is armed with a spear. But this is not conclusive; see the remarks on Schulten's theory, under Tarraco, above (p. 44).

lluro is now Mataró, on the coast 27 km. N.E. of Barcelona. 35

The coins (Pl. VI, 5–9) are all of bronze (ace to sextans). 36 Vives distinguishes the following five issues, to which a sixth has to be added. The ace is of the type of the rider carrying a lance. References are also given (P. 1, etc.) to the engravings in Pellicer y Pagés.

  • Ace: bare head, symbol boar. (P. 1.)

    Quadrans (or triens): bare head, symbol dolphin; rev. two dolphins opposed. (P. 2.)

    Sextans (or quadrans): obv. as preceding, rev. dolphin and ⠆ or ∵. 37 (P. 3.)

  • (All obverses: diademed head.)

    Ace.

    Semis: rev. horse. (P. 4.)

    Quadrans: rev. two dolphins. (P. 5; here Pl. VI, 5.)

    Sextans: dolphin. (P. 12.)

  • (Obv., laureate head; symbol, ear.)

    Ace. (P. 13–15; here Pl. VI, 6.)

    Quadrans: rev. half-Pegasus. (Pl. VI, 8.)

  • (Obv., laureate head.)

    Ace: head to left. (P. 7–10.)

    Semis: rev. horse. (P. 11; here Pl. VI, 7 from Berlin.)

    Quadrans: rev. half-Pegasus. (P. 17.) 38

  • Obv.: head laureate, between 2 dolphins.

    Rev.: two dolphins.

    Quadrans only. (P. 6; here Pl. VI, 9.)

  • Obv.: bare head r.; behind, mark of value ⠇.

    Rev.: horse.

    Quadrans. P. 16.

The coins, with the exception of the aces of 3 and 4, are all very rare, and most of these rarities are in the inaccessible Cervera Collection in the possession of the Hispanic Society. Newell's fine specimen of the ace (Pl. VI, 6) shews that the wreath of leaves is entwined with a narrow fillet or taenia, but no tie shows, and it is uncertain whether it is of laurel. The two dolphins on the obverse of the Paris quadrans are not very clear; Vives records another specimen in the I.V.D.J.

End Notes

32
See especially J. de C. Serra-Ràfols, Forma Conventus Tarraconensis, I, pp. 27 ff. (in Memóries of the Institut d'estudis catalans, Vol. I, fasc. 4, Barcelona, 1928).
33
Mela, ii, 90; Plin., iii, 22; C.I.L., ii, 613, 987; Ptol., ii, 6, 18, calls it Aἰλоνρν or Aἰλоνρὠν.
34
Letter quoted by Hübner (p. 49 at bottom) and dismissed as of no importance!
35
The identification with Ildum (Alcalà de Chisvert) between Dertosa and Saguntum, in spite of Schulten's acceptance (Berl. Phil. Woch., 1927, no. 52) must be rejected, and Liria has even less claim. The identification with Mataró is conclusively proved by J. de C. Serra-Ràfols (Forma Conv. Tarraconensis, in Memóries of the Inst. d'Estudis Catalans, i, fasc. 4, 1928, pp. 59 and 64). See the monograph, Estudios histórico-arqueológicos sobre Iluro, by Pellicer y Pagés (Mataró, 1887).
36
Heiss, p. 211; Delgado, iii, pp. 272 f.; Zobel in M.N.E., v, pp. 54, 57; Pujol in Bol. Acad., iii, 1883, pp. 67, 71 [not accessible to me]; in Pellicer y Pagés, op. cit., pp. 197–209; and in Pujol, epigr., nos. 114a–e; Hübner, M.L.I., p. 49, no. 44 (with earlier references); Macdonald, Hunterian Catal., iii, p. 624; Vives, ii, pp. 44–7.
37
Vives gives the mark of value thus ⠆, from a specimen in the Cervera collection. Pujol however gives it as ∵, from a specimen in his own collection; so that it must be a quadrans.
38
According to Pujol, the specimen of this in the Torrella Coll., Gerona, shows the mark of value behind the head on the obverse.

IESSO

The coins inscribed image iešo 39 are reasonably attributed to Iesso, a municipium of the conventus Tarraconensis, 40 now Guisona.

They are all aces, of which Vives describes three issues: (1) as Pl. VII, 1, with i and club behind the head; (2) symbol, ear of corn (or branch?) and image (t); (3) ear of corn behind and imageΛ in front of head (Pl. VII, 2). A variety of the last differs in having XΛ on the obv. (unless the first letter is a misread image); whether the alleged variety (Vives, no. 5, from Pujol, Bol. Acad. Hist., iii, Pl. I, 1) without any letters on the obv. is more than a worn specimen may be doubted.

End Notes

39
Zobel, M.N.E., v, p. 38; Delgado, iii, p. 247 f.; Hübner, no. 20; Vivevs, ii, p. 60.
40
Plin., N.H., iii, 23 (Iesomenses, v. l. Gessorienses); Ptol., ii, 6, 72 (І∊σσòς of the Iaccetani).

ORETUM

On an ace (Pl. VII, 3) and semis, 41 with the symbol of a bull behind the head, the letters Нᗡimage have been read ere by Heiss; who, approved by Delgado (reading here, are or eri) attributes the coins to the people mentioned by Polybius (Аἰρηνóσιоι, iii, 35, 2) as lying between the Ebro and the Pyrenees. Zobel on the other hand, reading ore, refers them to the place called Orretum, of unknown site in this district, mentioned in an inscription from Aeso (C.I.L., ii, 4465). The more southern place Oretum (C.I.L., ii, p. 431) is ruled out by the style of the coins. Zobel's suggestion seems the best. Even if Heiss's transliteration be accepted, the n of the name is not likely to have been omitted in an abbreviation; whereas the t of Or(r)etum might be regarded as belonging not to the root but to the common Iberian termination -tani.

End Notes

41
Heiss, p. 146. Delgado, iii, p. 238. Zobel, M.N.E., V, p. 40; p. 223 (no. 73). Pujol, Bol., iv, 1884, p. 327, epigr., no. 145. Hübner, no. 29. Botet, p. lxv. Vives, ii, p. 44. Other references in Hübner.

AUSA

Ausa, 42 a city of the Ausetani (Authetani) mentioned by Ptolemy (ii, 6, 70), is apparently to be identified with the modern Vich (anc. Vicus Ausonensis, Vich d'Osona); and to it are reasonably attributed the coins inscribed image (aušescen) or image (aušesen). The reading image given by Lorichs (Pl. XXV, 6) and accepted as correct by Delgado (iii, p. 29, no. 3), Heiss (p. 104, no. 8), Zobel (M.N.E., iv, p. 269, v, p. 34), Hübner (no. 18b), and Botet (p. lvi f.), is condemned as a misreading of an ill-preserved specimen by Vives (ii, p. 40). 43

The coins are denarii of the usual types, aces, semisses and quadrantes (the last with a half-pegasus). Vives divides the whole into three issues: (1) the denarii (Pl. VII, 5), heavy 44 ace (Pl. VII, 4), and semis (Pl. VII, 6) with symbol boar on obv., quadrans with symbol dolphin on obv. (Pl. VII, 7); (2) lighter ace and semis and quadrans as before, but legend usually aušesen; (3) ace with symbol palm-branch on obv. (unique ace in the Cervera Coll.). His readings as between the cn and cen termination are not always borne out by specimens or casts that I have seen.

The coins reading eušt and euštivaicola, treated by Heiss with the present series, of course form a separate group.

End Notes

42
C.I.L., ii, pp. 614, 987.
43
It is to be observed that image by itself occurs behind the head on the obverse of the denarius Pl. VII, 5 (cp. Pujol, epigr., no. 68a; Vives, no. 1), which reads aušescen in full on the reverse. It cannot be a continuation and completion of the reverse legend (as in certain examples alleged by Zobel, M.N.E., iv, p. 249, note 2), because the reverse legend is complete. (Unless of course the coin is a hybrid.) If it is an independent word, then the reading ausa van condemned by Vives may perhaps atter all be correct.
44
He gives no weights. Those of the heavy ace that I have noted are: Br. Mus., 23.07 g.; Thorvaldsen, 22.00 g.; VQR, no. 185, 24.26 g.

MASONSA

The coins inscribed image are connected by their style and by the rudder symbol of the obverse with the coins of Baitulo. Only the ace is known 45 (Pl. VII, 8). The specimen published by Delgado (unique in his time) was acquired at Alcañiz. Delgado, who transliterates the name Masen(e)sa, suggests a correspondence with Mequinenza, but his speculations in this connexion have but little basis.

End Notes

45
Delgado, iii, p. 309. Zobel, M.N.E., v, pp. 38, 227 (nos. 139, 140). Pujol, Bol., iii, 1883, p. 69 (not accessible to me); epigr., no. 139. Hübner, no. 28. Botet, p. lxiv. Vives, ii, p. 81.

VAŠTI

A semis (Pl. VII, 9), inscribed ΙΜimage, is all that is known of this coinage. 46 Delgado, transliterating 1st or Ies (rather Iest), recalls the city of Istonium in Celtiberia. 47 The site was identified by Cortés y Lopez 48 with Huete in the province of Cuenca. But the style of the coin, as Delgado observes, hardly fits that district. Zobel reads Iast. Reading Vasti (or Basti) we may recall the Basti, Bastetani of Baetica, and suggest that, as often, the Baetic name was duplicated in the North.

On the obverse of the ace inscribed Caisesa (see Vives, ii, p. 144) are the letters image. 49 Hübner and others bring this into connexion with the present group; but it would rather seem that just because they are so like each other we should be shy of identifying them.

So far as style is concerned, we should perhaps be most justified in ascribing the coin in question to the district N.E. of the lower course of the Ebro.

End Notes

46
Delgado, iii, p. 293; Zobel in M.N.E., v, pp. 54, 57; Pujol, eptgr., no. 124; Hübner, M.L.I., p. 50, no. 45; Vives, ii, p. 144. The piece illustrated by Vives is that in the Morales Collection at Madrid, formerly in the Medrano Collection; it is almost if not quite unique; forgeries, he says, are common.
47
Ptol., ii, 6, 57: from the position in the list, apparently towards the west, near the border of Carpetania.
48
Dicc., iii, pp. 96–7.
49
Wrongly given as image by Pujol, epigr., no. 125, but rightly under no. 81.

ARCEDURGI

The coins bearing the inscription image or image 50 come from Catalonia, and in style, symbols, etc., recall coins of the Ausa-Ilerda district. Heiss and Delgado, basing themselves respectively on the readings Arcberg and Arcorg, attributed the coins to Castrum Bergium and Orgia (Urgel).

The coinage consists of two groups, one with a heave ace (Vives, Pl. XXV, 1), semis and quadrans (here Pl. VIII, 1, 2); the other with ace (Pl. VIII, 3) and semis of the lower standard. The types are as usual: the rider with branch for the ace, horse for the semis, and half pegasus for the quadrans. The symbol behind the head on the ace is usually a boar; on Pl. VIII, 3, which seems otherwise unknown, the place of the boar is taken by a third dolphin.

End Notes

50
The form of the r varies between ◊ and image. Delgado, iii, p. 17 f. Heiss, p. 106. Zobel in M.N.E., iv, p. 250; v, pp. 34, 40 (9), 223 (nos. 87, 88), 229 (no. 150), 233 (no. 195). Pujol, rev. de cienc. hist., ii, 1880–1, p. 550; epigr., nos. 63a–d. Hübner, no. 23. Botet, p. lxix. Vives, ii, p. 48.

CORUCORUATIN

These rare aces (Pl. VIII, 4; Vives, II, p. 81) are, Zobel suggests, to be attributed to Gerunda; 51 for he reads the obverse inscription image g[e]r[u]ndsa for gerundsa. Hübner (no. 16) reads krsa, 52 but regards the attribution to Gerunda as probable, since the two names begin in the same way, though the terminations differ (-da and -sa). 53 No identification has been suggested for the name on the reverse image. The termi nation -atin is found elsewhere. 54 For Hübner the reverse legend represents probably two place-names.

The first and fourth signs have been usually read as θ; the equivalent here adopted is CO (according to Gómez-Moreno CU).

The boar-standard is interesting, since an actual bronze standard with the same subject is pre- served in the Madrid Museum. 55 The boar as a military standard is however more usually associated with Gaul. 56

The coins are very rare, the two specimens in the British Museum being the only ones in fair condition recorded. 57

End Notes

51
M.N.E., v, p. 38, note 2.
52
In Gómez-Moreno's system, the first sign is BE.
53
Zobel, in M.N.E., iv, p. 259, says that ϟ must sometimes have approached the sound d or ds, since it is sometimes transmitted by Latin geographers as d; he instances image Kaisada, Caesada.
54
Hübner, p. 19, nos. 31, 32. Zobel, iv, p. 135, nos. 4 and 5 (two of the legends on Iberian copies of Emporion drachms); also in certain inscriptions (see Schuchardt, p. 41). The alleged Ccatn (Hübner, 117) does not exist; see Vives, Prol., p. LXXXV. As to pricatin see Num. Notes and Mon., 44 (1930), pp. 16 f.

EÚŠTIVAICOLA

The inscription image or image, on some of the series abbreviated to the first four letters, occurs on bronze of the usual four denominations. 58 The symbols behind the head are: on the ace, a boar or an amphora (Pl. VIII, 6); on the semis, a boar (Pl. VIII, 5, 7); on the quadrans, a dolphin (Pl. VIII, 8); on the sextans, a dolphin. Style and symbols clearly point to the neighbourhood of Ausa and Ilerda; Catalonia is given as the district in which they are found, and the parallel with Arcedurgi is very close in the earlier series. There are coins of both the heavy (semis, Pl. VIII, 5) and the light class.

These coins have often been confused with those of Ausa. Some have separated the group with the short legend of four letters from that with the full legend; there seems to be no reason for such a separation, or for supposing that the five last letters represent a second name. Any connexion with the name image (Baitulo) seems unlikely.

End Notes

55
Paris, Essai sur l'art et l'industrie de l'Espagne primitive, ii (1904), p. 205, and Pl. V, no. 6.
56
Dar. et Sag., IV, ii, p. 1312.
57
Vives, ii, p. 81.
58
Delgado, iii, p. 420. Heiss, Pl. V (under Ausa). Zobel in M.N.E., v, p. 34; p. 223 (nos. 78–81), 229 (no. 149), 233 (192), 235 (218). Pujol, R.C.H., ii, 1880–1, p. 561; Bol., iv, 1884, p. 329; epigr., 98; Cat. V. Quadras y Ramon, nos. 476–482. Hübner, no. 26. Botet, p. lvii. Vives, ii, pp. 41–43. Other earlier references in Hübner.

CAIO

Semis and quadrans (Pl. IX, 1, 2) are reported of the usual types, with image (ca) behind the head, and imageН (abbreviated to image on the quadrans) on the reverse. 59 Pujol reads cie, according to Delgado's system, Zobel caio, Hübner caih and Botet caie. The coins seem to come from the neighbourhood of Tarragona. Hübner and Schulten mention, as pointing to an identification, Mons Caius, now Sierra de Moncayo. Botet on the other hand indicates the river Gaya , a little to the N. of Tarragona. For other suggestions see Hübner.

End Notes

59
Lorichs, Pl. i, 3. Zobel in M.N.E., v, p. 38, Pl. iii, 4; p. 231 (no. 178); p. 233 (no. 216). Pujol in Bol. R. Acad., iv, 1884, p. 326; Rev. de Ciencias Hist., iv, 1886, p. 145; epigr., no. 82. Hübner, no. 24. Botet, p. lxv. Vives, ii, p. 138. The quadrans of this series is illustrated by Heiss, Pl. XVI, 5 and Delgado, Pl. XCIV, 3 with coins of Caiscada; cp. Hübner, 59e.

OSCONCN

This coinage 60 is represented by an ace; the rider carries a lance couched. The reading, as Pujol has shown, is certainly image. But few specimens are known: one in Mr. Seymour de Ricci's collection (here Pl. IX, 3); one in the Cabinet des Médailles, Paris (Pl. IX, 4); another in the Cervera Coll., Hispanic Soc. of New York (Vives, Pl. XXXVI, 1); another formerly in the Arbex collection at Lerida (found near there); another formerly in the Saderra Coll. at Olot. Pujol would attribute the issue to some tribe at the foot of the Pyrenees, in the neighbourhood of the Ilergetes. Zobel attributes them to the province of Castellon, towards Sebelaci or Sepelaci, but gives no reason; his reading certainly bears no resemblance to that name. Pujol 61 possessed an ace of earlier type than that described, on a thicker flan, and with a crescent before the bust; 62 this was found near Manresa, but seems now not to be traced. Pujol's attribution is thus generally indicated by finds as well as by types.

The usual interpretation of Y as u, is, in the light of this and other coins, to be discarded.

If the third sign is CU (as Gόmez-Moreno makes it), the chances of the fourth being = u are small. To the instances hitherto known 63 we may add the denarius image, which, is probably to be read Qolounioco. Accordingly, with Gόmez-Moreno, we take Y to be n. But if so, it is presumably a different n from the image of the genitive suffix image which occurs in the same word.

End Notes

60
Saulcy, pp. 191, no. 147. Heiss, p. 173. Delgado, iii, p. 250. Zobel in M.N.E., v, pp. 54, 56 f., 305. Pujol in Bol. Acad., v, 1884, p. 347; epigr., n. 147. Hübner, M.L.I., p. 50, no. 46. Vives, ii, p. 82. Heiss reads ESERCN, Delgado HASSO-KN, Zobel HSTHGN or HOSTHGN.
61
Epigr., p. 350. Not noticed by Vives.
62
Is it possible that the 'crescent' is really the ornament of the torque, as seen on the Seymour de Ricci specimen?

CEDAMLI

The inscription, of which the most approved reading seems to be image (Cedamli) occurs on pieces 64 of very rude workmanship found in Barcelona. The obverse type is a bearded head to r.; behind, the above-mentioned inscription; in front a sign like a double anchor (the ends being rounded on one variety, angular on another). On the reverse is an eight-pointed star or rosette. One of the pieces is described as of silver, weighing 7.50 grm. There are others known in bronze or copper, of which one weighs 20,275 grm., another (damaged) 10,320 grm. Pujol is inclined to think that they are not regular coins but some sort of tessera; there seems to be no doubt of their antiquity. They have, according to Pujol, no resemblance to the ordinary coins of Catalonia. Vives gives various reasons for excluding them altogether from the body of his work; but his argument that they cannot be tesserae because we only know tesserae of lead will of course not bear examination.

End Notes

63
Hübner, M.L.I., p. xxxvii. According to Zobel, M.N.E., iv, p. 258, Y or V is an x approaching the Spanish j, Greek X.
64
A. Pedrals y Molinè in Rev. de Ciencias Hist., i, 1880, p. 470. Pujol y Camps, ibid., iv, 1886, p. 132; epigr., no. 74. Hübner, no. 25. Botet, p. lxxi. Vives, Prol., p. lxxxv. One of these (bronze) is in the Busquets Collection at Barcelona.

REGIO ILERDENSIS ILERGETES

The district of the Ilergetes or Ilergetae, 1 according to Ptolemy, contained the following inland towns: Bergusia, Celsa, Bergidum, Eraga, Succosa, Osca, Burtina, Gallica Flavia, Orgia, Ilerda. According to Livy (xxi, 61.6) their chief place was Atanagrum; it was taken by Scipio, and cannot be traced, though it may have been identical with Ilerda.

There are three groups of coins which have to be considered in connexion with Ilerda and the Ilergetes. They are inscribed: 2

  • image.
  • image.
  • image or image. Sometimes ab breviated by the omission of the last two signs, so as to read iltrces or iltrcs.

Vives distinguishes, as from a different mint (11), the coins reading iltrc(e)s from those reading iltrc(e)sc(e)n, a subtlety which need only be mentioned.

The first corresponds to the Latin Ilerda , as is certain from the two groups of coins of the wolf-series with the inscriptions first in Iberian, later in Latin. 3 The third legend stands to Ilergetes exactly as Untcescen stands to Indigetes. It is the genitive plural (Schuchardt, p. 31).

As to the second legend, the second portion of the name is probably some qualifying epithet, topographical or other. According to the now discredited ' alliance' theory, the inscription would represent an alliance between Ilerda and a place called Šalirvan. 4 It seems preferable, assuming that this second name is a geographical name, to regard it as qualifying the first. We know that there was more than one Ilerda; Avienus (475) mentions one between C. Nao and Hemero-scopium. One of these may well have been described as Ilerda-Šalirvan, to distinguish it from the other. Those who regard the second element as the name of an independent place, associate it with the Salauris mentioned by Avienus (v. 513), on the coast between Barcelona and the Ebro, which may be identified with the present Cape Salou. 5 But it is further to be noted that this same inscription, more or less abbreviated, 6 is read on Iberian imitations of the Emporitan silver drachms, on which a wolf appears as symbol underneath the Pegasus. Since a wolf appears as the type of the Ibero-Roman Ilerda, it follows that this Ilerda-Šalirvan was identical with that well known place. If so, it cannot be Salauris, which was on the coast.

Were the bronze coins of the ordinary Ibero-Roman types, reading Iltrda, struck at this Ilerda? Judging by their style, there is nothing to prevent our associating them with the Iltrda-Šalirvan denarii. The absence of the wolf on both denarii and bronze is to be explained by the desire for uniformity in the issues of these Iberian towns which is evident, whether it was inspired by orders from Rome or not. The coins with wolf as reverse type are of much worse style. We must suppose that they were struck after the cessation of the horseman series, and some time before the foundation of the municipium. The series of Emporiae shews to what a low level the skill of the die-engravers of these parts fell in the last half-century or so of the Republic.

It is interesting to note that while there is no attempt to indicate the sex of the wolf on the coins with the Iberian inscription or even on the earlier Latin coins, those with the title municipium distinctly make it female. The Iberian wolf becomes the she-wolf of Rome.

Where the coins of the Ilergetes were issued, must remain uncertain. Of the places in their district, none is more likely than Ilerda itself, since Atanagrum seems to have been destroyed. There is nothing improbable in the hypothesis that the same mint produced local coins for Ilerda and regional coins for the tribe.

Among the coins issued by Ilerda in imitation of the currency of other places must, if they are genuine, be included the obols of Massaliote types (male head and wheel), in which the lower part of the wheel is occupied by a wolf (?). On one of these the inscription iltrda occupies the quarter which should have the letter image. 8 On another variety, where there is no wolf (?) we find iltrda, image, image and a crescent in the four quarters. 9 Vives 10 subjects all the varieties to careful criticism, and concludes that those which bear the Iberian inscription are forgeries, while the others have no connexion with Ilerda. The only examples of the inscribed obols known to me are those in the Paris and Vidal Quadras y Ramon collections. After careful examination of them, I see no reason to doubt them, and no difficulty in supposing that the people of Ilerda should have imitated the Massaliote obols as they did the Emporitan drachms.

The coins inscribed Ilerda-Šalirvan consist, as already stated, of imitations of Emporitan drachms (Pl. IX, 7), and of later denarii (Pl. IX, 8) and quinarii (Pl. IX, 9) of the period of the Roman province. The style of these denarii is, though formal, better than that of the typical Ibero-Roman denarii of Osca and such places. A specimen, very much worn, was in Dr. Hild-burgh's Cόrdova find (buried about 105 B.C.). We may regard these denarii as having been issued in the first half of the second century.

The earliest 11 of the bronze coins of the ordinary Ibero-Roman types, inscribed iltrda, may be contemporary with these denarii. They are aces (PI. IX, 10), with the semis, quadrans and sextans, of heavy weight (supposed to correspond to the uncial standard). Vives distinguishes three other issues of the same types, but of lower weight, the so-called semuncial (Pl. IX, 11). In view of his omission to give weights, and the indifferent quality of his illustrations, it is not possible to control his distinction between his second and third series. 12 The difficulty is increased by the fact that the type of the horse seems to be used for semis (Pl. IX, 12), quadrans and sextans alike, so that it is only from style that we can guess whether a coin is a quadrans of a heavy or a semis of a light series: according to Vives, the semis is distinguished by a crescent, the quadrans by a star; the sextans has either two pellets, or the letter image.

In the wolf-series with Iberian inscriptions (PI. X, 1–3), Vives distinguishes many issues of semisses and quadrantes. The supposed value-marks however fail to work, for he describes some quadrantes with a star, others with a crescent, another with both, as well as a semis with crescent on both sides. The Latin coins are all of one denomination, supposed to be a semis.

Pujol 13 publishes a wolf-coin on which he discerns two pellets (the sextans mark) and, below, the signs image, which we have found on coins of Emporiae. The illustration however, suggests that the pellets are really the balls at the end of a crescent ornament; and the image mark is very obscure.

The coins with the genitive of the tribal name (Iltrc(e)sc(e)n, sometimes abbreviated to Iltrc(e)s), are usually distinguished by the symbol of a palm-branch (or ear of corn?) behind the head on all denominations, except the quadrans, which has three pellets. The reverse types of the denomination are the rider carrying a branch for the ace, horse with flying rein for the semis (Pl. X, 6), and half-pegasus for the quadrans, thus generally conforming to the Tarraco system. There is a heavy 14 and a light series. Among unusual issues are the ace in the Cervera collection, with image (t) behind the head, 15 and the ace in the British Museum, here Pl. X, 7, of wild style, with dolphins round the head.

End Notes

1
'Ιλ∊ρϒη̑τ∊ς Ptol., ii, 6, 68; 'Ιλ∊ρϒέται Strabo, iii, 4, 10, 161; ''Ιλ∊ρϒη̑ται Polyb., iii, 33, 15; x, 18, 7; 'Ιλ∊ρϒη̑ται Polyb., iii, 35, 2. In Latin authors usually Ilergetes; e.g. Plin., iii, 21: regio Ilergetum, oppidum Subur, flumen Rubricatum, a quo Laeetani et Indigetes. Whether the 'Ιλαρανϒȃται (? 'Ιλαρδνϒȃται, Müller) of Hecataeus (fr. 14, ap. Steph. Byz.), who equates them with the Ἴβηρ∊ς and mentions also an 'Ιλαρανϒáτης, πоταμός are the same, is not clear. Hübner connects the Ilaraugatai rather with Ilercavonia.
2
For those with the inscription (a), see Heiss, pp. 133 ff.; Delgado, iii, 275–9; Zobel in M.N.E., iv, p. 134, Pl. VII, 5; v, p. 44, Pl. III, 5–11, pp. 240–5, nos. 229–32, 248–57, 272–4, 277–80; Pujol, in Bol. Acad., iv, 1884, p. 160 f., and epigr., nos. 54, 116; Hübner, no. 30 (with earlier references); Botet y Sisό, p. lxvii; Vives, ii, pp. 54 ff.
(c) Heiss, p. 140; Delgado, iii, 279–281; Zobel in M.N.E., iv, PI. iv, 24, v, pp. 44–6, p. 241, nos. 226–8; Pujol, epigr., no. 117, f-h; Hübner, no. 30b (with earlier references); Botet y Sisό, p. lxviii; Vives, II, p. 53.
(c) Heiss, pp. 138–9; Delgado, iii, 281–283; Zobel in M.N.E., v, p. 38, Pl. III, 1, 2; Pujol, epigr., no. 117 a-e; Hübner, no. 31 (with earlier references, of which however that to Pujol in Bol. Acad., iv, 1884, p. 208 is wrong); Botet y Sisό, p. lxiii; Vives, ii, p. 51.
3
On the t in Iltrda, etc. (which is paralleled by the t in Iliturgi beside 'Ιλоνρϒ∊ία, the d in Ilduro beside lluro) see Schuchardt, Iber. Dekl., p. 62. Iii or ilit means simply 'city' or 'tow'; ibid., p. 5.
4
The form šalircn accepted by Hübner (30 b: c) and Schuchardt (Iber. Dekl., p. 37) depends only on Lorichs and is a misreading.
5
Cp. Schulten in R.E., s.v. Salauris.
6
Some specimens, as Delgado, no. 136; Hübner, 521, are said to read simply iltrda, and to have no trace of the second name. They may be defective specimens. If they are complete, they prove distinctly that iltrda and iltrda šalirvan were one and the same place.
8
V.Q.R., no. 323, ex Heiss, Pl. IX, Ilerda, 3.
9
Heiss, Pl. IX, Ilerda, 2.
10
I, pp. 14–16.
11
Judging by style, and not merely by weight, which is misleading in Spain, since the heaviest groups are not necessarily the earliest. The heaviest recorded ace of Ilerda is one of 28 g. 33 in the British Museum; Heiss, PI. IX, 4, gives one of 28 g. 20; Berlin has one of 26 g. 25.
12
On his third issue the head on the obverse has the neck draped with a mantle.
13
Bol. Acad., iv, 1884, p. 161, no. 30.

EŠO

Aces (Pl. X, 8) inscribed image (Vives, ii, p. 82, mint no. 23; Hübner, no. 17) are attributed to Aeso by Zobel (M.N.E., v, p. 36 and p. 40, n. 10). Isona, which now represents that place, 16 lies north of Iesso (Guisona), between the upper waters of the Segre (Sicoris) and the Noguera. 17 Delgado does not distinguish these coins from the aces inscribed image(Iesso, see above, p. 55). Botet (p. lxix) points out that their types connect the coins with the district of Ilerda rather than with that of Tarraco, and as communication takes place down the river-valleys rather than across watersheds, it is reasonable to group the coins of Ešo with those of Ilerda.

End Notes

14
To the weights of the two aces in the British Museum (17 g. 50, 17 g. 45) add that of the Berlin specimen (Pl. X, 5), 16.68 g.; the Berlin semis of the same series weighs 6.97 g.
15
Vives, Pl. XXVI, 8.
16
C.I.L., ii, p. 594.
17
C. Müller emended imageήσα which Ptolemy, ii, 6, 72, gives as a city of the Iaccetani, to Аἴσω; this seems the only reason for regarding Aeso as belonging to that tribe. which actually lay much further to the West. Schulten, however, the last to give an opinion on the reading (Phil. Woch., 1927, 1583), still speaks of Aeso as of the Iaccetani.

DERTOSA-ILERCAVONIA

The Ilercavones 18 were a tribe on the lower Ebro. They must be distinguished from the Ilergetai or Ilergetes of the Ilerda district. The town which preserved their name in Roman times, Dertosa Ilercavonia, 19 was situated at the mouth of the river, on its left bank, where the main road crossed it (now Tortosa). The name Hibera, which it also bore, survived into Roman times, when its full title was Municipium Hibera Iulia Dertosa Ilercavonia. When Strabo calls it a κατоικία (III, 195), this must not be taken strictly in the sense of colony. 20

Its foundation as a municipium must date from Julius Caesar; that it was important from a maritime point of view is proved by the coins, which show two kinds of galley, a large one with an admiral's standard on the poop, and a light one—representing perhaps the up-river traffic. 21

The coins 22 are all of imperial date (Pl. XI, 1–3), unless we accept the suggestion of Zobel, 23 in itself attractive, that the coins inscribed Seϴiscen (below, p. 103) were issued there. As Vives remarks, the coins without imperial portraits are so like those with the head of Tiberius, that it is probable that they were struck not long before the end of the reign of Augustus.

End Notes

18
Illurgavonenses, Caes., bell, civ.. I, 60; Ilurcaones, Liv. frg. 1, 91; Ilergavonenses, Liv., XXII, 21, 6; Ilergaones, Plin., III, 21; 'Ιλ∊ρκáоν∊ς Ptol., II, 6f 16. The spelling on the coins is consistently Ilercavonia.
19
Hübner, C.I.L., ii, p. 535; M.L.I., p. 38; Pauly-Wissowa, R.E., s.vv. Dertosa and Ilercavones.
20
The coins which seem to support the view that it was a colony are all wrongly read or attributed. For such coins (in Hübner, 31a, c, d, e) see Imhoof-Blumer, Monnaies grecques, p. 252 (Parium ?); p. 166 (Dium); p. 162 (Dyme). This destroys the basis of arguments such as those of Hübner and of Albertini, Les Divisions administratives de l'Espagne romaine, 1923, p. 63. If Dertosa was ever a colony, it was after it had ceased to issue coins.
21
The ship without any sail mentioned by Vives does not exist.
22
Heiss, pp. 128 ff.; Delgado, iii, pp. 258 ff.; Hübner, M.L.7., no. 31a (with earlier references); Vives, iv, pp. 17 f.
23
In M.N.E., v, p. 48.

ALAVONA

To this place on the Ebro, 24 mentioned by Ptolemy as 'Аλανimageνα of the Vascones and by the Anfonine Itinerary as Allobone on the road from Turiaso to Caesaraugusta, and identified with the modern Alagón, near the point where the Jalon debouches, it is reasonable, with Delgado, to attribute the aces reading image (alaun) 25 (Pl. XI, 4).

CELSA

Celsa 26 (represented by scanty remains at Jelsa near Velilla on the Ebro) was of Iberian origin, and the attribution of coins reading celse (image or else to what became the Roman colony of Celsa is proved by bilinguals (Pl. XII, 5). As at Cese-Tarraco, we find three forms of the initial, image or image (Pl. XI, 5, 6), 27 image (Pl. XI, 7) and 〈, the former two being monograms of c and e. F urther, the second sign sometimes takes the form image, image or image, which appear to be attempts at a monogram of e and l. The forms А and image which are given by some writers seem to require verification. On one coin (Vives, Pl. LXI, 1) the s is retrograde.

The issues with the initial monogram of ce (Pl. XI, 5, 6) seem to be the earliest, if we follow the clue given by the series of Tarraco; and this arrangement seems to be confirmed by the style of the coins, so far as the few specimens allow us to judge. There are a number of coins of the heavy series, i.e. above the weight of the 'semuncial' ace of 13.64 gm. (Pl. XII, 1), but no very heavy pieces; and it is to be remarked that none of the coins of the class which, as just mentioned, seems to be the earlier, are heavy. 28

The denominations are from ace to triens. The usual Iberian head appears on the obverses of nearly all; but on one issue, which Vives puts earliest of all those reading clse, the head is laureate (Pl. XI, 8). Its style does not seem to me to be early; and it is probably an exceptional issue, commemorating some victory and inter- rupting the ordinary series. The semis of one issue (Pl. XII, 3) has a head of Mercury. On the ace of the earliest issues the horseman carries a spear (Pl. XI, 5); the type of the first semis (Pl. XI, 6) is a Pegasus; in the second and later issues the semis bears the usual horse (Pl. XII, 2, 3); on its first appearance, the horse is accompanied by a star, on later coins by the inverted crescent. The type of the triens is the half-Pegasus, with the mark of four pellets 29 (Pl. XII, 4). e

The weight of the coins, as in other mints, degenerates; but with the advent of the bilinguals, probably not long before the middle of the first century, there is an improvement in the weight, though hardly in the style. The neck of the bust appears to be bare, yet the turn up of the point of the bust on such a coin as Pl. XII, 5, is obviously the remains of the fold of drapery seen on earlier coins (cp. Pl. XII, 1).

It is generally assumed that Celsa, becoming a Roman colony, used for a time the name Colonia Victrix Iulia Lepida; and it is supposed that the colony was founded by Julius Caesar and Lepidus, hence its names. Lepidus had Citerior as proconsul for the year 48, and was acclaimed imperator and triumphed in 47 on the pretext that he had been engaged in the dispute in Ulterior between Q. Cassius Longinus and M. Marcellus. For 44 B.C. he was again given the governorship of Gallia Narbonensis and Hispania Citerior, but did not go there until some time after the murder of Caesar. The foundation of the colony is more likely to belong to the time of his first than his second governorship.

That the colony should have borne the name of Lepidus for a short time, and discarded it when his memory was no longer worth preserving (i.e. at any time after his removal from Spain after the battle of Philippi, 42 B.C.), is in no way surprising. The attribution of the coins inscribed COL.VIC.IVL.LEP. to Celsa is fairly made out by Lorichs and Grotefend. 30 The obverse types of Minerva (or Roma) and Victory are suitable to a colony founded in commemoration of a victory, real or alleged. 31

Types out of the common are: Ram standing to r., on a semis (Pl. XII, 9). Head of Sun facing, on the same semis (ibid.). Crescent on a quadrans (Pl. XII, 10). Boar to r., on the same quadrans (ibid.).

Of the magistrates—one or two of whom are alsó named on coins of Col. Victrix Iulia Celsa, thus affording another argument for the view that Lepida and Celsa are the same place—all are represented in the British Museum except the aediles L. CAL. and SEX. NIG., who struck a semis and quadrans (Pl. XII, 9, 10); and Sextus (Pompeius) Niger again reappears on the coins inscribed with the name of Celsa, striking a semis and quadrans under Augustus. 32

These magistrates—other than the aediles, who strike the smaller denominations—are called PR. IIVIR, in three of the four colleges, and PR. QVIN in the fourth. These abbreviations have been much discussed. 33 That PR stands for Praefectus there can be little doubt. The magistrates in the first three colleges are the substitutes for the duoviri iure dicundo, in the fourth college for the actual duoviri quinquennales who were appointed for the quinquennial census; in both cases substitutes appear to have been necessary because the persons actually appointed did not function. 34 That the names of these persons should not be mentioned is certainly curious; but the alternative is to adopt an interpretation of PR as praetor or prima, for which there seems to be nothing to be said.

The letter R in a circle in the countermark on certain coins 35 is explained by Lorichs (loc. cit., p. 6) as including P, and therefore the equivalent of PR. PR itself occurs on coins with the name of Celsa. 36 Another countermark is the common one of the eagle's head. 37

It has been noticed that the magistrate L. Sura marks the u in his name with a comma-shaped accent, like that found over the u in Musa on the denarii of Pomponius Musa. This is the apex used to mark vowels long by nature, found in Latin inscriptions from the time of Sulla to the second century of our era. 38

We now come to the coins of Col. Victrix Iulia Celsa, which are of Augustus and Tiberius. All the colleges of duoviri and aediles who struck the coins are represented in the British Museum. 39 They are the following, all the pairs being duoviri, except the last who are aediles:

Augustus Divi f.:

L. Pompe(ius) Bucco, L. Corne(lius) Fronto

L. Corn(elius) Terrenus, M. Iuni(us) Hispanus

L. Sura, L. Bucco

L. Baggius, M'Flavius Festus

L. Aufidius Pansa, Sex. Pomp(eius) Niger

Imp. Caesar Divi f. Augustus Cos. XII (B.C. 5–3): Cn. Domiti(us), C. Pompeius.

Tiberius: Baggius Fronto, Cn. Bucco iterum Vetilius Bucco, C. Fufius.

The name BAGGIVS is to be noted, in correction of BACCIVS, as it has always hitherto been read. 40

Besides the usual denominations ace, semis and quadrans, the college of L. Pompeius Bucco and L. Cornelius Fronto issued a heavy coin (35 mm., wt. 30 gr. 25) which is either a dupondius or sestertius. The unique Paris specimen (Mionnet, I, 30, 274) is unfortunately too poor to be worth illustrating.

A sort of privy-marks, to distinguish issues, seems to have prevailed here; pellets (often hard to distinguish from mere flaws) being placed in the field, usually on the reverse (e.g. Pl. XIII, 4) but sometimes on the obverse. The use seems to have been far from systematic.

Of countermarks, we may notice the PR and R in circle already mentioned; the common D D, image, image (?) (Delg., cxix, 38), leaf (ibid., 30), eagle's head (ibid., 35), TV (ibid., 31, for Turiaso?), GR (Pl. XIII, 7, for Graccurris?).

It has been asserted that there is an identity of obverse die between the aces of L. Baggius, M' Festus and certain aces of C. Varius Rufus and Sex. Iulius Pollio generally attributed to Carthago Nova. The statement was first made by Lorichs, 41 who wished accordingly to attribute the latter coins also to Celsa. The two dies are certainly very much alike, but I have been unable to find the exact identity which Lorichs professes to have observed.

End Notes

24
Hübner in R.E., s.v. Alabanenses. Schulten's attribution to Alonis on the coast N. of Alicante (Die Etrusker in Spanien in Klio, 23, 1930, p. 379) does not suit the style of the coins.
25
Heiss, p. 163; Delgado, iii, p. 12; Zobel, M.N.E., v, p. 46; p. 240, no. 246; Pujol in R.C.H., ii, 1880/81, p. 547; epigr., no. 59 a-c; Hübner, no. 32; Vives, ii, p. 63.
26
Hübner in R.E., s.v.; C.I.L., ii, 409, 940. For the coins, see Heiss, pp. 140 ff.; Delgado, iii, pp. 87 ff.; Zobel in M.N.E., v, pp. 46, 49, pp. 241, 243, nos. 238–43, 264–68, 27; Pujol in R.C.H., iv, 1886, pp. 140 ff.; epigr., no. 76; Hübner, nos. 33, 33a (with earlier references); Vives, ii, pp. 150 ff.; iv, pp. 102 ff.
27
Vives gives image; his illustrations do not allow us to decide whether he is correct.
28
The ace of 13.20 gm., described as fairly well preserved (it is really heavily corroded), and not of the earliest class, but reading clse, which was found in Camp III at Renie bias (Haeberlin, p. 37, no. 132), is really an ace of Cese-Tarraco.
29
One of the four is nearly off the flan on the Paris coin which Vives describes as having only three; that is presumably why he calls this coin a quadrans (and also all its successors, though they shew all four pellets).
30
In Grote's Blätter für Münzkunde, iv, 1844, pp. 2–10. They disposed of the old attributions to Leptis. Vives (iv, p. 102) with ill-disguised glee stresses the difficulty of the identification of Lepida with Celsa (in a case where we have historical data and perfectly legible Latin inscriptions) as a lesson to "iberists." He speaks of a radical difference between the coins of the two series in respect of types and, above all, of art. But the types are not wholly different: the bull is common to both series, and the Victory and Minerva are naturally displaced by Augustus. As to difference in "art," it is not more than might be expected in a quarter of a century.
31
Vives (iv, pp. 102 f.) suggests models in various Roman coins for the various types. If it is necessary to look for these, and the local authorities cannot be credited with the small measure of originality required for their invention, the Minerva type may be referred to the denarius of Cn. Pompeius and M. Poblicius (Grueber, ii, p. 364, no. 72, Pl. Cl, 1) which was actually struck in Spain circa 46–44 B.C.; and the head on Pl. XII, 6, may well owe something to the Venus of Caesar's own Spanish coins (ibid., Pl. Cl, nos. 9–10). As to the head of Victory, Vives finds the model for it on denarii of T. Carisius (about 45 B.C., according to Grueber, i, pp. 527 ff., but struck in Rome). As a matter of fact, however, the rather unusual treatment of the bust points to the Victory on the coins of Plancus (ibid., PI. LIII, 13, 14) as the nearest parallel on Roman coins. These coins were struck in 45 B.C., and the Victory commemorates Caesar's successes in Spain.
32
Pl. XII, 10, of Sextus Niger is the quadrans which Vives found illegible.
33
Eckhel, Doctr., iv, pp. 476 ff.; Lorichs and Grotefend, loc. cit.; Lenormant, La Monn. dans VAntiquité, iii, pp. 227–8. On the general question of these magistrates in the colonies, see Liebenam, Städteverwaltung, 1900, pp. 260 ff. (references to earlier literature).
34
Lenormant, loc. cit., says that "common sense rejects the hypothesis that in four colleges corresponding precisely to the four years that the city kept the name inscribed on these coins, the eight magistrates . . . were all obliged to find praefecti to take their places." But if the colony made a practice of selecting distinguished persons as duoviri—such as Lepidus himself, for instance—there is nothing contrary to common sense in the hypothesis. Incidentally, Lenormant's assumption that the city kept the name for four years only is unwarranted. We know of only four colleges, but others doubtless functioned in years when no coins were needed, so that their names have not survived.
35
It occurs on coins of both Lepida and Celsa series: cp. Heiss, Pl. xi, nos. 12, 15, 16, 18; xii, 20.
36
E.g., Heiss, PI. xii, 21.
37
Heiss, PI. xi, 11.
38
Cagnat, Cours d'Epigr. La t., 1898, pp. 27–8.
39
The attribution to Celsa of the coin of Sex. Cethegus and Q. Pomp. Secundinus (Delgado, no. 40; Heiss, no. 18 bis) is doubtful.
40
Vives' reading RVFIO for the aedile's name on his no. 21 should be FVFIO.

OCTOGESA or OTOGESA

Octogesa (vv. 11., Otogesa, Otogensa, Otogesma) on the Hiberus is mentioned by Caesar in the Civil War. 42 The attribution of the coins reading image, i.e. htkšcn (Hübner) or hotgešcn (Zobel) or otokescn, to this place was suggested by Zobel. 43 The last two signs are clearly the termi- nation (genitive plural 44 ) which is characteristic of coins of the Indiketai, Ausetani, Laeetani and others in the N.E. district; on the other hand the obverse type with its three dolphins points to the Ilerda-Celsa district. These indications are not out of keeping with a site on the Ebro near the confluence with the Sicoris, such as is proposed by Cortés 45 at Mequinenza. The form for t recurs on the coins which are attributed to Nertobriga 46 near Bilbilis, and also on those which read vaitolo (above, p. 51). Gómez-Moreno gives this form the value to, which suits all cases.

On the whole, the coins seem more likely to belong to a place some way up the Ebro valley, than to a maritime place, such as Otobesa of the Edetani seems to have been. 47 Gómez-Moreno's system of transliteration, however, in which the third sign is equated to BE, would if adopted definitely fix the coins to Otobesa.

The ace, similar to the one here illustrated (Pl. XIII, 10), is the only denomination known. 48

End Notes

41
Op. cit., p. 3.
42
Bell. Civ., i, 61, 68, 70. Hübner, M.L.I., no. 34, thinks the c may have found its way into the reading by false suggestion of the numeral octo.
43
For other readings, see Delgado, iii, p. 242; Heiss, p. 292; Hübner, no. 34. Schulten accepts the attribution to Otogesa on the Sicoris.
44
Schuchardt, Iber. Deklin., p. 31.
45
Diccionario, iii, p. 241.
46
The alleged instance on imitations of Emporiae cannot be adduced, because the inscription in question is blundered.
47
C.I.L., ii, 3794.
48
Delgado, Pl. CXLIV; Vives, ii, p. 147, Pl. LX, 1.

SALDVVIA–CAESARAVGVSTA

Salduvia, Saldubia, Salduba or Salluia 49 was the name of the town on the Hiberus in the regio Sedetania, where Caesaraugusta (Zaragoza) was founded. Zobel's attribution thereto of the coins which read image (salduie), 50 and are of the fabric and style of the region, seems entirely reasonable. Heiss's attribution to the city of the Ligurian-Celtic Salluvi, accepted by Delgado, is on the other hand quite improbable.

The coins are aces (Pl. XIV, 1) and semisses of the lighter weight, of the usual types. 51

Between this Iberian coinage and that of the Roman colony comes the small group of coins 52 struck by Sextus Pompeius when after Munda he rallied against Caesar on the Ebro; very rude denarii with SAL or Ѕimage beneath the head on the obverse, 53 and Pietas on the reverse. There are other coins of the same style and types without the mint-mark. They are clearly a Roman military issue, and fall outside the regular Iberian series. 54

The colony 55 was founded by Augustus. The coins prove that veterans of three legions were settled here (iv Macedonica, vi Victrix and x Gemina); of these only the two latter were represented at the original foundation, according to Ritterling. Roman remains on the site are scanty. 56

The following is an attempt at the classification of the coinage. 57 It can only be partly chronological, since many of the coins give the Emperors' names in a form (such as Augustus Divi f.) which allows of no precise dating. The type of the ace is usually the priest ploughing with a yoke of oxen; when it is something else, it is described below.

Augustus

A. Augustus Divi f.

  • Q. Lutatio, M. Fabio, Ilviris.

    Aces with head of Augustus laureate or bare (Pl. XIV, 2; Vives, 1).

  • C. Alsano, T. Cervio, Ilviris.

    Aces with head of Augustus laureate or bare (Pl. XIV, 3; Vives, 3–5).

  • C. Sabino, P. Varo, Ilviris.

    Unique ace with the usual types (laureate head) illustrated by Delgado, Pl. XCV, 4, from the Coll. Calvo Casini (Vives, no. 6).

  • L. Cassio, C. Valerio Fen., IIviris.

    Ace (laureate head); semis (vexillum); quadrans (inscr. in wreath). Pl. XIV, 4. Vives, nos. 7–11. Vives expands the second name as Fendio, for which there seems to be no authority. Some cognomen like Fenestella is possible.

  • M' Kaninio iterum, L. Titio, IIviris.

    Ace (laureate head; Pl. XIV, 5); semis (vexillum); quadrans (inscr. in wreath). Vives, nos. 12–15. 58 The extraordinary reading Caesar Augu. f. on the semis and quadrans is doubtless a mistake of the engraver.

B. Imp. Augustus XIV or Augustus Divi f. The former indicates the period 8–1 B.C.

6. M. Porcio, Cn. Fad[io], IIviris.

Ace, semis (Pl. XIV, 6) and quadrans (Pl. XIV, 7) (Vives, nos. 18–20).

C. Augustus Divi f. Cos. XI Des. XII Pon. Max.

6 B.C. (second half of year).

7. C. Alliario, T. Verrio, IIviris.

Ace (Pl. XIV, 8; Vives, nos. 16, 17).

D. Imp. Augustus Trib. Potes. XX. 4–3 B.C.

8. Cn. Dom[itio] Ampiano, C. Vet[tio?] Lancia[no ?], IIviris.

Dupondius or sestertius (figures of Augustus between C. Caesar and L. Caesar as consul designate; rev. vexillum between two standards: Pl. XIV, 9; Vives, no. 21, Pl. CXLVIII, 11), ace, and semis (vexillum) Pl. XIV, 10; Vives, nos. 22, 23. L. Caesar was consul designate in his fifteenth year, summer 751 = 3 B.C. Mon. Anc., 2, 4689 (see Mommsen, Res gest. divi Aug., II, 46; C.I.L., III, 323, VI, 900); Augustus held the Tribunician power from 4–3 B.C.

The name of the first duovir is so much abbreviated that we cannot be certain of either his gentile name (Vettius? Veturius?) or of his cognomen (Lancianus?). Vives' reading VETIA in his no. 22 should be VET.LA.; and his LANTIA has no authority.

E. Augustus; rev. Ti. Caesar Augusti f.

9. No magistrates' names. Semis (Pl. XIV, 11; Vives, nos. 30, 31). May have been issued at any time between the adoption of Tiberius and the death of Augustus (A.D. 4–14).

F. Augustus Divi f.

10. Tib. Clodio Flavo, praefecto Germanici, L. Iuventio Luperco II viro. Probably soon after A.D. 4, the date of the adoption of Germanicus by Tiberius. Dupondius or sestertius (vexillum of legio IV, signa of legg. VI and X; rev. priest ploughing; Pl. XV, 1 59 ); ace (rev. bull standing); semis (rev. inscription only). Vives, nos. 24–28.

G. Augustus .

11. No magistrates' names. Quadrans with rev. C.C.A. in wreath. Date quite uncertain. Vives, no. 29.

End Notes
58
Vives wrongly calls his no. 15 semis. He describes the head as bare, whereas it is laureate, and gives the reading as Augustus imp. whereas it is as on the semis.
59
The specimen illustrated is a cast from a lost original; it shows the details better than anything else available.

Tiberius

H. Ti. Caesar Divi Augusti f. Augustus .

12. No magistrates' names. Livia seated. Probably about A.D. 15–16 (see Mattingly, B.M.C., Roman Imp., I, p. 128, no. 65). Ace: Pl. XV, 2; Vives, no. 59.

13. No magistrates' names.

Ace: rev. priest ploughing or bull standing. Pl. XV, 3, 4; Vives, 32–36.

14. T. Caecilio Lepido, C. Aufidio Gemello, IIviris. Dupondius (rev. inscription only; Pl. XV, 5); ace (rev. bull standing). Vives, nos. 60–62.

15. Clemens, Lucretius, IIviri.

Semis (rev. legionary eagle between two signa; Pl. XV, 6); quadrans (rev. vexillum; Pl. XV, 7). Vives, nos. 40–42.

16. Sex. Aebutius, L. Lucretius IIviri.

Semis (rev. as on no. 15). Pl. XV, 8; Vives, nos. 38, 39.

17. Lupo IIviro, Fulviano praefecto.

Ace (rev. priest ploughing, or bull standing). Pl. XV, 9. Vives, nos. 51, 52. The person for whom Fulvianus was praefectus is not mentioned. In this and similar cases (cp. the coins of Celsa, p. 81) may we assume that the person was the head of the state himself ?

18. Drusus Caesar, Nero Caesar IIviri.

Ace (rev. confronted heads, or seated figures of the two Caesars). Here Pl. XVI, 1, 2; Vives, nos. 57, 58. On the ace with the seated figures the title IIVIRI is omitted. The coins probably date from or soon after A.D. 23 (the year of the death of Drusus, son of Tiberius, when the two young princes were thought of as successors to the Empire). Nero was banished and Drusus imprisoned in A.D. 29.

19. Iuniano Lupo praefecto G. Caesaris, C. Pomponio Parra II viro.

Ace (rev. legionary eagle between two standards; or, with obv. head of Livia (?) as Pietas, rev. Temple or inscription only). Pl. XVI, 3–5; Vives, nos. 54–56. The date A.D. 23 or soon after is suggested by the original (Mattingly, B.M.C., Rom. Imp., I, p. 133, no. 98) from which the head of Pietas is copied. But at that time G. Caesar was comparatively obscure. In 29 he pronounced the funeral oration on Livia; but it was not until 31 that Tiberius sent for him to Capri, made him assume the toga virilis and appointed him to the pontifical college, expressing praise of his pietas atque indoles (Suet., Cal., 12, 1). The report of this might well have induced the authorities of Caesaraugusta to elect him duovir and place the head of Pietas (whether with reference to Livia or not) on the coin.

J. Ti. Caesar Augustus Augusti f.

20. C. Carri(nate?) Aquil., L. Funi(o) Vete. Semis (rev. inscription only). Pl. XVI, 6; Vives, no. 53. The omission of Divi is curious, but probably without significance. There is nothing to fix the date of this issue; it may be of any time in the reign of Tiberius. The two cognomina are probably Aquila or Aquilinus and Vetus or Veteranus. 60

K. Ti. Augustus Divi Augusti f. Caesar Imp. Pont. Max.

21. M' Flavio Festo, M. Ofillio Silvano iter. IIviris.

Dupondius (rev. inscription only) and ace (similar). Here Pl. XVI, 7; Hunter, Catal., iii, p. 644, no. 11; Vives, nos. 64–5.

L. Ti Caesar Divi Augu. f. Augustus Po. Max. Tr. Pot(e)s. XXX.

A.D. 28–9.

22. No magistrates.

Dupondius (obv. Tiberius seated, rev. hexastyle temple). Pl. XVI, 8; Vives, no. 37.

M. Ti Caesar Divi Aug. f. Augustus Pont. Max. Tr. Pot. XXXIII.

A.D. 31–2.

23. M. Cato, L. Vettiacus IIviri.

Dupondius (obv. equestrian statue of Tiberius, rev. legionary eagle between two standards: Pl. XVII, 1; or obv. Tiberius seated, rev. vexillum between two standards: Pl. XVII, 2); ace (priest ploughing; Pl. XVII, 3; or inscription, sometimes in a wreath). Vives, nos. 44–50.

End Notes
60
In his list, iv, p. 75, Vives miswrites L.IVNIO.VETER (there seems to be no authority for the R) and in his description, p. 82 (following Delgado) C.CARRA AQVIL &c.

Caligula

N. With title Imperator, but not Pater Patriae. A.D.37–8?

24. Liciniano, Germano, IIviris.

Dupondius (rev. legionary eagle between two standards; Pl. XVII, 4); ace (priest ploughing; Pl. XVII, 5; or inscription only). Vives, nos. 78–82.

O. With both the above titles; A.D. 38–41.

25. Scipione, Montano IIviris.

Dupondius: obv. head of Caligula, rev. inscription only; or obv. head of Divus Augustus Pater radiate, rev. thunderbolt (Pl. XVII, 7); ace: obv. head of Caligula, 61 rev. priest ploughing (Pl. XVII, 6); or obv. head of Agrippa, rev. priest ploughing (Pl. XVIII, 3); or obv. head of Germanicus, rev. inscription only (Pl. XVIII, 1, 2 62 ); or obv. head of Agrippina, rev. inscription only. Vives, nos. 70–77.

26. Titullo, 63 Montano Ilviris.

Dupondius (obv. head of Divus Augustus Pater radiate, rev. thunderbolt); ace (obv. head of Caligula, rev. priest ploughing; or obv. head of Agrippina, rev. priest ploughing; 64 or obv. head of Agrippina, rev. inscription only: Pl. XVIII, 4). Vives, nos. 66–9.

Of the types, the following may be noticed as out of the common:

The bull carrying on its horns a triangular decoration, having a pellet in its middle, and ornaments resembling acroteria (Pl. XV, 4). This type occurs at other Roman mints in Spain, both Hither (as Tarraco and Graccurris) and Farther (as Bailo 65 ). This shorthand rendering of a temple, as it appears to be, seems to indicate that the bull is a sacred animal. 66

The standards of the legions quartered at Caesaraugusta are represented sometimes in the usual forms, such as the usual legionary aquila; the standard having a crescent and three phalerae, sometimes also a cross-bar and two pendants, and ending either in a spear-point or in a hand. Exceptional is the form of standard, Pl. XVII, 2, which consists of a tall shaft supporting a single phalera, which appears to be radiate. The way in which these standards and vexilla are sometimes set up on bases indicates that they were worshipped.

Two temples are represented:

  • A tetrastyle building, associated apparently with Livia, since the bust on the obverse of the coin is copied from the bust of Pietas supposed to represent her on Roman coins and is inscribed Pietatis Augustae (Pl. XVI, 4). The temple is presumably one of Pietas, vowed if not erected. 67 We have seen reason to date this coin about A.D. 31.
  • A hexastyle building dedicated Pietati Augustae, and associated with a seated figure of Tiberius holding patera and sceptre (Pl. XVI, 8). This dates from A.D. 28–9 and was doubtless issued on the death of Livia. It clearly refers to a temple of Pietas. An altar was vowed by Tiberius at the time of the illness of Livia in A.D. 22, but apparently not dedicated until 43. A similar vow may have been made at Caesaraugusta. In this connexion it is to be noted that envoys came from Spain in A.D. 25 68 asking permission to build a temple to Tiberius and his mother. This was refused; but a compromise may have been arrived at by dedicating the Temple to Pietas.

Since coins sometimes represent a building which was contemplated, and not yet actually finished, it is quite possible that both these types, though on one the building has four columns, on the other six, refer to the same temple.

On a curious dupondius (Pl. XIV, 9) Augustus is represented holding a huge simpulum, which he appears to offer to C. Caesar, while L. Caesar, on a slightly smaller scale, stands behind; all three are on pedestals. The coin must commemorate the erection of a group of statues at Caesaraugusta, and the action of Augustus seems to indicate the offering of a priestly office to C. Caesar, as was done in 6 B.C. 69 The group would doubtless have resembled that of which the inscribed bases (dating, like the coin, from 3 B.C.) have been found in Tuscany at Soriano. 70

The winged thunderbolt (Pl. XVII, 7) is associated with Divus Augustus Pater as on coins of the mint of Rome. 71

Beside the coinage that can with certainty be attributed to Caesaaugusta, it has been suggested that certain issues of gold and silver were made there under Augustus. 72 The suggestion is based on an alleged resemblance in style of these aurei and denarii to the local bronze. The evidence appears to me to be too flimsy to support the attribution. The only coins of this sort of which the attribution to a Spanish mint is certain are those of Emerita, and any attribution of others to Spain should be based on a resemblance in style to the issues of Emerita; such a resemblance seems not yet to have been made out. 73

End Notes
61
Without title pater patriae, therefore perhaps early in the year 38.
62
The Hague coin, Pl. XVIII, 2, is an unusual variety, reading only GERMANICVS CAES on obv.
63
Vives consistently miswrites Titulo.
64
Misdescribed by Vives as a semis.
65
Where Delgado, p. 41, no. 6, takes the headdress for the letter A.
66
To put a temple on the head of a sacred figure may seem strange; but it was done to the cultus-figure of the Ephesian Artemis.
67
See Wissowa in Roscher, s.v., 2503. Eckhel, Doctr., vi, 157.
68
Tac. Ann., IV, 37. Tacitus says they came from Hisp. Ulterior; but what was asked for by Ulterior may as well have been desired by Citerior.
69
Cass. Dio, 55, 9.
70
C.I.L., xi, 3040.
71
B.M.C., Rom. Imp., i, p. 142, nos. 157 f. This coin is placed by Mattingly under Tiberius, for convenience, but may as well be of the time of Caligula, like the same type at Caesaraugusta.
72
Laffranchi, La Monetazione di Augusto, 1919, pp. 23–5; approved by Mattingly, B.M.C., Rom. Imp., i, pp. CIX ff.
73
The Vidal Quadras y Ramon collection might be expected to contain a good proportion of the coins in question, if they were really struck in Spain; although it must be remembered that (1) gold and silver coins travel easily, and therefore the evidence of provenance is not very conclusive, and (2) the owner may have bought largely in Paris and elsewhere. In his catalogue, the portion which should contain specimens of these coins numbers 48 pieces, from which may be subtracted 3 cistophoric medallions and one aes. Of the 43 remaining only 10 are of Laffran-chi's Spanish class. Thirteen are of the kinds attributed to Lugdunum, and 21 of supposed Eastern mints. This evidence is not of much significance, but is recorded for what it is worth.

End Notes

49
Plin., N.H., III, 24. The turma salluitana of the decree of Ascoli, Bull, com., 1909, 169, took its name from this place. Schulten in R.E., s.v. Salduvia and in Phil. Woch., 1927, 1584.
50
Heiss, pp. 148 f.; Delgado, III, pp. 365 f.; Zobel in M.N.E., v, p. 47, no. 4; Hübner, no. 35 (with other references); Vives, ii, pp. 64–5. Gómez-Moreno, Sobre los iberos etc., in Hom, a Men. Pidal, iii, 486, is wrong in transcribing saluie. The form in the Ascoli decree shows the melting of the dental after l, as in Iltrda-Ilerda.
51
According to Vives, some aces shew the head without drapery on the neck; perhaps these are worn or ill-struck specimens, though there are examples at Berlin and Copenhagen which lend some colour to his statement.
52
Laffranchi's attribution to Salduvia (Riv. Ital., XXV, 1912, pp. 511–516) is convincing.
53
One of these heads is evidently meant for Pompeius Magnus; the other, whatever it may be meant for, is not the Iberian head as Laffranchi maintains.
54
See Grueber, B.M.C., Rom. Rep., ii, pp. 370 f.
55
Colonia immunis, Plin., loc. cit., Hübner in R.E., s.v., Caesar augusta. Hübner dates the foundation to the time following the Cantabrian campaign (19 B.C.); Ritterling, R.E., XII, i, 1240, s.v. Legio, supposes it to be one of Augustus's Spanish colonies mentioned by Dio (liv., 23) in 15 B.C.
56
C.I.L., ii, p. 406.
57
Heiss, pp. 197 ff. Delgado, iii, pp. 42 ff. Hübner, no. 35a (with earlier references). Vives, iv, pp. 71 ff.

OSICERDA

This place is mentioned by Ptolemy 74 as belonging to the Edetani (which should be Sedetani 75 ); and the people belonged to the conventus of Caesaraugusta according to Pliny. 76 The site is quite uncertain; it has usually been placed, by those who have been influenced by the reading Edetani, in the extreme south of the district of the Conventus of Caesaraugusta. 77 Osera, on the left bank of the Ebro, seems to be the best suggestion hitherto made.

The identification of the Iberian Usec(e)rθ (image) with the Latin Osicerda is certified by the coins 78 (Pl. XVIII, 5). These are badly imitated from the denarii of Caesar struck in Gaul in 50–49 B.C.

The attribution to Osicerda of the coin (Pl. XVIII, 6), with the dextrae and simpulum, 79 is disputed by Vives, 80 who says that he has never seen the letters М O (for Municipium Osicerda), on which Delgado based his attribution. Strangely enough, on the British Museum specimen which was acquired from Vives himself in 1920, the O is certain, and the M faintly visible (though not, perhaps, in the photograph). These coins, it is true, are not unlike in fabric and style to certain coins of Carthago Nova; but there is nothing surprising in that.

There is no coinage of Augustus. Of Tiberius, Vives distinguishes both semis and quadrans, as well as the ace. But the two smaller coins are probably the same denomination, since they have the same types, although they differ widely in weight.

These Latin coins are the only evidence for the existence of Osicerda as a Municipium.

ILDUQOICO

Rare aces (Pl. XIX, 1), a unique semis (rev. horse with inverted crescent over) and a unique quadrans (same rev. type, but with a pellet above?) 81 are all that are known of this mint. The reading image is fairly certain; but owing to the inscription standing on the exergual line, it is impossible to say whether the third sign is image or image (Zobel gives image 82 ); and the interior stroke of the last sign is given by different authorities as -, I, / or ·; the fourth is probably correct, giving the adjectival termination -co.

The district to which the coins belong is clearly the Ilerdensian, from its types and style; but the mint is quite uncertain. Both Hübner and Schulten 83 mention Ildum (near Saguntum) in connexion with it. The termination in -iθ (as is usually transliterated here) does not occur on any other Iberian coins, so that the form image = co is to be preferred. On other words which seem to be connected see Hübner, M.L.I., p. 151, on no. XV.

End Notes
81
These two smaller denominations are represented by examples in the inaccessible Cervera Coll. (Hispanic Soc. of New York), and described by Vives (ii, pp. 62–3), who reads Χ for image on the smaller piece. He does not give the weights, and the similarity of types makes it possible that the supposed quadrans is really a semis. Other publications: Heiss, p. 147 ("Ilaugit," suggesting Olite; specimen found at Tortosa); Delgado, iii, p. 290 ("Ilo-qith"); Zobel in M.N.E., v, p. 44, 47 ("Ildugoit"); p. 241, no. 233, p. 246, no. 258 (the letter image which he reads on the reverse of this semis is not there, see Pujol); Pujol in Bol. Acad., iii, 1883, p. 70 (inaccessible to me); iv, 1884, p. 159; V.Q.R., Catal., no. 369; Hübner, p. 43, no. 37.
82
The question thus arises whether we must not read ilcaqiθ (or -qoico).
83
Hermes, 63, p. 292, note.

End Notes

74
II, 6, 62, 'Оίκ∊ρδα.
75
See Hübner in C.I.L., ii, p. 500 and in R.E., s.v., Edetani; but in M.L.I. on no. 36 he seems to accept the reading Edetani.
76
III, 24. The MS has Ossigerdenses. Natives of the place are mentioned C.I.L., ii, 4241, 4267 (Tarraco).
77
E.g. by Cortés y Lopez, Diccionario, at Mosqueruela; by Kiepert, Formae, on the head waters of the Turis. See other suggestions in Heiss, p. 214.
78
Heiss, p. 214; Delgado, iii, p. 328; Zobel in M.N.E., v, p. 46; Pujol, epigr., no. 183; Hübner, no. 36 (with earlier references); Vives, ii, p. 177; iv, p. 101. The coin illustrated by Pellerin, Recueil, i, 1763, Pl. II, no. 19 (head of Vulcan with tongs, rev. lion) is probably a misread and misdrawn coin, perhaps (as Robinson suggests) of Amyntas of Galatia (head of Heracles with club, rev. lion); or, as Heiss suggests, a coin of Malaca.
79
Others have described this as an apex upside down, which is unlikely. It is true that it seems to have two handles, both short, instead of one long one.
80
Prol., p. cxviii.

LAGNE

Lagni is mentioned 84 as a town allied to the Numantines, which was occupied by Q. Pompeius in 141 B.C. In spite of Hübner, we can have no hesitation in following Delgado in associating the coins inscribed image lagne with this mint. 85 They are aces (Pl. XIX, 2) and semisses of the usual types (Pl. XIX, 3). The semis has on the obverse, behind the head, the signs image (ĭn or van), which are also found in the same place on the coins inscribed Aušescen (Zobel, inscr. no. 74) Avarildur (141–2, 184–5), Iltrdašalir (226: on others, as 227, the same signs, absent from the obverse, are added to the main inscription on the reverse); they occur both on silver and on bronze of various denominations.

End Notes

84
Diod., xxxiii, 19, Λαγνί. Appian, Iber., 77, may mean the same place, but he calls it Мαλιά. Schulten, in R.E., s.v. Malia and in Numantia, i, p. 357 (where he argues that the site must be somewhere near Almazán on the Duero). The Greek form Λαγνί would seem to show that the third sign is not necessarily always the equivalent of gi, as in Gómez-Moreno's transliteration, but simply g.
85
Heiss, p. 147; Delgado, iii, p. 298; Zobel, M.N.E., v, pp. 46, 243, no. 269; Pujol, epigr., no. 129: Hübner, M.L.I., p. 43, no. 38 (earlier references); V.Q.R., no. 381; Hunter, iii, p. 627; Vives, ii, p. 64.

SEθISCEN

The mint which produced the coins inscribed seθiscen image (or seθiscn or seθis) 86 has not been identified; the style points to the Ilerda district. Zobel's conjecture that they were struck at Dertosa is based on the importance of the coinage during the period of the Hannibalic war, and the fact that Dertosa commanded the passage of the Ebro near its mouth. He thinks that the name Suessetani in Livy 87 may denote the same people. If however the Iberian form is to be connected with anything in the authors, the name Sedetani seems more probable. As Untce-scen corresponds to Indige-tarum or 'Ινδικη-τimageν, Seθiscen might correspond to Sede-tanorun. The Sedetani inhabited the region near Caesaraugusta. 88 The only other connexion worth noting that has been proposed is with the town of Σ∊τία, mentioned by Ptolemy. 89 In any case there can be no connexion with Šecaisa, the initial of which is a different sibilant.

The coins are aces and smaller denominations (semis, quadrans) of a number of issues, 90 of which Vives has distinguished five, which may be reduced to three. The earliest, if we could argue from its weight alone, would be that with the abbreviated inscription, which Vives puts second (Pl. XIX, 7 here, and his Pl. XXXVIII, 7, 8), with a crescent to 1. behind the head and two dolphins in front. But that would necessitate breaking the series on which the rider carries a palm-branch by a group on which he carries a crescent-topped standard. So that here, as at Celsa, the heaviest aces are not necessarily the earliest. The earliest issue has the crescent but no dolphins on the ace (Pl. XIX, 4), a plough on the semis (Pl. XIX, 5), and three pellets on the quadrans (Pl. XIX, 6). The later issues have three dolphins on the obverse, and the usual types for semis (horse, with inverted crescent above) and quadrans (half Pegasus) (Pl. XIX, 7–11).

End Notes

86
Gómez-Moreno's value for the third letter is te or de (Sobre los Iberos y su lengua in Hom. a Men. Pidal, iii, p. 485.
87
XXV, 34.
88
Plin., N.H., iiii, 24. Mark the distinction from the Edetani, drawn by Hübner, C.I.L., ii, p. 509.
89
Schuchardt, Iber. Dekl., p. 32; Ptol., ii (vi), 67. The MSS. have Σ∊τία or Σέτια; editors have corrected to Σ∊γία. The order is Cascantum, Ercavica, Tarraga, Muscaria (Monecaria), Segia, Alavona. There is an ethnic Setiensis, but the reference 2856 given by Hübner in C.I.L., ii, index, is wrong, and I have not been able to trace it, nor has Schuchardt.
90
Heiss, pp. 150 and 244 (divides the coins between two places); Delgado, iii, pp. 383 f.; Zobel, M.N.E., v, pp. 44, 48; Pujol, Bol. Acad., iii, 1883, p. 75 [inaccessible to me]; v, 1884, p. 29; epigr., 165 a–f; Hübner, M.L.I., p. 43, no. 39 (other earlier references); V.Q.R., nos. 456 f.; Hunter, iii, p. 626, no. 8; Botet, p. lxx; Vives, ii, pp. 87 f.

ŠECAISA

The coinage inscribed image is one of the most important of the Iberian series, but the place where it was issued is unidentified, and even the reading of the name is not quite certain. While one group of numismatists read the third sign as a guttural (k or g), others read it as a dental (θ); Gόmez-Moreno prefers ca, which is adopted here for working purposes. This peculiar form occurs elsewhere only on the coins inscribed holscan and attributed to Osca and on some rare coins inscribed image. Reference may be made to Hübner 91 for a summary of the various views; he himself, with Delgado, inclines to interpret it as th (θ), and thinks the name may be connected with the Sedetani. As to these, we have already discussed the possibility of the coins inscribed seθiscn being attributed to them. Both series of coins cannot claim the same attribution. Almost all writers hint at a connexion between seθiscn and the name with which we are now concerned; but since the initial sibilants are distinct and the third letter in each is differently written, the one thing that seems clear is that they are not connected. Both the sibilants might well have been represented by a Latin s, but we cannot assume that the Iberians used both forms indifferently.

The provenance of the coins does not help us much. 92 Delgado said once that they were commonest in Aragόn. Then, having found no fewer than sixteen in a collection of forty Iberian coins made locally at Cόrdoba, he inclined to attribute them to a district on the borders of Baetica and Tarraconensis; and he suggested Sax not far from Almansa on the road from Madrid to Murcia. He asserts that these coins are found frequently in the kingdom of Murcia, and that the few Celtiberic coins which occur in Andalucía are of that class. But, since he identifies Sax with Ptolemy's Segisa, whereas he reads the Iberian inscription Seθisa, he is obliged to assume an error of ϒ for θ in the text of Ptolemy. 93 Pujol, on the other hand 94 affirms that the aces of this series are found almost everywhere in Spain and Southern France, most frequently in the lower province of Zaragoza, in company with those of Bilbilis and Celsa; especially in Cala- tayud 95 they are nearly as common as modern copper coins. The denarii of the series are rare; they come into the market in that district, so that they are found in collections at Madrid and Zaragoza, but they are not to be had in Murcia. He adds that the types, weight and lettering of the coins indicate Upper Aragόn and the province of Zaragoza. Many have been found at Duron, a deserted spot near Calatayud.

On the question of provenance, we have new evidence in the fact that ten out of seventeen Iberian bronze coins found in the third camp of Renieblas were of this series; while, on the contrary, the only four coins picked up by Miss Joshua on the site of an old mine quite close to Cόrdoba were also of this series. While Miss Joshua's coins, however, were light and probably comparatively late, those found in Renieblas were early and good. The discovery of these coins near Cόrdoba may be explained by their use for paying the workmen, for which purpose they were doubtless imported in quantity, as were the coins of Tarraco. 96

Finally, Miss M. A. Murray recently found a bronze in an excavation in Minorca, which yielded Roman coins extending over a long period.

The provenance of these bronze coins, when they belong to an extensive series, such as those of Tarraco or Šecaisa, proves little. Style and other evidence compel us to place the mint not far from Caesaraugusta. For this reason, Zobel's suggestion, accepted by Hübner, that they belong to some place in the neighbourhood of Carthago Nova, if not to that place itself in its pre-Roman days, seems unacceptable.

Gόmez-Moreno 97 accepts the identification of Šecaisa with Segida (Segisa) of Ptolemy.

It will be observed that on the later coins (Pl. XXI, 3, 4) the third sign takes a simpler form, the cross-bar being dropped. This probably indicates the breaking down of a syllabic sign into a single sound sign. For these syllabic signs tend to disappear, being characteristic of a primitive stage. Thus on the coins of Tarraco, Cese is succeeded on the later coins by Cse, and the same thing happens at Celsa. It is curious, however, that the single syllabic sign is not followed by two signs, one for the consonant, the other for the vowel. One would have expectedimage to be followed by image.

The coins 98 show a fairly long development, and a number of interesting varieties. The denarii and the heavier aces are not, it would seem, the earliest; as at Celsa and at the mint which struck the coins inscribed Seθiscn, we begin with a light series (Pl. XX, 1–5); on the aces the rider carries an object which appears to be a standard topped with an eagle. 98a A specimen of the rare variety with the bearded head on the obverse was found in Camp III at Renieblas in good condition (Pl. XX, 5). We may assume therefore that this series belongs to the first half of the second century.

On the denarii and heavy aces 99 of the second series (Pl. XX, 6, 7; Vives, issue V), the horseman bears a branch of palm. The form image, characteristic of the earlier series, is succeeded by image (this occurs on the coin with the bearded head from Numantia (Pl. XX, 5), which is thus rightly placed towards the end of the first series) and image. The first two letters of the name are usually repeated behind the head on the obverse.

The heavy weight does not last long; the transition to the next series is given by the light ace Vives, Pl. LXV, 5, on which the rider carries a spear, as on all the third series. The initials then disappear from the obverse, where the head is now accompanied by two dolphins.

The coins which compose these three series are divided by Vives into eight 'emisiones,' but the classification just indicated seems to be as detailed as the material justifies. But it does not include the variety 100 of the ace which is inscribed šecaisaqom (Pl. XXI, 6 101 ). That the two words šecaisa, and šecaisaqom have to do with the same place cannot be doubted. But, so far as it is possible to judge from the indifferently preserved specimens available, it does not seem possible to fit this ace into the šecaisa series. The termination -qom 102 is often found on coins added to what appear to be place-names, although none of them can be identified; the form Clounioq written in Latin on the coins of Clunia (corresponding to the Iberian Qolounioco) appears to be another example. That it is an ethnic termination is generally admitted, though in what case and number may be doubtful. It appears to be characteristic of Lower Celtiberiaand the district of Carthago Nova 103 —which is the only reason in favour of the attribution of the coins with which we are now concerned to that neighbourhood. It is possible that the coins inscribed šecaisa were local issues for the mint-town, and those inscribed šecaisaqom were regional issues, as we have suggested in the case of the coins of the Ilergetes.

The coins had a very wide circulation, being found both in Southern France and in Baetica. 104

End Notes

91
No. 101, p. 93 and pp. xlvii of Prolegomena.
92
See especially Hübner, p. 93.
93
II, 6, 60. The MS. has ∑έϒηδα. Segisa is generally-conjectured to be represented by Cieza.
94
Bol. de la Acad., vii, 1885, p. 30 ff.
95
Cp. Schulten in Phil. Woch., 1927, p. 1585.
96
See Num. Chr., 1929, p. 82.
97
Sobre los Iberos y su Lengua in Hom. a Men. Pidal, iii, p. 493.
98
Lorichs, Pl. XI, 1–10; XII, 1, 2; XIII, 1. Heiss, pp. 281–2, PI. XXXVIII. Delgado, iii, pp. 373–5. Zobel in M.N.E., v, p. 105. Pujol in Bol. Acad. Hist., iii, 1883, p. 72 [inaccessible to me]; vi, 1885, pp. 338–40; epigr., nos. 162 a-f. Hübner, n. 101 (with earlier references). Vives, ii, pp. 156–9.
98a
I think it is rightly so described. It is true that, in whatever position this shaft is apparently held, the eagle is upright; but that is a reasonable licence. The animal behind the head on the obverse is a lion.
99
Weights: British Museum 22.96, 20.78, 19.95, 18.95, 18.16; Berlin 24.01 (worn), Gotha 21.43 (worn); 18.60 (edge beaten up); 15.25. Madrid 18.30 (Heiss, PI. 38, 2).
100
Vives, failing to read the inscription aright, includes one of these as no. 11 in his 4th 'emision'; nor does he anywhere deal with this form of inscription.
101
Heiss, Pl. XXXVIII, 6; Delgado, Pl. CLXVIII, 4.
102
Schuchardt, Iber. Dekl., pp. 42 f.
103
Zobel in M.N.E., iv, p. 272. If the Clunia parallel is admitted, we have an example from another district.

REGIO SAGUNTINA SAGUNTUM

The Greek origin ascribed to this city (Murvi-edro in the Middle Ages, now once more Sagunto) is thought to have been invented owing to the likeness of the name to Zakynthos. 1 It was certainly originally an Iberian fortress. The city was allied with the Romans, if the Roman accounts can be believed; and Hannibal's attack on it and capture of it in 219 B.C. was the immediate cause of the outbreak of the Second Punic War. It was recaptured and rebuilt by Scipio eight years later. In the time of Augustus it was a municipium civ. Rom.

Bilingual coins of the Roman period associate the Iberian name Arse with the Latin name Saguntum, from which it has been inferred that the earlier Iberian coins with Arse, alone or in various combinations, belong to this place. One of these combinations has been read Arsesacen 2 and sacen interpreted by Schuchardt and Schulten as the name of which the Romans made Saguntum. But the correct reading is image, arsescen, 3 and the alleged connexion of the second half of the word with Saguntum cannot be maintained.

Of the other known combinations, one group (Pl. XXI, 13 ff.) reads apparently arsgdr; for the fourth letter, like an archaic reversed Greek v, there appears in one or two readings recorded by Pujol 4 the usual form for g. Berlanga and Hübner therefore both read this fourth letter as g. If they are right, it is remarkable that the ordinaryform of g should be found on the supplementary inscription arsagsoe(?)grr(?) on the curious coin illustrated on Pl. XXI, 10; but it is to be observed that that supplementary inscription also provides within its own limits two forms of r. 5 The reading of this supplementary inscription, which is perhaps a personal name, is not very clear. Hübner (40 b) reads arsagsoegra, but the forms which he gives are conventional and appear to be arbitrary; Pujol's facsimile (66 bis a) would rather favour arsagsaegar (so Heiss); on the specimen illustrated by Vives (Pl. VI, 15; here Pl. XXI, 10) the last two letters seem to be image and on two Berlin specimens (from different dies) they are Ρᗡ which must be for ra, with the a retrograde. On the British Museum specimen the last two letters seem to be ᗡᗡ. The Hunter specimen is mutilated in this part, but the last letter is . The reading given by Vives, with a image of the exceptional form mentioned above, is belied by his own illustration; 6 but he may have seen it on some other specimen. On the whole, Hübner's reading or our own seems preferable to any other proposed.

In the other inscriptions (Pl. XXI, 8–11), the third and fourth signs, at first sight similar, seem to be distinguished; in the third the slanting strokes start from inner points of the hasta, in the fourth the lower slanting stroke starts from the bottom of the hasta. The third sign may therefore be e, the fourth ce, giving arsecedr. Whether this is the same name as arsgdr is not certain, but probable.

The idea that arse is the Latin arx may be dismissed. The equation provided by the bilingual coins does not prove that it is the name of Saguntum (which is itself probably a corruption of an Iberian name). But it may be the beginning of the name of the surrounding tribe, 7 of which Saguntum was the capital. Arsecedr and arsgdr are hardly likely to be personal names; it would be too strange a coincidence that not only this, but arsagsoegra, if they were all personal names, should begin with the same syllable as the name of the place to which they belong. 8 Nor is it likely that, in accordance with the thoroughly unsorund theory of alliance coinages which has prevailed until lately, they are the names of another people or peoples in alliance with Arse. It may be suggested, as a perhaps not altogether desperate solution, that the latter half of the word means something like 'stronghold'; may even be a loanword from the Phoenician image, 'walled city,' which was the name of Gades. 9

The word is found in an even longer form (image) on a small silver coin in the Vidal Quadras y Ramon collection (Pl. XXI, 11). 10 Owing to the fancy that the horse's head which is the reverse type has the so-called Chrysaor form, this coin was placed among the " alliance " coins with Emporion. In the owner's catalogue it is properly associated with the other Arsecoins.

As to the types, the head of Heracles (whether he be the Greek demigod or, as is more probable, in origin the Phoenician Melkart) illustrates the legend of the foundation of the city recorded by Silius Italicus. The human-headed bull (absurdly called the Minotaur by earlier numismatists) is a river-god; whether inspired by coins of Naples or not, it doubtless represents the local river Pallantia. The bull of the later coins is doubtless also the river-god; in the charging attitude of Pl. XXII, 5, we perhaps see the influence of the bronze coins of Massalia (H. de la Tour, Atlas, Pl. IV, 1495 f.), though the way in which both forelegs are raised from the ground is original. The running bull of a rare coin (Pl. XXI, 12; Vives, Pl. VI, 14), is also unusual and original, and enforces the undesirability of hunting in all kinds of unlikely places for the models of Spanish coins. The wheel on the reverse of the Arsescen coin (Pl. XXI, 7) is perhaps also derived from Massalia; but the eagle on the rare coin at Madrid (Pl. XXII, 2; Vives, Pl. VI, 18) comes from a Roman source.

Besides the silver coins with this inscription, there is a rare bronze (Pl. XXII, 7; cp. Vives, Pl. VI, 17) with types (scallop-shell and prow) which are found on the later coins; and indeed, it must belong to a slightly later time.

As to the date of the silver coinage, we have little help from external sources. Pl. XXII, 5, since a specimen of it was in the Córdoba find, must be earlier than about 105 B.C., but that we should have guessed from its style. The coins which have the human headed bull on the reverse are all distinctly earlier in fabric and style, and many of them distinctly recall the Barcid coins of the period preceding the Second Punic War. Earliest of all seems to be the Stockholm coin, with the pure Greek form of s (Pl. XXI, 7). Next, partly on account of their archaic script, but also on account of the style of the head, we may place the coins with the helmeted female head (Pl. XXI, 8–10). It is by no means certain that this is Roma; the helmet is Corinthian, in fact the head is nearer to that on staters of Alexander the Great than to anything else. The eye is sometimes rendered in full view, but that is probably due to mere incapacity on the part of the engraver. The general appearance and fabric of the coins is not unlike that of the obols of Emporion (Pl. I), but they can hardly be so old. A specimen of the fine coin (Pl. XXI, 12) with the galloping bull (such it is, rather than a dog) was in the find of Cheste (prov. di Valencia), 11 which contained Hispano-Carthaginian silver didrachms and drachms, a few drachms of Emporion with the "Pegasus-Chrysaor" and imitations of the same with Iberian or blundered inscriptions, wheel-obols of Massalia, and one early Roman denarius (RΟΜimage in tablet). Zobel attributes the burial of the hoard to 219–214 B.C., i.e. to the first period of the struggle with Rome. This is in conflict with the new date to which the introduction of the denarius is ascribed; and the denarius in question was· not well preserved. 12 If, however, the hoard was not buried until some time in the second century, it is curious that it should have contained none of the later Saguntine coins, seeing how close Cheste is to Saguntum. But this may be an accident, and it must be remembered that the hoard was not recovered in its entirety.

The strange coin with the eagle on the reverse (Pl. XXII, 2) can hardly have been made except by some one who had seen the Roman Mars- gold. It must therefore be later than 217 B.C., if we accept the traditional date for the latter.

It seems best to class the various issues of silver quite roughly: those with the humanheaded bull (and a few others, such as the galloping bull) from about 250 to 200 B.C.; those with the ordinary bull standing, in the second century. A transition between the two series is given by Pl. XXI, 17 and XXII, 1, which share one obverse die. This may seem a vague arrangement compared with the neat classification made by Zobel; 13 but the material does not seem to me to justify his precise deductions.

Zobel's analysis of the weights is as follows:

1st period (226–218 B.C.). Victoriates of 3.41 g. normal. Types corresponding to Pl. XXI, 1–14.

2d period (214–204 B.C.). Reduced victoriates of 2.92 g. normal (types corresponding to Pl. XXI, 15-XXII, 4).

3d period (204–154 B.C.). Reduced victoriates of 2.65 g. mean weight (types corresponding to Pl. XXII, 5, 6).

Yet his reduced victoriates of the second period range from 3.65 to 2.00 gr., while the unreduced of his first period range from 3.46 to 2.37 g.

Vives, after an inadequate presentation of the evidence, 14 concludes that the coins belong to the same system as those Rhoda and Emporion, the unit of Saguntum being half that of the other places. For, he says, we must not allow the extreme weights to rob the general rule of its force. The coins whose weights have been recorded are unfortunately too few to allow of a frequency diagram being of use; but there is no doubt that Vives is wrong; the 'extreme weights' are too many for his theory. Even ignoring the higher weights which he gives, if we take the weight of 2.80 g. for the unit, its double of 5.60 g. is much too high for the standard of Rhode and Emporion.

For Zobel, the coins are of the victoriate standard, 15 and it is certainly remarkable that the highest weight reached, 3.65 g., is within 0.24 g. of the normal victoriate (3.41 g.). Vives objects that the victoriate is supposed to have originated in an Illyrian or a Capuan drachm, and was made for the Romans, and that it is unreasonable to suppose that, if the Saguntines wanted to adopt the Roman system, they should have chosen the victoriate, which was for the Romans an exotic weight, and not the denarius, which was the national coin. But the origin and date of introduction of the victoriate are still uncertain; and it is even possible that it may have been of Spanish origin. Spain was, after all, the chief source of silver; Rome was in ancient alliance with Saguntum, and trade must have been lively between the two peoples. Some of the earliest Saguntine silver may well be earlier than the earliest Roman coins on the victoriate standard. Rome, then, and not Saguntum, may have been the debtor in this transaction of the victoriate standard. The Saguntine coin may have been merely a reduction of the drachm of the light Phoenician standard (normal 3.63 to 3.65 g.) a weight which, as Zobel records, is actually reached by one specimen. 16 Didrachms of this series were familiar to the Saguntines in the Barcid coinage.

However this may be, the general evidence of the weight seems to confirm the classification adopted in this catalogue, in so far as it shows a general tendency to a fall in the order of the classification. In those groups which we have placed last (Pl. XXII, 3–6) the coins never (with one exception) 17 reach 3 g.; in our first group (Pl. XXI, 7–10) they are usually well above 3 g.; in our second (Pl. XXI, 12–15) they are still often, but less frequently above that level. The few coins similar to Pl. XXI, 12 seem however to run to a high weight; Zobel (no. 7) gives 3.46 (formerly Heiss), 3.40 (Copenhagen), 3.40 (Vera), 3.15 (Zobel) for the four specimens known to him; of these the Copenhagen specimen is rather 3.42. It is the finest in style of all the Saguntine coins and doubtless represents the most careful effort of the mint.

The bronze coin on Pl. XXII, 7, has been described as having S, the mark of the semis, above the prow. But the Paris and Newell specimens show that the illustration given by Lorichs, and repeated by Heiss and Delgado, is approximately correct; the object above the prow, whatever it is (a misunderstood uraeus? an open wreath?), is not S. Although therefore the prow betrays Roman influence, we cannot describe this coin as a semis, or say that it belongs to the Roman system. The weights known to me are: 8.62 (Paris); 5.35 (Zobel in M.N.E., iv, p. 208); 6.64 (Newell).

The aces of the later bronze issues fall into two main groups. 18 There is first a lighter group, without anything Latin in type or inscription (Pl. XXII, 8, 9). These are placed by Vives later, as semuncial; but they are earlier in style, and here, as elsewhere, we find a lighter series of aces preceding a later. The later aces are heavier (so-called uncial) and have a head of Roma, recalling denarii of the beginning of the last third of the second century, such as those of M. CATO (Pl. XXII, 10 ff.). It would seem that, possibly with the resettlement of the conditions of Spain after the fall of Numantia, a heavier standard was introduced.

Some of these later aces have a couple of Iberian words (Pl. XXII, 10, 11), others are inscribed in Latin, with the initials or names of curule aediles. The words valcacaldo 19 (with which compare other words beginning with the same element—valca in Saguntine inscriptions: Hübner, xxviii, valcatne; xxix, valcatnde; xxx, valcnk —; xxxi b, valcatn), iqorkleš (compare isqor-kleš at Emporion, above p. 27), and pulaqoš or bulaqoš 20 may be personal or place names. Hübner's remark that names of magistrates are not found on Iberian coins, except on those of Emporion and Obulco, begs the question. The parallel between these pairs of Iberian names and the pairs of curule aediles on aces of the same types is exact. It is true that the second pair of Iberian names, if we arrange the coins by style, would seem to fall at the end (Pl. XXIII, 5), the first pair at the beginning of the series, and yet the same name Valcacaldo occurs in both pairs. But they do not necessarily represent the same person. We may suppose that even towards the end of the series an Iberian may have inscribed a coin in his native alphabet, although officials of Roman origin or status may have long used Latin in the same place.

These officials are aediles, who, as Hübner has shown, 21 in Saguntum filled, if not the highest office, still one on a level with the duoviri.

The Latin names are:

LB M P 22 (Pl. XXII, 13);

CS (Pl. XXIII, 1);

CN· BAEBI · GLAB· L· CALPVRN· AED (Pl. XXIII, 2). Here Heiss followed by Vives reads AED·CVR· where Florez followed by Delgado reads AED· G· S·, which, as Hübner says (loc. cit.), is not explained. 23 The Baebia gens is frequently mentioned in local inscriptions and the Cn. Baebius of the coins may be the aedile mentioned in C.I.L., ii, 3854–5, 3882.

M·AEMIL· CN BAEB· AED

(Vives, Pl. XVIII, 3).

L·SEMPR· VETTO, L·FABI· POST·

(Pl. XXIII, 3).

L·AE-- AEM·ERCOL· (Vives, Pl. XVIII, 5; very doubtful reading).

M·ACILI Q[?]POPIL (Pl. XXIII, 4; where Vives reads O· POPIL).

Denominations smaller than the ace: in addition to the semis of the earlier period already mentioned, there is a semis of Roman types (head of Jupiter, rev. prow, SAGVNT above and S on r.). 24

There is a fairly long series of quadrantes 25 (usually with the mark of value of three globules). The earlier bear in Iberian short inscriptions or single letters, the later have Latin initials; which on one coin are combined with the Iberian name of the city, arse. One variety only (Pl. XXIII, 13) bears the name of the city in Latin. The Iberian inscriptions are:

image or image (Pl. XXIII, 6). Hübner (no. 40 z) gives the first of these, and also (y) image, which is perhaps due to specimens on which the first sign is imperfect. image is presumably a monogram of image i.e. ai. image cannot be so explained, nevertheless it is clear.

image (ai) accompanied by image or image (Pl. XXIII, 7, 8).

image (arse) (Pl. XXIII, 9) accompanied by P·V·C·A (Pl. XXIII, 10) or C·A·P·V. 26

The Latin initials, in addition to those just mentioned, are C·S·M·Q (Pl. XXIII, 11; cp. Vives, Pl. XIX, 19, misread; Heiss, Pl. XXVII, 9), which may be connected with the ace with C·S· (Pl. XXIII, 1); M and MQ which occur alone (Pl. XXIII, 12 and Vives, no. 24, Pl. XIX, 11, where a trident accompanies the dolphin); and image (Vives, Pl. XIX, 14; Catal. V. Quadras y Ramon, no. 940).

The types of the sextans (if that is the denomination) are the same as those of the quadrans, but the dolphin is accompanied by a star (Pl. XXIII, 14). There is no mark of value. A specimen was found in Camp III at Renieblas, and therefore presumably dates before 153 B.C. 27

Vives looks for the origin of the scallop-dolphin types in the small silver of Tarentum; a source unlikely for chronological reasons. Both types were within the capacity of the inhabitants of a maritime city, even if they were Iberians, to invent.

When this bronze coinage came to an end, it is difficult to say; but it is very unlikely that, as Zobel believes, 28 it ceased at the time of the Numantine war and was not revived until the time of Tiberius. The absence of coins of Augustus is puzzling, 29 and cannot be supplied by inserting under Saguntum the well-known uncertain coins with the shield on the reverse, for their style is different from anything found in the neighbourhood.

Under Tiberius we have units and halves, presumably aces (type, ship's prow) and semisses (type, ship), the former in the name of the duoviri, L. Sempronius Geminus and L. Valerius Sura (Pl. XXIV, 1), the latter in the name of the aediles, L. Aemilius Maxumus and M. Baebius Sobrinus (Pl. XXIV, 3). The same duoviri also issued a small piece 30 of the types of the semis; this as Vives remarks is an exception to the ordinary rule that the duoviri confined themselves to the larger, the aediles to the smaller denomination. We have already seen that at Saguntum the aediles were at least on a level with the duoviri.

These coins of Tiberius are more often than not counter marked D D (decreto decurionum); we also find the countermark M·S (Pl. XXIV, 2). On Pl. XXIV, 1, D D is stamped over MS.

The same two marks and a third, CR, according to Delgado, are found on the above-mentioned coins of Augustus of uncertain attribution with the circular shield on the reverse. These used to be attributed to Carthago Nova, for reasons long since sufficiently disproved; Delgado (iii, pp. 356–7) would have them to be "alliance" coins between Saguntum and Segobriga.

End Notes

104
See above, p. 106 f., and Heiss, p. 283.
1
C.I.L., ii, p. 511 ff. (Hübner). A Chabret, Sagunto, su historia y sus monumentos, Barcelona, 1888. Schulten in P.W.K., R.E., 2d ser., i (1920), 1755–6 (with bibliography). P. Paris, Prom. Arch, en Esp., ii, 1921, pp. 127–68 (with bibliography). On the coins, see especially: Heiss, pp. 217 ff., 288 ff.; Delgado, III, pp. 345–363; Zobel in Comm. phil. in hon. Th. Mommsen, 1877, pp. 805–824 (cited below as Zobel, C.P.M.); the same in M.N.E., iv, pp. 207 ff.; v, pp. 54 f., 117 f.; Hübner no. 40 (with bibliography); Vives, i, pp. 29–36; ii, pp. 17–24; iv, p. 11. There is nothing new, so far as concerns us here, in the account of the history of Saguntum given by M. Gonzalez Simancas in his Memoria on the excavations (Junta Superior de Excavaciones y Antigüedades, 1921–2, no. 4, Madrid, 1923). .
2
Pl. XXI, 7 (the unique coin at Stockholm).
3
Zobel's arsesrn is not likely.
4
La epigrafia, no. 66 g.
5
Zobel distinguishes the form image as the strong r from the as the soft one (Mem. Num. Esp., iv, p. 259).
6
A cast of the coin which he illustrates confirms the reading of the British Museum specimen, except that the sixth letter is apparently image.
7
As Schuchardt says, p. 37, this in the gen. pl. would be arsescen (which one coin actually reads).
8
On the connexion between names of persons and places see, however, Schulten in Hermes, 63, pp. 291–2.
9
Zobel (Mem. Num. Esp., iv, p. 266) assumes suppression of n before the dental (arsgdr for arsagundr).
10
Zobel in Mem. Num. Esp., iv, p. 123, Catal., no. 159; Delgado, Pl. CXXX, 133; Hübner, 5 c; Botet, p. xlviii. Obv. butting bull. Rev. horse's head. Weight not given, but described by Hübner as 1/16 drachm.
11
Zobel in M.N.E., iv, pp. 162 ff.
12
Possibly it was an intrusion. The evidence of the constitution of the hoard is very unsatisfactory.
13
M.N.E., iv, pp. 208–212.
14
i, p. 32. He gives the weights 3.20, 3.10, 3.00 for specimens of his no. 15, but means no. 17. He places the coins with the more archaic inscriptions all in his second period, and takes no account of the change from N or image to image; in fact his arrangement is as nearly topsy-turvy as it can be.
15
So too Mommsen, Ann. dell' Inst., XXXV, 1863, p. 7, regards these Saguntine coins as struck on the standard of Massalia, which had adopted the victoriate system.
16
Zobel, C.P.M., p. 809, no. 12.
17
One of 3.06 g. is recorded by Zobel, C.P.M., p. 811, no. 19, from the Cervera Collection.
18
Zobel in M.N.E., iv, p. 50, regards the heavy coins with the prow as dupondii and the coins with the rider as the corresponding aces. Vives seems to be right in rejecting this. But his statement that the aces with the head of Roma range from 13.5 to 14.5 g., and that therefore they belong to the uncial standard, is on the face of it both untrue and absurd.
19
Pujol, epigr., 67 a and Zobel, inscr. no. 300, give a case in which the second l is omitted.
20
See Hübner, following Pujol, epigr., 67 a, b and others. Vives gives image (allaqs), but is a Gallio in such matters.
21
C.I.L., ii, 3853.
22
P B M P as given by various writers from Florez downwards, I have not been able to verify. On the other hand the initial L is certain (see Pl. XXII, 13).
23
Reading GLAB (rio) and not G·LAB· we have two, not as Hübner supposes, three aediles.
24
Vives, ii, p. 21, no. 14, only known from the Cervera specimen.
25
I doubt the correctness of the attribution to Saguntum of the coin on which the dolphin is accompanied by a trident. (Heiss, Pl. XXVII, 10; Vives, Pl. XIX, 21— unique specimen in the Paris Cabinet; perhaps a coin of S. Italy).
26
Zobel, C.P.M., p. 814, nos. 34, 35; Vives, Pl. XIX, 4.
27
Haeberlin, p. 38, no. 147, 2.20 g. (not identified).
28
C.P.M., p. 820.
29
The same phenomenon is found at Cascantum and Osicerda; cp. also Dertosa .
30
Heiss, Pl. XXVIII, 23; Vives, iv, p. 12, no. 3, Pl. CLXXIII, 7 (not 6). Weight not stated. I.V.D.J.

SAETABIS

Saetabi 31 as the name is given on the coins (cp. C.I.L., ii, 3625), is called Saetabis by the literary authorities; 32 it stood on a river of the same name (but now called Alcoy), and is now represented by Játiva. With one exception the coins 33 are all of bronze. A 'half-victoriate' in- scribed šait is described by Pujol from his own collection. 34

We may divide the bronze into four series. 35 The first (Pl. XXIV, 4–8) is a light series of aces, semisses, quadrantes and sextantes. The ace has the rider carrying a spear; behind the head on the obverse is a branch (of palm?).

In the second series (Pl. XXIV, 9), which may be dated after the Numantine war, the weight of the ace is raised, 36 and the rider carries a palm-branch; behind the head on the obverse is a sceptre. Possibly the quadrans described by Vives from the Cervera collection may belong to this series: obv. scallop-shell; rev. half-Pegasus or sea-horse, with ∴ as mark of value.

Third comes a small group of aces of poor style and light weight, evidently degenerated from the heavy aces (Pl. XXIV, 10); and finally, probably just before the beginning of the Empire, the bilingual aces (Pl. XXIV, 11, 12). On these last the head sometimes appears to be bearded (Pl. XXIV, 12), but this may be due to a defect in the coin. 37

The coinage came to an end before the establishment of a municipium, of which the inhabitants were known as Saetabitani-Augustani.

The letters image, which occur on one group of semuncial aces, we have already met with on the coins of the Indiketai and elsewhere. It is not certain that they are a mark of value, any more than the crescent (which occurs on the semis and, with a pellet between the horns, on a quadrans).

As to the inscriptions, 38 the reading image instead of М for the first letter is vouched for by Pujol (nos. 157 a, b) on two quadrantes; he also gives the form image from an ace. The latter is clear enough on the specimen illustrated by Vives (ii, p. 25) as a forgery, and the coin illustrated by Lorichs (Pl. xi, 1), which seems to be the only other evidence for the unusual form, seems to be from the same die. This form may therefore be regarded as lacking good evidence. As to the form image there is no trace of it on the London quadrans (Pl. XXIV, 7) similar to those on which it has been read by Lorichs, Delgado, etc. Hüb- ner reads it as a monogram of aš. For the present we may regard it as lacking confirmation. The fifth letter of the inscription, when there is one, should presumably be a image, if the Iberian name corresponds to the Latin form saetabi. On the London quadrans the form is clearly image; and other forms given by Delgado and others are ߉ and image (which would be r); while Zobel (inscr. 342–5) supplies the desired form image or Р. The r-forms are probably therefore mistakes of the engraver.

The additional inscription on the London quadrans reads clearly iqordaš, and is probably a personal name.

The special significance of the quadrans-types: lunate shield, Cupid riding a dolphin, goose and fly (Pl. XXIV, 7, 8), is quite obscure. It has been suggested that the second (which occurs also at Carteia) is derived from a Roman denarius of M' Cordius (Grueber, B.M.C., Rom. Rep., Pl. li, 13). This denarius dates from about 46 B.C. The type of Cupid riding a dolphin is, however, an ordinary attribute of Venus, 39 and may have been adapted from some local piece of sculpture. The goose may also owe its origin to a cult of Venus.

The pelta or lunate shield 40 is not characteristic of the Iberians, who usually carried a small round target. 41

End Notes

31
Hübner, C.I.L., ii, p. 488; Schulten in P.W.K., R.E., s.v.
32
E.g. Silius, iii, 373; Ptol., ii, 6, 62, where see Müller's note. There is no reason to believe that the form in -i (cp. Calagurri, Bilbili) is anything but a nominative.
33
Heiss, pp. 279 ff. and 432; Delgado, III, pp. 342–345; Zobel in M.N.E., v, pp. 54, 57 and 251–3; Pujol in Bol. Acad., iii, 1883, pp. 70, 72 (not accessible to me); epigr., no. 119 c, 157 a–f Hübner, no. 43 (with earlier references); Vives, ii, pp. 24–27.
34
Epigr., no. 157 d, and p. 351. This seems to have disappeared, and is not mentioned by Vives.
35
This arrangement abandons the usual course of putting the heaviest asses first; it provides, however, an orderly sequence of types. Otherwise, the rider with the lance would interrupt the series on which he carries a palm-branch.
36
In addition to those in the British Museum (27g.22, 23g.41, 19g.51), I note 28.75 and 25.15 (Paris), 24.75 (Berlin-Imhoof), 27.02 (VQR), 25.56 (Hunter: the weight 194.5 grains in Hunt. Cat., III, p. 628, no. 2, is a misprint).
37
Vives says, à propos of the bilingual asses of Gili (ii, p. 38), that the bilinguals of Saetabi differ in workmanship from the unilinguals. But there is really little difference between them and that group of unilinguals which appears immediately to precede them.
38
Hübner, no. 43.
39
Bernoulli, A phrodite, p. 266.
40
Taken by some writers for a crescent moon with human features; on the quadrans in the British Museum there is no trace of such details.

AVARILDUR

This inscription (image) is found on a small and rare group of coins 42 (Pl. XXV, 1–3; described as semis, quadrans, sextans), all with a beardless head on the obverse, behind which are the letters image (on the sextans, Pl. XXV, 3, which lacks these letters, the head is diademed). The reverse type of the semis is a bull, of the quadrans a horse running, of the sextans a dolphin. The coins, according to Delgado, come from the region in the borders of the kingdoms of Valencia and Castile. According to the same authority, the modern Ayora, in that region, was called by the Romans Aurilia or Jaura, 43 and he suggests that the coins above-mentioned belong to it. The most modern authorities do not mention the alleged ancient names of Ayora.

Vives describes the reverse of the semis as a bull or antelope of an unknown type; Heiss took it for a wolf; but it is merely a badly rendered bull. The letters image behind the head occur on denarii of Ausa and Ilerda-Šalirvan, and on a semis of Lagne. On the strength of the bull, Zobel gives the coins to the district of Emporiae; whereas Pujol (who says that they are not found in Catalonia) thinks the type of the running bull points rather to the Saguntine district. There seems to be no reason for removing the coins, as Vives does, from the other Ibero-Roman series, and placing them in a special category with those of Castulo, Osicerda, etc.

End Notes

41
Sandars, Weapons of the Iberians, p. 76.
42
Heiss, p. 287; Delgado, iii, p. 9 ff.; Pujol in Rev. de cienc. hist., ii, 1881, pp. 543 ff.; epigr., no. 58; Hübner, p. 33, no. 22; Vives, ii, p. 165; Botet, p. lxvi.
43
So Cean-Bermudez, Sumario, p. 50; cp. J. C. Pinol, Iberia protohist., 1891, p. 335.

LAURO

There can be little doubt that the coins inscribed ∧image↑ᗡΗ belong to the place, called in the literary texts Lauron (Λαύρων), which was captured and burned by Sertorius under the eyes of Pompeius in 76 B.C. 44 The resemblance of the coins to those of Saetabi and Saguntum fixes the district to which they belong. The actual site is unidentified, but it probably lay between Valentia and Saguntum.

The coins 45 are all bronze (ace, semis and quadrans; Pl. XXV, 4–9). Of the ace four groups are known, distinguished by symbols behind the head (club, ear of corn, caduceus, sceptre). One group, that with the club as symbol, represents both heavy and light standards; of the former only one specimen (Pl. XXV, 4) is known. Some of the other light aces may be earlier than this group; it is almost impossible to discern any development in style.

As Vives observes (ii, p. 37), the letters image⊙, which Zobel thought he read on an ace, may be a misunderstanding of the serpent-headed torque and the circular ornament on Pl. XXV, 6.

End Notes

44
Plut., Sert., xviii; Pomp., xix; App., Bell. Civ., i, 109 (510), etc.; Hübner in C.I.L., ii, pp. 482–3 and no. 3875; Schulten in P.W.K., s.v. Lauro (2); Cp. his Sertorius, p. 92 and Berl. Phil. Woch., 1927, 1583–4, and Klio, .23, 1930, p. 382.
45
Heiss, p. 110, Pl. V, 1–4 (under Iluro). Delgado, iii, pp. 299–304. Zobel in M.N.E., v, pp. 54, 57, 250–3. Pujol, epigr., 131 a–c, Hübner, no. 42 (with earlier references). Vives, ii, p. 36.

GILI

The style of the coins inscribed image gili shows that the place of issue was not far from Saetabi and Saguntum. There are bilingual coins reading GILI below the head on the obverse. 46 The site is unidentified. 47

The only known coins 48 are aces of the semuncial standard (Pl. XXV, 10, 11). The symbol on the obverse is meant rather for a palm-branch than, as Vives says, for an ear of corn.

The first letter of the inscription on the coin (Pl. XXV, 10), and other specimens from the same die, 49 looks as if it had been first written retrograde and then altered. It would seem to be the upper arm of the original letter, exaggerated in Lorichs' engraving (Pl. XXX, 10), that has given rise to the theory of a monogram of ϟ and ↑, although Delgado, who makes this suggestion, prefers to regard the form as accidental. 50

End Notes

46
Vives, ii, p. 38, says that nearly all, or at least the majority, of these bilinguals are false, and observes that they are like the bilinguals of Saetabi in being of workmanship distinct from the unilingual aces; those of Saetabi, however, though equally ugly, are of undoubted authenticity. The specimen in the Vidal Quadras y Ramon collection (no. 509) appeared to me to be genuine.
47
Cortés y Lopez (Diccionario, iii, p. 19) identified Gil, which is mentioned in a medieval document (delimitation of bishoprics attributed to Wamba, though possibly a fabrication of the 12th century; see A. Schott, Hisp. illustr., ii, 1603, p. 830) with Penáguila, 15 km. E. of Alcoy on the road to Villajoyosa. Heiss (p. 275) makes the same suggestion, perhaps independently. Alcira has also been proposed (see Delgado, iii, p. 245). Schulten (Berl. Phil. Woch., 1923, p. 1583) suggests Okilis (near Medinaceli), comparing O-lisipo, O-lauro.
48
Heiss, pp. 275–6, Pl. XXXVII, 1–3. Delgado, iii, pp. 243–5. Zobel in M.N.E., v, pp. 54, 57, 251. Pujol, epigr., no. 104 a, b. Hübner, no. 41 (with earlier references). Vives, ii, p. 38.
49
E.g. specimens at Stockholm, Berlin, and in the V.Q.R. and E.T. Newell collections.
50
Hübner (no. 41) compares with this imaginary monogram other strange forms, e.g. his no. 25 a, as to which see Vives, Prol., p. lxxxv, and no. 85 c.

REGIO OSCENSIS

OSCA

The denarii inscribed image 1 are the commonest of all Iberian silver coins; according to Hübner ninety out of a hundred are of this kind. They bear the usual types of the Iberian head (but in this case always bearded) 2 and the mounted lancer (Pl. XXVI, 1 ff.).

There has been much discussion as to the reading of the inscription. The usual form of the first sign 3 is: (a) Ӿ; (b) ✱ is also attested (Pl. XXVI, 2), and of the coins with this form Vives makes a separate issue. But the specimen here illustrated is no earlier than any of the others, and shews both forms, one on the obverse, the other on the reverse. It is a mere variety of no significance. As to (c) image, (d) ♓, (e) image and (f) Η (Pl. XXVI, 3), (c) is merely a case of the 'blobs' at the ends of the lines not being clearly joined; the others are also doubtless mere variations due to careless engraving. Vives does not recognize their existence at all.

Passing over earlier interpretations such as Helman(tica), we note that Heiss read HLSCN, supplying the vowels to make Hileoscan, and recalling the form Ιλ∊όσκη which he finds in Strabo, 4 ιλ∊ being the word for town (as in many Iberian names), so that Urbs (Victrix) Osca, as we find the place called on the Latin coins, would be the translation of Ιλ∊όσκη. He justifies his reading of the first sign as h by the form Η which takes its place on some issues. 5

Delgado rejects this for CELSThN or CELCHAN. Hübner considers it proved that Kelsθn is the right reading. It may be admitted that it has a better case for itself than any other previously proposed, although it cannot be said that either of the equations Ӿ = k and image = θ is proved with certainty, and no author mentions any people of the name of Celsithani, which is the name that these Iberian letters are thought to conceal. The Κ∊λκιανоί, it is true, are mentioned by Herodorus of Heraclea, 6 but we know nothing about them either.

Hübner's case being, therefore, unproven, the way is fairly open to accept Gómez-Moreno's transliteration Bolsean. 7 It has the advantage of bringing the Iberian word into close connexion with the Latin name Osca. But a still closer connexion may be attained if we give the Ӿ sign the value not of bo but of ho. Gómez-Moreno's own system adopts the value o for Η. Now the abbreviations Ӿimage and Ηimage seem to be used in a way so similar as to suggest that they mean the same thing. Thus we find behind the head on the obverse Ӿimage at Osca, Sesars, Jaca, Ηimage at Segia and Arsaos and (in combination with another group) on the coins read Kntan or Bentan. 8 All these series of coins belong to the same district; and it seems possible that the places which used the form Ӿ may have aspirated the initial vowel (a relic of the aspiration surviving in the modern name Huesca) more than those which used the form Η. But, as we see under Arsaqos, there is a difficulty in equating Ηimage and Ӿimage.

The two letters that occur behind the head on the obverse are doubtless the initial and final of the inscription on the reverse. For a similar abbreviation, compare Hübner, 76 b (Ti[tiaqo]š). The idea that they stand for denarius nummus cannot be entertained. 9

The identification (first suggested by Lorichs) of these coins with the argentum oscense of the Roman writers is supported by the exact repetition of the obverse type on the denarii of Dom. Calvinus with the name OSCA written against it (Pl. XXVI, 9). 10 Zobel thinks that the Romans 11 called all the silver captured in Spain argentum oscense because, as he supposes, the right of issuing silver was taken away from many mints which had enjoyed it and permitted only to Osca in the sixth century of the Republic.

The denarii with which we are concerned evidently go down to the latest period of the Iberian issues, i.e. until late in the first century B.C. When they began is another question. Pl. XXVI, 1 was in the Córdoba Find, and therefore was buried before about 105 B.C. (see Num. Chron., 1925, p. 395); it is in good condition, but had seen some circulation. No specimen of them was found in Camp III at Renieblas, but silver coins, being more often found in hoards than singly, afford no argumentum ex absentia; and a specimen of the heavier and earlier bronze, which is of the same style as the better denarii, was found there. 12 If we accept 153 B.C. as a terminus ante quem for coins found in Camp III at Renieblas, we must conclude that these denarii were already in circulation in the second quarter of the second century.

It must, however, be admitted that there seems to be singularly little sign of development in the series; almost any of them might be not far removed from the time of Domitius Calvinus, and it is difficult to give them much more than about a century of development. One is inclined to suspect that Haeberlin 133 may belong to the second occupation of the camp in 137 B.C. Six other similar bronze aces, and also what appears to be the bronze core of a plated denarius, were found in the Scipionic camps (134–133 B.C.); see Haeberlin, nos. 171–7.

If then our denarii did not begin much before the period of the Numantine war, we must accept Zobel's explanation of the term argentum oscense.

The denarii of Domitius Calvinus already mentioned (Pl. XXVI, 9), are generally supposed to have been issued by him during his governorship of Spain (39–36 B.C.). The appearance of the head copied from the Iberian denari and labelled Osca has been explained as indicating either the place of mintage, or that his victory over the Cerretani took place in the neighbourhood of the city which is now represented by Huesca. Apart from the type, these denarii show no particular resemblance in style to Iberian denarii; but neither do many other denarii which are generally accepted as having been struck in Spain by military governors. These governors must have employed Roman engravers. Still, it must be admitted that the fact of the coins now in question having been actually struck in Spain has not been definitely proved. It may be mentioned that they are especially rare in Spain; 13 but they are rare anywhere, and as late as 1910 no find that had been analysed contained specimens. 14

The bronze aces always bear the bearded head (Pl. XXVI, 5, 6); it appears beardless on the semis and quadrans (Pl. XXVI, 7, 8). The aces fall into a heavier and a lighter class, but the heaviest do not rise to the heaviest standard which we have noticed at other mints, such as Emporiae and Ilerda, the maximum weight recorded being 12.50 g. (Heiss, no. 4).

The coinage of Imperial date 15 is of the usual three Emperors; coins of Germanicus are also described, 16 but seem now to be untraceable. The denominations are sestertius or dupondius (of Caligula, Pl. XXVIII, 2), 17 ace, semis and quadrans. A quadrans of Augustus, if rightly read (Pl. XXVII, 2) gives the title Mun(icipium) on the obverse, and has the type, unusual except at Emporiae at this period, of a Pegasus. Other coins give the title Urbs victrix Osca.

The title P(ater) P(atriae) given to Tiberius on the quadrans (Pl. XXVII, 10), is doubtless a mistake of the engraver. It is well known that Tiberius refused to accept it. The other quadrans on Pl. XXVII, 9, reads P.M.

End Notes

1
Heiss, pp. 152 ff.; Delgado, iii, pp. 325 ff.; Zobel, M.N.E., ii, pp. 60, 257–8, nos. 348–352, 371, 375, 376; Pujol, epigr., n. 154 a–e; V.Q.R., nos. 407 f.; Hübner, M.L.I., p. 52, no. 47 (with earlier references); Hunter, iii, pp. 629–30; Vives, ii, p. 102; Haeberlin, p. 41, nos. 171 ff., 47, nos. 24 ff.
2
Vives, Pl. XLIII, 3, which he describes as bearing a beardless head, is only a worn specimen of the usual type (it is illustrated in Pl. XXVI, 4).
3
The two signs behind the head are always the same as the initial and final of the word on the reverse, except on the coin described by Pujol epigr., 154 c from the Cervera collection. On this there is only o behind the head. Vives, who worked through the Cervera Collection, did not notice it, and a confusion is to be suspected.
4
iii, 4, 10, C. 161: τоimageς π∊ρὶ 'Ιλέρδαν καὶ 'Ιλ∊όκαν χωρίоις‚ where the reading 'Οσκαν (the ιλ∊ being regarded as a repetition from 'Ιλέρδαν) is preferred by all modern editors. Berlanga also transliterates el(o)sk(a)n, regarding el as the article.
5
This form Η is, as noted above, merely a badly written Ӿ.
6
Steph. Byz., s.v., 'Ιβηρίαι, p. 323, 1, 17, ed. Meineke: in this order, going north, Gletes, Tartesioi, Elbusinioi, Mastienoi, Kelkianoi, ἒπ∊ιτα δὲ ἤδη ὀ 'Ρоδανός.
7
Sobre los Iberos y su Lengua in Hom, a Men. Pidal, iii, p. 493. I do not know whether he has justified his transliteration, which he mentions in this passage with a 'perhaps.'
8
The coin described under Segobriga (Hübner, no. 89 f) is subaerate and doubtless an ancient forgery, and need not be considered here.
9
See Mommsen-Blacas, iii, p. 243, note.
10
Heiss, p. 157; Delgado, iii, p. 322; Hübner, M.L.I., p. 53, no. 47 a (a); Grueber, B.M.C., Rom. Rep., ii, p. 373; Vives, iv, p. 50, no. 1.
11
The quotations from Livy referring to the booty in argentum oscense brought back from Spain in A.V.C. 559, 560 and 574 (B. C. 195, 194 and 180), are collected by Eckhel, D.N., i, p. 4. Cp. Mommsen-Blacas, iii, p. 243.
12
Haeberlin, p. 38, no. 133 = Schulten, Num., IV, p. 242.
13
Eckhel, loc. cit., quoting Florez.
14
Grueber, loc. cit. (1910).
15
Heiss, pp. 157–161; Delgado, iii, pp. 322–325; Hübner, no. 47 a; Vives, iv, pp. 50–53.
16
Heiss, p. 159. Same magistrates as Caligula's. Heiss professes to have found a specimen with the laureate head in the Paris Cabinet, and one with the bare head in that of Madrid.
17
Weights recorded: 27.95 and 25.50, both at Paris.

IACA

The bronze aces inscribed image iaca (Pl. XXVIII, 6) are without doubt rightly attributed to Iac(c)a (the modern Jaca). 18 The connexion of this place, as of Segia and Sesars, with the mint of the coins inscribed holscan was evidently close, since the letters hon appear behind the head on all these series of coins. Were it not that the same two letters are found occasionally at far distant mints, it would appear that all these places were members of a tribe or confederation, represented by the name holscan.

The coins 19 are all aces of fairly light weight. The bearded head is exactly like that on the coins of holscan. The compound letter ca is represented in two forms, of which image is commoner than image.

End Notes

18
See Hübner.M.L.I., p. 54; Schulten in P.W.K., R.E., s.v. The confusion between Lacetani and lacetani in the ancient authors seems almost inextricable. The lacetani may be identical with the Aquitani (Bosch-Gimpera in Arch. Anz., 1923–4, col. 240).
19
Heiss, pp. 175–6; Delgado, iii, p. 265; Zobel, M.N.E., v, pp. 60, 257; Pujol, epigr., nos. 110 a, b; Hübner, no. 48 (with earlier references); Vives, ii, p. 120, Pl. XLIX, 1–4.

SEGIA

The coins inscribed image, seg(i)a 20 are generally supposed to represent Segia, which Pliny 21 mentions under the conventus of Caesaraugusta, Ptolemy 22 in the territory of the Vascones, and the Ravennas 23 on the road from Caesaraugusta to Pompaelo. The site is generally supposed to be Ejea de los Caballeros. The coins 24 certainly have a general resemblance to those of Osca, laca, etc.

They fall into three main series; 25 it is difficult to say which are the earlier. They are classed here in the same order as is given by Vives. 26 The head is always bearded. 27

In the first series, denarius, ace and semis (Pl. XXVIII, 7–9), the letters Ηimage (on) appear behind the head, in the same position as Ӿimage (hon) at Osca, Iaca, Sesars, etc. Ηimage (on) occurs also in the same way on the coins inscribed arsaos, kntan-knqd, uzan aθ, and arsaqos. When these last read arsaqoson continuously on the reverse, then on does not appear alone on the obverse. 28 It looks therefore as if it were a suffix, and therefore not, as Hübner supposes, the equivalent of the group Ӿimage, which never seems to play the part of a suffix. This opposes a difficulty to the partial equation of Ӿimage with Ηimage suggested above (under Osca); and in any case we cannot, with Hübner, equate Ηimage with Ӿimage and take Η for k rather than h or o. In the second series there is a dolphin behind the head (Pl. XXVIII, 10, 11).

In the series which is here placed third there are aces of a heavy standard (Pl. XXIX, 1) as well as those of the usual light weight. They represent that short-lived raising of the standard which may have accompanied the reorganization of Spain after the fall of Numantia. On this series there are two dolphins behind the head.

End Notes

20
The value gi given to ϟ in Gómez-Moreno's system is supported by the Latin form Segia.
21
iii, 24: Iluberitanos, Lacetanos, Libienses, Pompelonenses, Segienses.
22
ii, 6, 66; all the MSS., however, favour Σ∊τία. Cortés y Lopez suggested the accepted reading; and the identification mentioned in the text. See Müller's note, where he suggests that the name of the place is preserved in C.I.L., 2981 (found near Ejea) in the word QVVISAEGIENSI.
23
311, 10, P. where the text has Segla.
24
Heiss, p. 179; Delgado, iii, pp. 370–1; Zobel, M.N.E., v, pp. 60, 63, 257, 259, Pl. 5, 2–4; Pujol in Bol. de la acad., iii, 1883, p. 71 [not accessible to me] and epigr., no. 164 a–d; Hübner, M.L.I., p. 54, no. 49 (with earlier references); Vives, ii, pp. 100–1.
25
As Vives himself remarks, his 'fourth issue' is perhaps only a worn specimen of another.
26
Two specimens (one fair, the other less good) of Pl. XXVIII 8 or 9 were found in the Scipionic camp at Peña Redonda, at Numantia (Haeberlin, nos. 178–9).
27
Vidal Quadras y Ramon, nos. 431 and 432, are described as having a beardless head, but they are worn specimens.
28
Vives has misread his no. 3 on p. 118 (Vol. II).

SESARS

The coins (Pl. XXIX, 2–7) inscribed image, which it is now generally agreed to read as above, evidently, by their style, their types (note the use of the Pegasus for the semis, as at Gallicum and Osca), and the use of the group of letters Ӿimage behind the head on the obverse, belong to the same group as Osca, Iaca, Gallicum and Segia. 29

The identification of the mint is quite uncertain. 30

The form which in this word is generally transliterated e is unparalleled, but this fact seems to have disturbed no one. It may be that, being a doubled form of image , it represents a long or doubled e, although this is not accepted by Hübner. At the neighbouring Segia, e takes the usual form; so does s, which here has a deceptively archaic appearance. 31

There is nothing unusual in the types, except the employment of the Pegasus on the semis, already noted. Vives describes a quinarius as having the initial of the town behind the head on the obverse; this sign is not visible on the specimen here published (Pl. XXIX, 3), or in his own illustration.

As to the date of the issues we have nothing to go by except comparison with other issues of the district, and the fact that an ace (Haeberlin, no. 134) was found in Camp III at Renieblas, and is therefore presumably earlier than 153 B.C.

End Notes

29
Heiss, p. 178, Pl. XVIII; Delgado, iii, pp. 381–3; Zobel in M.N.E., iv, Pl. IV, 9, v, pp. 60, 62, 257, 259; Berlanga, Hisp. anterom., p. 219; Pujol in Bol. Acad. Hist., V, 1884, p. 352; epigr., no. 166 a-e; Hübner, M.L.I., no. 51 (with earlier references); Vives, ii, pp. 163–4.
30
Some of the suggestions are: Sesa, 20 km. S. of Huesca, on the Guatizemela; Sisaraca (Ptol., ii, 6, 51; but the correct reading is perhaps Pisoraca); Sessor tenses, read in one MS. for Gessorienses in Pliny, iii, 23 (but as Hübner, M.L.I., p. 55, points out, his emendation of Iessonenses is preferable); Tolosa at Puebla de Castro (Zobel's suggestion, which is in the right locality, but tor which there seems to be no other reason).

GALLICUM

The identification of this place as the mint of the coins 32 inscribed image kligom (Pl. XXIX, 8–13), seems acceptable. Up till recently there has been a general agreement 33 that the first sign is a guttural, and probably something like k, though Iberian seems to be already well supplied with other forms for such sounds. It occurs before l, r and n; possibly it carries with it an a. We should thus have kaligom. Gallicum is the name given in the Antonine Itinerary (451, 3) to a post on the road from Caesaraugusta to Osca, which by the distances must have been at or near the present Zuera. As Zobel records, there was found at Zuera in 1860 a hoard of some 90 aces, 34 of which one was of Osca, and all the rest of Kligom. This, as he says, justifies the supposition that the mint of the latter was at or near Zuera. Hübner agrees that the style of these coins, so similar to that of the coins of Osca and Iaca, proves that they belong to this neighbourhood, but doubts whether Gallicum can be regarded as an old Iberian name, altered by the Romans from an Iberian form k(a)ligom. Probably no philologist would care to argue that one is the true counterpart of the other, but that the Roman form should be a popular distortion of the Iberian it is easy to believe.

By Gómez-Moreno, however, 35 the word is read Beligiom, the first sign being the syllable be, 36 the third the syllable gi. He goes further, explaining "Beligiom, los Belos," by whom he presumably means the Β∊λλоί a Celtiberian tribe neighbouring on the Arevaci. 37 The chief stronghold of the Belli was Segeda, the fortification of which in 153 caused the outbreak of the Celtiberian war; and as Schulten observes, it probably lay on the upper Jalón, in the neighbourhood of Medinaceli. The find of coins at Zuera would be difficult to explain if the mint were so far away.

The denarii vary in having either the first letter, or the first two letters of the reverse inscription repeated on the obverse (PI. XXIX, 8, 9). Vives accordingly divides them into two emisiones. The aces (Pl. XXIX, 10) and semisses (Pl. XXIX, 11) show a wide range of weights, indicating issue over a fairly long period. The semis, like that of Osca, bears a Pegasus as its reverse type. The lowest denomination is the triens 38 (Pl. XXIX, 12).

A solitary ace described by Vives (here PI. XXIX, 13) shows the head on the obverse surrounded by three dolphins. It is unfortunately in bad condition, and it is difficult to decide whether it precedes or follows the other series.

End Notes

31
There is great variety in the form of s at all times; see Hübner, M.L.I., p. xliv.
32
Heiss, p. 177; Delgado, iii, pp. 316–8; Zobel in M.N.E., iv, p. 278; v, pp. 61, 63, 257, 259; Pujol, epigr., no. 106 a-c. Vives, ii, p. 104.
33
See the discussion in M.L.I., p. Ii.
34
Were there denarii among the hoard? It is significant that in 1860 Count de Salis presented two denarii (nos. 1, 2) to the British Museum. A great many finds from all parts of Europe passed through his hands.
35
Sobre los Iberos y su lengua in Hom. a Men. Pidal, iii, p. 494.
36
This interpretation of the sign may seem attractive in cases such as adabels (or atabels) and iscorbeleš (or isgor-beleš) on coins of the Indigetae (above) and belaišcom (Hübner, no. 83), since compounds of bel seem to be common in Iberian (Gómez-Moreno, ibid., p. 490). But it is otherwise difficult to accept.
37
Schulten, Numantia, i, p. 139.
38
Vives calles it a quadrans; on his specimen, as on that illustrated here, one of the pellets is off the flan; but there are other specimens which show all four units (e.g. in the collections of E. T. Newell and Stockholm (3.38 g. = Lorichs, Pl. XXIII, 4 = Heiss, Pl. XVIII, 4 = Delgado, Pl. CLVI, 5).

REGIO POMPAELONENSIS VASCONES

The coins 1 inscribed ΙΜ⊙image or image come from the district of Aragón-Navarre, and are allied by type and by the inscription on the obverse with the Kontan-konqoda series. The interpretation of I as ba or va, coupled with that of image (of which is only a more cursive form) as cu, which seems to be due to Gómez-Moreno, 2 gives us Va(r)scunes—than which nothing except Vascones itself could be more suitable. I have adopted the form in —0—. It will be observed that on these coins, as on those of the series Kontan-konquda, the rider is bare-headed, the Vasco insuetus galeae, in fact, of Silius Italicus (iii, 358).

An attempt has been made here to arrange the various issues roughly in chronological order. The longer form of the inscription comes first (Pl. XXX, 1–2). The tendency in language and script being towards simplification, it is more probable that the r should have been dropped than added in the course of development. 3 Simi- larly, towards the end of the series, the letter ⊙ simplified to O (Pl. XXX, 6). Pl. XXX, 1— which is extraordinarily close in style to certain coins of the Arsaos group—shows also the early form of e with three arms.

The silver coins (Pl. XXX, 5, 6) all have the shorter form of the inscription, and also the four letters image on the obverse behind the head. The transition to this arrangement is given by one or two rare bronze coins (Pl. XXX, 2), which have the four letters on the obverse, but the longer form of the name; Pl. XXX, 3, which has the shorter form of the name, but no letters on the obverse (instead, a plough), and Pl. XXX, 4, which has the same arrangement as the denarii.

What the group image represents can only be guessed. Since it is common to two series (the other having the inscription image), it is possible that it may be the name of the mint at which two tribes, one of which would be the Vascones, struck their money. And that mint may have been Pompaelo, the earlier name of which has not come down to us. As to Kontan, Zobel suggests that the name of the mansio near Pompaelo mentioned by the Ravennas under the name of Carta may be miswritten for Canta.

Another possible parallel may be found in the sound which on the Kushan coins is represented first by Р∑ or PC, and later by a special form b.

End Notes

1
De Saulcy, p. 57, nos. 52–4. Lorichs, Pl. II, nos. 1–11; III, 1–5. Boudard, p. 217, Pl. XXII, 1–7. Heiss, pp. 185–7, Pl. XX, XXI, 1–11. Delgado, III, pp. 269–72, Pl. CXLVII-CXLVIII, 1–8, pp. 291–2; Pl. CLIII, 1–5. Zobel, M.N.E., IV, Pl. VII, 6; V, pp. 64, 67, p. 261, nos. 380–399, p. 265, no. 434. Pujol, epigr., nos. 122 a-g, 123 a-e. Hübner, no. 54 (with earlier references). Vives, ii, pp. 107–9. The coin illustrated by Heiss, Pl. XX, 3, is either a barbarous imitation with blundered legends, or misread. The A in the field of the rev. of his Pl. XXI, 11 (taken from Lorichs, Pl. II, 1) may also be misread.
2
Sobre los Iberos, p. 493.
3
As to this r, whether elided in the shorter form of the inscription or intrusive in the longer, Mr. Roderick McKenzie writes as follows (28 June 1930):
"The Čechs have a sound (written ř) which is intermediate between r and z. The Polish corresponding sound seems to have lost its r character and is pronounced ž (like s in pleasure) but continues to be written rz. It is believed that the sound which the Umbrians denoted by S and in Latin letters by rs (less exactly by s) was oí the same nature as the Čech ř (Brugmann, Grundriss I2, pp. 85, 534). I do not know whether a sound which partakes of the character of r and s actually exists but it would hardly be more strange from one point of view than the Čech ř is.
"Another possibility is that BARSCUNES contains a real and separate r which was beginning, at the date when your coins were struck, to disappear. It does not seem impossible that the Barscunes had, like the Romans, a dislike of the sequence vowel + r + sk, etc., and expelled the r (cf. posco < pimage-simageo, Tuscus < Umbr. Turskum, tostus <*torstus (Skt. timageṣṭás), and other instances given in Stolz-Schmalz, Lat. Gramm. 5, p. 163). On the other hand the Barscunes may have spoken a language in which this sequence caused as little difficulty as in German (forschen) or English (thirst). I do not see how one can decide confidently between these alternatives."

LIBIAQOS

The unique coin inscribed image was gen erally accepted as genuine, until Vives, who succeeded in tracing the specimen on which so much had been based, decided that it is an evident forgery. 4 The types are similar to those of Arsaos, but on the obverse, on either side of the head, is (in addition to dolphin and plough) a tetrascelic arrangement of two crossed dolphins (?).

It must be admitted that, whatever the existing specimen may be, the chances of its being a pure invention are somewhat small; and we may therefore assume that it is based on some genuine original.

If we read libiacos with Gómez-Moreno, the assumed original coins would have been issued by a place called Libia. Neither the city of the Cerretani, the modern Llivia, nor the Beronian city now Leiva in Rioja, is suitable by its situation; but Pliny (N.H., iii, 24) mentions a place of the name in the conventus of Caesaraugusta, which would be possible. Two Libenses appear in the turma Salluitana of the Ascoli decree.

End Notes

4
Prólogo, pp. lxxxiii f. It was published first by Gaillard, Catal. de Garcia de la Torre, p. 84, no. 1334 (inaccessible to me), from whom it was repeated by Heiss, Libia or Oliba, Pl. 32; Delgado, Livia, Pl. CX; Zobel, in M.N.E., V, pp. 67, 69; Hübner, no. 55. Gómez-Moreno, Sobre los Iberos y su lengua in Horn, a Men. Pidal, iii, p. 487, also mentions it (reading libiacos), though noting that it is doubtful.

ARSAOS

The fairly common coins 5 inscribed image(with insignificant variations in the direction of the r and s and occasionally a miswriting of the penultimate letter as N) 6 are connected by their style etc. with other issues attributed to the regio Pompaelonensis (Aragón-Navarre). Hardly any of the mints in this district are to be identified. Arsa is a not uncommon name or name-element in Iberian, but there is no evidence for its occurrence in the region mentioned. A statement repeated from Sestini by various writers, that a hoard found in 1618 near Castulo consisted of silver and bronze coins of this mint, is in- correct; 7 so that there is no reason for assigning them to a district from which their style manifestly excludes them. Nor does anyone still hold to those transliterations of the legend which would indicate a connexion with Bursao (in the neighbourhood of Cascantum, Graccurris and Calagurris, probably the modern Borja) or the Bursavolenses of Baetica (Bell. Hisp. 22). 8 Zobel guesses at Suissatio as the mint (now Iruña near Vitoria).

On the denarii and aces (Pl. XXX, 7–10) we find the usual types of the Iberian head and rider. The head is probably always bearded; supposed beardless specimens are probably merely worn. 9 The rider's weapon is not, as usual, a spear, 10 but a short instrument, pointed with barbs like an arrow or javelin, but without feathering, and held by the end of the shaft. It is not usual to wield a javelin in this way, but the Spaniards may have had a peculiar way of flinging it. 11 The only other coin on which this weapon occurs is that reading lipaqs (or libiaqos), the genuineness of which is doubtful (see above).

One issue of the ace (Pl. XXX, 8) shows the letters Himage (on, perhaps for olscan) on the obverse, not as-usual behind the head but under the chin. Zobel (no. 419) and others mention a denarius with Himage behind the head; I have been unable to trace a specimen, and it is not recorded by Vives.

The semis is very rare (Vives, Pl. XLVII; rev. horse, with crescent enclosing pellet above), and so is the triens or quadrans (ibid., Pl. XLVII, 12; Zobel in M.N.E., v, Pl. V, 10; rev. horse with crescent enclosing saltire above). The degenerate denarius illustrated here (Pl. XXX, 10) from the Paris specimen is probably a copy by some hand still more barbarous than that which produced the ordinary coinage; the supposed М below the neck is probably meaningless.

There were no less than nine specimens of this bronze coinage found in the Scipionic camps at Numantia (Haeberlin, nos. 181–189).

End Notes

5
Heiss, p. 248. Delgado, iii, pp. 24r-28. Zobel in M.N.E., v, pp. 66, 69, 263–5. Pujol in Rev. cienc. hist., ii, 1880–1, p. 562 and in Bol. Acad., v, 1884, p. 354; epigr., no. 65. Hübner, M.L.I., no. 52 (with earlier references). Vives, ii, pp. 111–114.
6
I assume that the second letter is really r. Zobel gives one example (412), on which its place is taken by , which would prove the point. Pujol (epigr., no. 65 b) has probably copied Zobel. Zobel may have used a coin such as Delgado, Pl. XC, 8 or 12, on which the Я is worse formed than usual. Hübner does not discuss the form, merely enumerating it and others as varieties of r.
7
Velazquez, Ensayo, p. 123, illustrates the pot in which it was found (see M.L.I.no. XLI); for the coins, which comprised 683 Roman denarii and only 8 Iberian, see Annali dell'Instituto, XXXV, 1863, pp. 11 sq. The Iberian denarii were of Aregrat, Castulo, Arsaos, Vascones, Knthrp, Iclonekn (2) and Ilerda.
8
On these homonyms see Schulten in Hermes, 63, p. 288.
9
Pace Pujol, Rev. cienc. hist., ii, p. 562.
10
It is true that Pujol, Rev. cienc. hist., ii, p. 563, no. 30, describes an ace in the Mus. Arqueol. as having a spearman; but Vives does not record having seen it. Vives himself describes a specimen with the spearman from another source, but so far as we can judge from his illustration (made from a rubbing), the weapon is the usual javelinheaded one. Sestini's description (Med. Isp., p. 113, no. 5) is a mistranslation of Mionnet.
11
Various incorrect renderings of the weapon may be found in Lorichs and elsewhere; in one case it is represented like a cross-bow. Sandars (Weapons of the Iberians, p. 67 f.) describes the ordinary Iberian javelin; he calls the weapon in question a bipennis or throwing weapon. The former it almost certainly is not.

KONQODA—KONTAN

The second inscription image is transliterated ontan (Delgado), ontzan 12 (Heiss), kontan (Zobel), kntan (Hübner), bentian or bendian (Gómez-Moreno). The first image (which these coins share with those of the Vascones) according to Gómez-Moreno's system, would be bencota (in which for the c and t might be substituted g and d). But his interpretation of the first sign as be, instead of the commonly accepted guttural, is open to serious objection.

The coins 13 (Pl. XXX, 11–13) according to Heiss are found near Borja (the ancient Bursao), in the neighbourhood of which and of Mallen are also found those of the Vascones (see above). In style they bear close resemblance to those bearing the inscription Arsaos, which, as we have seen, has also been connected with Bursao. If the provenance vaguely mentioned by Heiss refers only to silver coins, it is not of much importance, since these Iberian denarii seem to have had a wide circulation. Delgado points out that the coins must be considered as Vasconian, and that the Vascones did not reach as far as Borja. Other speculations may be read in Hübner, pp. 57–8.

The rider on the denarii and on most of the bronze wields a short weapon, probably a sword, of a straight type. The coins of the Vascones show the same weapon. 14 Aces on which the rider carries a spear are also known. 15 On one of these aces for the usual inscription of the obverse is substituted imageX behind the head and Нimage in front. 16 The same four letters occur in combination on coins of Uzan (see below). The word imageXIimage on coins of Emporion (see above) is not necessarily connected with this.

End Notes

12
Ainzon is the modern name of an ancient spot between 3 and 4 km. from Borja.
13
Boudard, p. 291, Pl. XXXVII, 11. Heiss, p. 184, Pl. XX, 1–3 (AINTZON). Delgado, iii, pp. 318–9, Pl. CLVI, 1–4. Zobel in M.N.E., v, pp. 65, 67, Pl. V, 7 (c), pp. 260–1, nos. 400–404. Pujol, epigr., no. 107. Hübner, no. 53 (with earlier references). Vives, ii, pp. 106–7.

COELIOQOS

The inscription image, according to Gómez-Moreno's system, must be transliterated cueliocos or -gos; according to the values adopted in these notes, coelioqos. By most previous writers, the word has been connected with Οὐέλ∊ια, Velia 17 or Belegia 18 or Beleia; 19 the situation of the place is said to correspond to Estavillo, about six km. north of Miranda de Ebro. 20 Hübner objects that this is some distance (67 m.p. according to the Itinerary) from Pompaelo, to the region of which the coins are attributed on account of their style. I can find no name allied to the form which results from either Gómez-Moreno's or my own reading. The -qos is presumably an adjectival termination.

The coins 21 can be roughly arranged in two groups. The earlier (Pl. XXXI, 1–3), is represented by the ace and two smaller denominations, oddly marked: and:: . The style of the head on the ace is strikingly similar to that which we have placed earliest in the series of the Vascones. Here again our order is confirmed by the early form of e, with three strokes.

Vives describes the two smaller denominations as semis and quadrans. If the pellets are marks of value, according to an inverted system (in which the number of pellets indicates the denominator and not the numerator of the fraction), the: would represent ½ and:: ¼, so that the smaller denomination would be a triens. Such an inverted system of expressing fractions is not inconceivable among a semi-barbarous people imperfectly understanding the Roman system. The semis of Caiscada (see p. 169) is also marked with two pellets.

The later group contains only aces.

The type of the semis is, as usual, a horse; that of the quadrans or triens is borrowed from Emporiae or some other seacoast mint.

End Notes

14
Sandars, Weapons of the Iberians, Pl. I, 15.
15
Vives, Pl. XLIV, 3 & 7 (Cervera Collection).
16
Vives, Pl. XLIV, 7 (Cervera Coll.). Pujol remarks, on the specimen known to him, that the e is not visible. Vives's illustration of the Cervera specimen, from a paper rubbing, does not enable us to check this point; but the engraving in Zobel, Pl. V, 7, perhaps representing the identical coin, confirms the image.
17
Plin., N.H., III, 26 (in the Conventus Cluniensis). Ptol., II, 6, 64.
18
Anon. Rav., p. 318, 7.
19
Itin. Ant., 454, 8.
20
Distinct, of course, is Ptolemy's Bέλ∊ια (ii, 6, 62) which, according to Müller, is identified with Belchile, 49 km. by road S. of Saragossa. Saulcy (p. 80) is wide of the mark in saying that Velia of the Caristi (Ptol., II, 6, 64) was on the sea; Ptolemy himself says it was an inland town.
21
Heiss, pp. 239–240, Pl. XXX, 1–5. Delgado, iii, pp. 423–4, Pl. CLXXXIV–CLXXXV, nos. 1–5. Zobel, M.N.E., v, pp. 64, 68, 262–3, nos. 406–9, pp. 264–5, nos. 435, 436, 438. Pujol, epigr., nos. 185 a–d. Hübner, no. 56 (with earlier references). Vives, ii, pp. 121–2.

TIRSOS

The reading of these rare coins 22 is well established by the two specimens of one of which the obv., of the other the rev., are illustrated on Pl. XXXI, 5, as image or image. The various forms of the s which have been given by others, as by Pujol, in publishing the specimen from the Gil collection, by Zobel in his list of inscriptions, and by Vives in his text, are all doubtful. On the other hand, the engravings in Lorichs, Zobel's Plate V, 8 and Campaner, are correct.

Campaner attributed the coins to Tyris or Turis (Vinaroz); Zobel, more suitably to the district to which the coins are supposed to belong, to Iturissa (Ptol., II, 6, 66 and Rav., 311, 14), the Turissa of the Itin. Ant. (455, 6) on the way from Pompaelo to the station In Summo Pyrenaeo, and (according to the generally received opinion) now represented by Ituren, although there is reason to suppose that it was at Espinal.22a Hübner's objection that Iturissa is too different from the Iberian form is met if we assume that the initial i is the redundant Iberian prefix, 23 as indeed the alternative form Turisa (of the Itin.) shows; while os is the same termination as in arsaos.

On the coins which can now be controlled, the rider carries a palm-branch. Pujol's description of the specimen from the Gil collection as having a rider carrying a lance seems therefore to be doubtful.

22a Dr. H. Thomas calls my attention to the identification of Espinal with Turisa, for which reasons are given by Julio Attadil in Homenaje a D. Carmelo de Echegaray, San Sebastian, 1928, p. 504, and which can be supported by other evidence which it is to be hoped he will publish before long.

End Notes

22
Lorichs, Pl. XXX, 3. Heiss, p. 293, Pl. XLI, 1. Delgado, iii, p. 431, Pl. CLXXXV. Campaner in M.N.E., iv, 1877–9, p. 19, Pl. I, 3. Zobel in M.N.E., v, pp. 64, 68 f., 263, nos. 410–11, Pl. V, 8. Pujol in Bol. Acad., IV, 1884, p. 328; epigr., no. 172 a, b. Hübner, no. 57. Vives, ii, p. 143.
23
As in 'Іασπίς = Aspis.

UZAN—Aθ

A more than usually difficult inscription ↑ТᐅNᐅimage is provided by the reverse of the rare coin illustrated on Pl. XXXI, 6. 24 The second letter Т was taken by Heiss, Delgado and Zobel for t; since it comes next to image in the only other coin-legend in which it occurs, Hübner prefers to differentiate it, and regard it as z. Gómez-Moreno leaves the question undecided. The third and the penultimate letter, ᐅ, are the same, α, as appears from the specimen here illustrated. Hübner and others are wrong in saying that there are two forms of this letter in this word. 25 The first letter is certainly ↑. 26 Following the fourth letter which is certainly N, all previous writers have read І (i.e. ῐ according to Hübner, ba or ma according to Gómez-Moreno, va according to the system which I have adopted for the purpose of these notes). What is present, however, is not that sign, but rather the right hand upright of a frame enclosing the inscription. The last two letters then would not belong to the main inscription, but would have to be read separately. Gómez-Moreno would give the value te or de to the last letter.

The reading of the letters imageХНimage on the obverse is certain. Speculation about their meaning is at present idle; see above, p. 144.

In style the only known ace 27 comes close to the earliest issues of the Vascones, etc. The horseman carries a sickle-shaped weapon or hook. 28 Sandars identifies the similar weapon on other coins (his Pl. I, no. 5) as the espada falcata; but it has a much greater curve than that weapon, of which many specimens are extant.

End Notes

24
Lorichs, Pl. XXXII, 1. Heiss, p. 249, Pl. XXXVII, 1. Zobel in M.N.E., v, pp. 64, 68, 203, no. 405. Pujol, epigr., no. 184 a, b. Hübner, no. 58. Vives, II, p. 128.
25
Zobel read the penultimate letter rather as ↾(l) than as a, but the majority of opinions is against him. Making the name Ottanialtha he connected it with Ottaviolca of the Cantabrians (Ptol., II, 6, 50); which name, however, as Hübner after Humboldt observes, is probably based on the Latin Octavius.
26
The specimen in the Ashmolean Museum, among others, decides this.

REGIO TURIASONENS1S TURIASO

There can be no doubt that the Latin Turiaso , the name of the municipium on the site of the present Tarazona, corresponds to the Iberian image, which is read on an extensive series of coins. 1 The initial dental is usually exactly of the form of the Greek delta (an exception is the archaic looking inscription on Pl. XXXII, 2) but, as Hübner points out (Prolegomena, p. XLVII), it nevertheless contains the u. Whether the Iberians pronounced it as d or as t we cannot say; probably the sound was half-way between those two. It is to be noted that the form Тονριασσώ (Ptol., II, 6, 57; cp. Turiassonensis from a Bordeaux inscr. quoted by Hübner and other examples given by Heiss, p. 190) is paralleled by the Iberian form with double s, on the Hunterian denarius. 2

The Iberian issues 3 are denarii, quinarii, 4 aces and semisses, which Vives has classified elaborately. The main varieties are illustrated on Plates XXXI, XXXII; but varieties of which it has not been possible to obtain satisfactory casts are the following:

Denarius

(1) Zobel in M.N.E., v, Pl. V, 12; ⊙ behind the head on obv., cp. Vives, no. 26. A barbarous imitation, and too badly worn to be worth reproduction here.

Quinarii

(2) Zobel in M.N.E., v, Pl. VI, 5 bis. imageМ△ on obv.; horse with star in crescent above on rev. (repeated by Vives, no. 7).

(3) Vives, no. 1, Pl. LI, 1. imageM on obv., on rev. horseman holding up a wreath and leading a second horse (Cervera Coll.). Cp. Pujol in Bol. Acad., vi, 336, no. 70, Pl. VII.

(4) Vives, no. 4, Pl. LI, 4. Head of Roma between image and △; rev., horseman with palm leading a second horse (Cervera Coll.).

Aces

(5) Zobel in M.N.E., v, Pl. VI, 1 = Vives, no. 11, Pl. LI, 10. imageМ△ and three dolphins around bearded head on obv. (Cervera Coll.).

(6) Vives, no. 10, Pl. CLXXII, 10. imageМ△ and two dolphins; head beardless.

Semis

(7) Vives, no. 17, from Zobel in M.N.E., v, Pl. VI, 4. A behind head on obv.; rev. Pegasus.

Among the types, attention may be called to the head of Roma on the semis (Pl. XXXII, 4). For the usual spear of the rider, on the aces, a small group (cp. Pl. XXXII, 2) substitutes a hooked weapon, evidently similar to that carried by the rider on the coins of Uzan (see above) and Hilauca. I illustrate a specimen of a very curious style; it is possible that it may be a Vasconian imitation.

The coins of Turiaso with Latin inscriptionscation of the Iberian 5 belong to the time of Augustus and Tiberius. It is usual to place first the coins inscribed SILBIS (Pl. XXXII, 5, 6) and to suppose that this is an earlier name for Turiaso. How this interpretation is to be squared with the identification of the Iberian image with Turiaso it is difficult to say. The head inscribed SILBIS is also supposed to resemble Livia, and so is the head which appears on coins of Augustus (Pl. XXXII, 7). The two heads are however unlike each other, not merely in features; the former is wreathed, the latter has no wreath, but plaits of hair hanging down behind which have been mistaken for the ties of a wreath. The equestrian figure on the reverse of the Silbis coins is certainly an Emperor, presumably Augustus. The head inscribed Silbis has a general resemblance to those of Iustitia and Salus Augusta, less to that of Pietas 6 on coins of Tiberius, which are usually supposed to be idealised heads of Livia. On the other hand, a coin illustrated in the Thesaurus Morellianus, Pl. XXXVII, 26, 7 shows a veiled head, like that of Pietas, inscribed TVRIASO. The head inscribed Turiaso on Pl. XXXII, 7, much coarser in workmanship, is also less idealised, has some character, and may be meant for a portrait of Livia. 8 Then the Silbis head must be explained as the head of a local nymph or other minor deity.

The magistrates' names found on the coins of Augustus and Tiberius are the following:

Augustus: M. Caecil(ius) Severus, G. Val(erius) Aquilus, 9 duoviri (Pl. XXXIII, 1). L. Marius, L. Novius, duoviri (Pl. XXXIII, 2, 3). L. Feneste(lla), L. Seranus, duoviri.

Tiberius: M' Sulpicius Lucanus, M. Sempronius Fronto (or Frontinus), duoviri (Pl. XXXIII, 7, 8). C. Caecilius Sere(nus?), M. Valerius Quadratus, duoviri (Pl. XXXIII, 9, 10). M. Pontius Marsus, G. Marius Vegetus, duoviri (Pl. XXXIV, 1). L. Caecilius Aquinus, M. Cel(sius?) Palud(atus?), duoviri 10 (Pl. XXXIV, 2). G. Marius Vegetus, Licinius Cres(cens?), 11 aediles (Pl. XXXIV, 3). T. Sulpicius, Q. Pontius Pla(ncus?), aediles (Pl. XXXIV, 4). Rectus et Macrinus, aediles Pl. XXXIV, 5).

It will be observed that G. Marius Vegetus appears both as aedile and as duumvir. Under Augustus, both aces and semisses were struck by duoviri, and the aediles do not seem to have issued coins. Under Tiberius, as usual, the duoviri strike the aces, the aediles the semisses; but who was responsible for the sestertii or dupondii (Pl. XXXIII, 4) does not appear.

It would be interesting if the duovir whose name appears as L. Feneste., could be identified with the historical antiquary Fenestella, but there is no evidence that the latter was a Spaniard, and the praenomen Lucius which is sometimes given to him also lacks confirmation.

The following countermarks have been observed:

Eagle's head.

image (Turiaso). Florez, ii, Pl. XLVII, 1 and 9.

Ꜹ Florez, ii, Pl. XLVII, 8; Delgado, Pl. CLXXXII, 29.

image Pl. XXXIII, 10.

image Heiss, Pl. XXIII, 22 (read as image).

The types are of no special interest. The bull does not, as a rule, appear before Tiberius; but the Thesaurus Morellianus (Num. Fam., Caec., Pl. III, 9) illustrates an ace of Augustus struck by the duovirs M. Caecilius Severus, G. Valerius Aquilus, with this type.

End Notes

27
Vives's variety with a beardless head is very doubtful.
28
So Vives calls it a gancho; which is at least more correct than Heiss's casse-tête (tomahawk) or Hübner's arrow.
1
Delgado says they are common near Zaragoza and in the Province of Soria, but more difficult to acquire elsewhere.
2
Macdonald, III, p. 631, no. 2.
3
Heiss, pp. 190–2, Pl. XXII, 1–10. Delgado, iii, pp. 405–6, Pl. CLXXIX–CLXXX. Zobel in M.N.E., iv, Pl. IV, 25; VII, 7 & 8. M.N.E., v, pp. 70–72, Pl. V, 11, 12; VI. 1–5 bis; pp. 268–271, nos. 439–60, 475–7. Pujol in Bol. Acad., v, 1884, p. 353; vi, 1885, p. 336; epigr., nos. 171 a–g. Hübner, no. 60 (with earlier references). Vives, ii, pp. 123–128.
4
The quinarii are very scarce; Pujol (Bol. Acad., v, p. 353) mentions three, the weights of two of which he gives as 2 gr. 40 and 3 gr. 30.
5
Heiss, pp. 193–6, Pl. XXII–XXIII, 11–30. Delgado, iii, pp. 406–413, Pl. CLXXX–CLXXXIII. Hübner, no. 60 a (with earlier references). Vives, iv, pp. 89–96.
6
B.M.C. Rom. Imp., i, Pl. 24, 1, 2, 7.
7
The Thesaurus claims to have copied it from the seventh Dialogue of Agustin, but I have failed to verify this.
8
See Delgado, iii, p. 412 on the objections to this identification for the wreathed head; nevertheless Livia was, we know, represented in disguise before she was openly honoured.
9
Often misread A quinus.
10
Hübner completes the nomen Cel(lius), with Cel(sinus) as an alternative, also suggesting Gel(lius) as possible (in which he was preceded by Agustin, Dial., 1587, p. 276); but although on some specimens a G is possible, most of the coins support the reading C. Florez and others read Cel(ius).
11
Crespus is also possible.

CAIŠCATA–CASCANTVM

There is now a fairly general agreement to accept the identity of Caišcata or Caišcada, as the inscription image must be read, with Cascantum, the municipium which is mentioned by Pliny as enjoying the old Latin right. 12 The place is still called Cascante, about 12 km. N. of Tarazona (Turiaso) and 10 S. of Tudela. The n in the Iberian inscription is doubtless absent by anousvara.

The coins 13 of the pre-Imperial period are divided by Vives into two issues; the ace which he describes as of decadent style is placed first in our arrangement (Pl. XXXIV, 6). With it he associates a quadrans (or triens, as to which see below), but his illustration of the Cervera specimen from a paper rubbing belies his description, for the coin appears to be similar to that in our Pl. XXXIV, 8, with a dotted annulet above a prancing horse and without the mark of value, … which he describes.

Of rougher style there are aces with corresponding semis (Pl. XXXIV, 7). The mark on the semis is . ., according to the inverted system of numeration which we have observed on the coins of Coeliqos (p. 159). This being so, the supposed quadrans of the Cervera collection must be a triens.

Varieties omitted by Vives and not represented in the present publication may be noted as follows:

Ace with bearded head between two dolphins (Sestini, Med. Isp., p. 217, no. 14; cp. Saulcy, p. 197, no. 160). Not verified.

Ace with · as well as image before the head (Pujol, Rev. cienc. hist., iii, p. 171, no. 44). Possibly the · is the mark of value of the ace, according to the system indicated above.

Ace with beardless head, unaccompanied by either plough or image. Pujol, loc. cit., no. 45.

For a quadrans usually associated with this series, see under Caio.

The coinage of the municipium is confined to the reign of Tiberius. On one of the aces 14 the bull wears the triangular head-dress which we have seen elsewhere, as at Caesaraugusta.

The following countermarks have been noticed:

C and CAS (British Museum). Both perhaps for Cascantum itself.

image Heiss, Pl. XVI, 6. Also found at Calagurris (q.v.) and elsewhere.

End Notes

12
N.H., iii, 24: Latinorum veterum Cascantenses, Ergavicenses, Graccurritanos, Leonicenses, Ossigerdenses. Hübner observes that the form Cascantum, which is what the municipal coinage bears, might be a genitive plural. But the Iberian form does not favour this view.
13
Iberian: Heiss, p. 168, Pl. XVI, 1–4. Delgado, iii, p. 39 f., 1–2. Zobel in M.N.E., v, pp. 70–2, 268–70, nos. 461–2, 478–9. Pujol in rev. de cienc. hist., iii, 1881, pp. 171–3; epigr., no. 83 a–d. Hübner, no. 59 (with earlier references). Vives, ii, p. 129.
Municipal. Eckhel, i, p. 44. Heiss, p. 169, Pl. XVI–XVII, 6–9. Delgado, iii, p. 76, Pl. CXII, 1–7. Pujol, rev. de cienc. hist., iv, 1886, pp. 128–9. Hübner, no. 59 a (with earlier references). Vives, iv, p. 108.

OZ(?)TICES

No satisfactory rendering has been found for the second letter (Т) in this word image. 15 The only other coin on which it is found we have already described (Uz(?)an) on p. 161; and, as that belongs to the Pompaelo region, and the coin with which we are now concerned to the region of Turiaso, we may suppose that it represents some sound which elsewhere has a different symbol, not necessarily a sound that is not found elsewhere. All the usual sounds appear to be represented on coins of the two districts by forms representing those current elsewhere, except g (or gi) which usually appears as image and θ, which usually appears as image. 16 If one of these is represented in our district by Т the inscription concerned is either ogitices or oθ()tices, neither of which corresponds to any otherwise recorded name. In the circumstances the question must be left open. The guesses of Delgado, Boudard and Zobel (Attacum, Etosca, Attiliana mansio) need only be mentioned.

The coinage (Pl. XXXV, 1, 2) consists of slightly varying aces; 17 the semis supposed to belong to this series really reads Ηimage (oi). The supposed sign image behind the rider on the reverse of a coin in the Cervera collection, published by Pujol, 18 is probably the sign which looks like a trisceles on Pl. XXXV, 1.

End Notes

14
Pujol, Rev. cienc. hist., iv, 1886, p. 128, no. 68.
15
For Delgado and Zobel it is t; for Hübner, subject to further information, it is z.
16
According to Gómez-Moreno, this is te (de).
17
Lorichs, XVII, 6. Boudard, p. 198, Pl. XIII, 15. Heiss, p. 174, Pl. XVIII, 1. Delgado, iii, p. 251, Pl. CXLV, 1. Zobel in M.N.E., v, p. 70 f., 73 (Pl. VI, 8), 270, nos. 470–2. Pujol in Bol. Acad., iv, 1884, p. 328; epigr., no. 149 a, b. Hübner, no. 61 (with earlier references). Vives, II, p. 131.
18
Bol. Acad., iv, 1884, p. 328, no. 42.

θITIAQOS

Two of the extremely rare aces 20 with this inscription (image) were first published by Zobel, who describes them as having the style of the district of Turiaso. Vives adds, from the Cervera collection, another specimen of Zobel's second ace; and a third variety, of very barbarous style, from the Jordana collection, which resembles the Berlin specimen here illustrated (Pl. XXXV, 3). The resemblance in style to some of the issues of Varaqos (below) is striking. The letters behind the head on the obverse are given by him as ⊕↑М but, judging from the Berlin example, the third letter must be Х. The first letter, also, is merely a deformed a, as comparison with the coin of Varaqos shows. On the reverse the second letter (on both Jordana and Berlin specimens, which are perhaps from the same dies) is image, evidently a deformed image.

End Notes

20
Zobel, M.N.E., v, p. 73, Pl. VI, 9 and 10 (from the Collection of Domingo Bazan); pp. 270–1, nos. 473–4. Pujol, epigr., no. 169 a, b. Hübner, no. 62. Vives, ii, pp. 142–3 (his comments have been transferred from another mint, to which they belong).

VARAQOS

The issues 21 inscribed Varaqos (image) are all aces, of varying degrees of barbarism (Pl. XXXV, 4–6). Some of them bear on the obverse ↑image (va) 22 or image↑Х (auia). The last, as we have seen, occurs also on some of the θitiaqos coins, which indeed show considerable resemblance in style. The horseman carries sometimes a spear, sometimes a sword. The workmanship is so bad that it is sometimes impossible to decide whether the symbol on the obverse is meant for a dolphin or a plough.

Delgado, Zobel and Schulten 23 identify the mint with Vareia or Varia, a town of the Berones, on the upper Ebro (now Varea, half a league east of Logroño). Delgado also suggests that the Autrigones, who bordered on the Berones, are indicated by the inscription behind the head on the obverse. No other suggestion as to the identity of the mint has any plausibility.

End Notes

21
Heiss, p. 227, Pl. XXIX, 1–3. Delgado, iii, pp. 418–20, Pl. CLXXIV, 1–4. Zobel in M.N.E., v, pp. 70–2, Pl. VI, 6, 7; pp. 268–71, nos. 463–9. Pujol, Bol. Acad., v, 1884, p. 28; epigr., nos. 70, 179 a–g. Hübner, no. 63 (with previous references). Vives, ii, pp. 109–10.
22
E.g., M.N.E., v, Pl. VI, 6.
23
Numantia, I, 313.

REGIO CALAGURRITANA

CALAGURRIS

The Calagurris 1 of the coins is represented by the modern Calahorra, on the Ebro. 2 The place was the scene of a battle between Romans and Celtiberians in 186 B.C., 3 and sustained a memorable siege in the Sertorian War. 4 It is to be distinguished from the town of the Calagurritani Fibularenses, which may have been at Loarre, about 25 km. N.W. of Huesca. 5 Both Strabo 6 and Ptolemy 7 call it a city of the Vascones; but the Iberian coinage is (with exceptions such as Pl. XXXV, 9) of a much less barbarous type than that which we have seen reason to attribute to the Vasconian district proper.

Calagurris was not a municipium when Agrippa's list was made, for Pliny, based on that list, mentions it as an oppidum civium Romanorum without the title Iulia or the qualification municipium. The coins prove that it enjoyed these as early as the reign of Augustus.

The Iberian coinage (Pl. XXXV, 7–9 8 ) consists of aces bearing an inscription image which can be read Calaqoriqoš, the connexion of which with Calagurris beyond doubt. The -qoš termination may be adjectival. The types are normal. Sestini's engraving 9 of a coin with М before the head on the obverse, and the rider carrying a palm-branch instead of a spear, is probably without warranty.

The Imperial bronze 10 consists of aces and semisses of the following varieties. The type of the ace is regularly the standing bull; the semis has a bull's head; the quadrans an inscr. in a wreath.

Augustus

  • Under the name Nassica. With the head of Augustus, 11 but without his name, Nassica being inscribed in front of the head.
    • Aces with CALAGVRRI IVLIA on reverse (Pl. XXXV, 10).
    • Semisses of the aediles, C. Val. and C. Sex., without mint-name on reverse (Pl. XXXV, 11).
  • Under the name Municipium Calagurri. With the head but not the name of Augustus. On obv. MVN. CAL. and II·VIR; on rev. names of duoviri. Aces.
    • Q. Aem(ilio), C. Post(umio) Mil. (Pl. XXXVI, 1).
    • Q. Antoni(o), L. Fabi(o) 12 (Pl. XXXVI, 2).
    • M' Memmi(o), L. Iuni(o).

Vives (iv, p. 97, no. 6) prints MAN. MEMMIVS, L. IVNIVS; his illustration however does not confirm this, although Delgado (Pl. CIV, 8) does engrave a coin with L·IVNIVS. The names are normally in the ablative.

  • Under the name Municipium Calagurri Iulia. With the head but not the name of Augustus. On obv. MVN. CAL. IVL., on rev. names of the duoviri and title IIVIR. Aces.
    • a. Q. Aemili(o), C. Post(umio) Mil. Delgado, CV, 14.
    • L. Granio, C. Valerio (Pl. XXXVI, 3).
    • C. Mar. Cap., Q. Urso.
    • M. Plae(torio) Tran(quillo), Q. Urso iterum (Pl. XXXVI, 4).
    • e. C. Valeri(o), L. Feni(o).

This is given by Delgado (Pl. CV, 17), as having an obv. of the type of Group II. If this combination really exists, it is a hybrid, since II.VIR would not naturally appear on both sides.

  • Under the name Municipium Calagurri. With the head (laureate) and name of Augustus. On obv. IMP. AVGVS(TVS) and MVN. CAL(AG). On rev. names of duoviri and title IIVIR. Aces.
    • L. BAEBIO, P. ANTESTIO (Pl. XXXVI, 5).
    • C. MARI(o), M. VAL(erio) PR IIVIR (Praefectis duoviris).

Delgado (Pl. CVI, 23) gives a variety with C. MARI., M.VAL. QVAD. IIVIR: and with MVN. CAL. I on obv.; a description not above suspicion.

  • Under the name Municipium Calagurri [Iulia]. With the head and name of Augustus. On obv. AVGVSTVS and MVN. CAL. IVLIA (aces) or MV. CAL. (semisses and quadrantes). On rev. L. BAEB(io) PRISCO and C. GRAN(io) BROCCHO and title IIVIR; the gentile names omitted on the semis (Pl. XXXVI, 6) and quadrans (Pl. XXXVI, 7).
  • Municipium Calagurri Iulia. With the head of Augustus laureate, and titulature IMP. AVGVST. PATER PATRIAE, or IMP. CAESAR AVGVSTVS P.P., therefore after 2 B.C. On rev. M.C.I. opr M. CAL. I., names of duoviri, and II·VIR. Aces.
    • M.LIC(inio) CAPEL(la), C·FVL(vio) RVTIL(o or -iano) (Pl. XXXVI, 8).
    • L. VALENTINO, L. NOVO (Pl. XXXVI, 9).
    • C. SEMP(ronio) BARB(ato), 13 Q. BAEB(io) FLAVO (Pl. XXXVI, 10).

The C. Semp., P. Arri of Florez (Pl. XII, 12) and Vaillant (cp. Delgado, no. 30; Heiss, Pl. XVI, 21) looks at first sight like a misreading of a coin of C. Semp. Barb.; but if so, the name of the second duovir is lacking, which is without precedent; so the reading may be right.

End Notes
11
Hübner's suggestion that the head is meant for Julius is unacceptable; it has none of the characteristic features of Julius.
12
The variety given by Heiss (XV, 14) and Delgado (CVI, 22) with IMP AVGVSTVS MV.C.I on obv., and M. ANTONI., I. FABI IIVIR on rev., lacks good authority.
13
There is no authority for the reading BARE, in support of which Hübner cites the cognomen Bareta from C.I.L., II, 3628.

End Notes

1
The name appears as Calagurri on the coins. The literary form is Calagurris or Calagorris (but see note 7 below); the inscriptions (which generally favour the -gor-form, though the other occurs as in C.I.L., ii, 4326) do not give the word in the nominative, so that they offer no evidence on this point. Similarly we have Saetabi on the coins as against Saetabis in literature; Bilbili (on the earlier coins) as against Bilbilis (on the later coins and in literature). As regards the name Nassica, known from the coins, Livy has Nasica; Pliny agrees with Livy, giving Calagurritani qui Nasiei cognominantur (N.H., III. 24).
2
C.I.L., ii, p. 404. Hübner in R.E., s.v. Calagurris (2).
3
Liv., xxxix, 21.
4
Livy, lib. xci; Schulten, Sertorius, p. 95; Numantia, i, p. 311.
5
Hübner in R.E., s.v. Calagurris (1). Zobel in M.N.E., v, p. 74 "sin fundamento." It is curious that Hübner calls this Calagurris a city of the Vascones.
6
III, 161 c.
7
II, 6, 66, where Καλαγоρίνα, as Ukert suggested, must be the remains of Καλαγоρί Νάσικα.
8
Lorichs, Pl. III, 9–12. Heiss, pp. 163–4, Pl. XIV, 1–3. Delgado, iii, pp. 56, 61 f., Pl. CIV, 1–4. Zobel in M.N.E., v, p. 74, Pl. VI, 12; p. 274, nos. 486–488. Pujol in R.C.H., iii, 1881, pp. 175–6; epigr., nos. 84 a, b, 85. Hübner, M.L.I., no. 64 (with earlier references). Vives, ii, pp. 138–9.
9
Med. Isp., Tab. ult., no. 2.
10
Florez, i, pp. 255–281, Pl. XI, 8–XIII, 11. Eckhel, i, pp. 39–41. Heiss, pp. 164 f., Pl. XV, XVI, 4–33. Delgado, iii, pp. 57–63, Pl. CIV, 5–CVIII, 39. Hübner, no. 64 a (with previous references). Vives, iv, pp. 96–101.

Tiberius

  • Semisses with TI. CAESAR AVGVSTI.F. M.C.I. on obv. and on rev. names of aediles: L. Val(erio) Flavo, T. Val(erio) Merula (Pl. XXXVII, 3).

The titulature shows that this coinage of semisses was issued before the death of Augustus.

  • Aces with obv. TI. AVGVS. DIVI. AV-GVSTI F. IMP. CAESAR or TI. CAESAR DIVI AVG. F. AVGVSTVS; on rev. M·C·I. and names of duoviri, and IIVIR.
    • L. FVL(vio) SPARSO, L. SATVRNINO (Pl. XXXVII, 1).
    • C·CELERE, C·RECTO (Pl. XXXVII, 2).
    • Also Semisses with TI. CAESAR DIVI AVG.F. AVGVSTVS and on rev. names of the duoviri of (b) and M·C·I.

The only coins issued by aediles are the early semisses (I b) and those in the name of Tiberius Caesar (VII); in the reign of Tiberius Augustus, the duoviri Celer and Rectus strike both aces and semisses.

Heiss notices the form of the titulature of Tiberius, in which IMP. CAESAR comes at the end, and recalls the statement of Suetonius and Cassius Dio, that Tiberius would not use Imperator as a praenomen. The generalization 14 that while "Augustus used 'imperator' as a praenomen . . . Tiberius, Caligula and Claudius abstained from its use entirely" requires modification, in the light of these coins of Calagurri, and those of Caesaraugusta under Caligula; but of course Spanish usage may not have been strictly correct.

Of countermarks at Calagurri we notice: the eagle's head (Pl. XXXVII, 1).

CA.I (Calagurri Iulia) (Pl. XXXVI, 9).

image. Heiss (Pl. XVI, 23). This or image is found also at Cascantum, Ercavica, and Turiaso (?). For Valentia?

GRACCURRIS

The Iberian town of Ilurcis was refounded by Ti. Sempronius Gracchus, to control the upper Ebro valley and as a monument of his own achievements (monumentum operum suorum), after the subjection of the Celtiberians, in 179 B.C.). 15 It was a station on the road from Viro- vesca to Caesaraugusta, and has been placed at Grávalos near Agreda, and at Arcue near Corella. As Hübner says, it may have been about halfway between Cascantum and Calagurris, but the site has not yet been identified, nor do we know on which bank of the river it lay. Ptolemy places it among the Vascones, which Hübner says is much too far to the North East. But it is clear from both Ptolemy and Strabo that the Vascon district at one time extended as far as this portion of the Ebro valley, for they agree in calling Calagurris Vascon.

No coins, so far as we know, can be attributed to the Iberian predecessor of Graccurris. The coinage of the Roman period is confined to the time of Tiberius. 16 The place as early as the time of Agrippa's list was one of the oppida with the old Latin right, 17 and the coins bear the inscription municip. Graccurris. The types (Pl. XXXVII, 4, 5) of the ace (bull) and semis (bull's head) are normal, though the bull wears the triangle which has been discussed above (p. 95).

End Notes

14
Mattingly, B.M.C., Rom. Emp., I, p. lxvii.
15
Festus Pauli, p. 97: Gracchuris urbs Iberae regionis, dicta a Graccho Sempronio, quae antea Ilurcis nominabatur. Liv., epit., xli: Ti Sempronius Gracchus procos. Celtiberos victos in deditionem accepit monumentumque operum suorum Gracchurim oppidum in Hispania con-stituit. On the place generally, see Hübner in R.E., s.v. Gracurris. Hübner adopts this last spelling, for which there is no authority worth mentioning (Gracuse in Rav., 311, 16, ГρακоνρΙς Ptol., II, 6, 66), because it corresponds to the old way of spelling the name of the founder, Gracus.
16
Hübner doubtless by a slip of the pen writes of "autonomous" coins with the inscription municip. Graccurris.
17
Plin., N.H.t III, 24.

End Notes

1
Mem. Num. Esp., V, pp. 1 ff.

KEY TO PLATES

Note. The reference to Numantia is to Haeberlin's description in Schulten's Numantia, Vol. IV. I.V.D.J. = Instituto de Valencia de Don Juan, Madrid. M.A. = Museo Arqueologico, Madrid. For coins previously illustrated in the plates of Vives, his statements concerning their owners have been copied, though some of the collections seem to have changed hands.

I
1. Rhode, drachm. 4g.93, Vienna.
2. Rhode, drachm. 4g.83, Stockholm.
3. Rhode, drachm. 4g.77, London.
4. Rhode, bronze. Madrid, M.A. (Vives, Pl. I, 7).
5. Rhode (imit.), dr. Paris (Mionnet, I, 48, 353).
6. Rhode (imit.), dr. 4g.67, London.
7. Emporiae, obol. lg.01, London (Vives, Pl. II, 15).
8. Emporiae, obol. lg. 06, London (Vives, Pl. II, 14).
9. Emporiae, obol. 0g.90, Paris (Heiss, Pl. I, 14).
10. Emporiae, obol. Og.63, London (H. Weber, 24).
11. Emporiae, obol. Barcelona (Vives, Pl. II, 10).
12. Emporiae, obol. 0g.92, Paris (Vives, Pl. II, 24).
13. Emporiae, obol. Paris (Heiss, Pl. I, 13).
14. Emporiae, obol. Paris.
15. Emporiae, obol. Barcelona (Vives, Pl. II, 28).
16. Emporiae, obol. Barcelona (Vives, Pl. II, 21).
17. Emporiae, drachm. 4g.86, London (Nanteuil, no. 1).
18. Emporiae, drachm. Cambridge (Leake).
19. Emporiae, drachm. 4g.27, ? (Lucerne Sale, V, 2).
20. Emporiae, drachm. 4g. 86, London.
21. Emporiae, drachm. 5g. 46, Berlin.
22. Emporiae, drachm. 4g.605, Berlin.
23. Emporiae, drachm. Paris.
24. Emporiae, drachm. 4g.37,Copenhagen.
II
1. Emporiae, ace. 26g.70, Mainz (Numantia, 129).
2. Emporiae, ace. Madrid, M.A. (Vives, Pl. XIV, 4).
3. Emporiae, ace. 24g.l75, Stockholm.
4. Emporiae, quadrans. 7g.33, London.
5. Emporiae, ace? 10g.35,Copenhagen.
6. Emporiae, semis? 12g.43, Mainz (Numantia 128).
7. Emporiae, ace. Barcelona (Vives, Pl. XVI, 8).
8. Emporiae, semis. 7g.93, Paris.
9. Emporiae, triens. 5g.95,Copenhagen.
10. Emporiae, sextans. I. V.D.J. (Vives, Pl. XVI, 14).
11. Emporiae, quadrans. 3g.54, Newell.
III
1. Emporiae, ace. Béziers.
2. Emporiae, ace. 9g.49, The Hague.
3. Emporiae, ace. Madrid, M.A. (Vives, CXXI, 2).
4. Emporiae, ace. Berlin.
5. Emporiae, ace.? (Lucerne Sale, XII, 2).
6. Emporiae, ace. Madrid, M.A. (Vives, CXXI I, 8).
7. Tarraco, ace. I.V.D.J. (Vives, Pl. XXXI, 1).
8. Tarraco, ace. Madrid, M.A. (Vives, XXXI, 3).
9. Tarraco, semis. 8g.05, London.
10. Tarraco, quadrans. Madrid, Prado (Vives, XXXI, 6).
11. Tarraco, semis. 4g.80, Lockett.
12. Tarraco, sextans. lg.84, Newell.
13. Tarraco, denarius. 4g.l5, London.
14. Tarraco, quinarius. 2g.01, V. Quadras y Ramon, no. 245.
IV
1. Tarraco, semis. llg.57, London.
2. Tarraco, triens. Stockholm.
3. Tarraco, sextans. 2g.24, Berlin.
4. Tarraco, ace. 16g.25, London.
5. Tarraco, quadrans. 3g. 69, Mainz (Numantia, 131).
6. Tarraco, uncia. V. Quadras y Ramon, no. 257.
7. Tarraco, ace. Paris.
8. Tarraco, ace. 11g. 85, Gotha.
9. Tarraco, quadrans. I.V.D.J. (Vives, Pl. XXXIII, 7).
10. Tarraco, semis. Jordana (Vives, Pl. XXXIII, 11).
11. Tarraco, ace. I.V.D.J. (Vives, Pl. XXXIV, 11).
12. Tarraco, ace. I.V.D.J. (Vives, Pl. XXXV, 1).
13. Tarraco, ace. V. Quadras y Ramon, no. 283.
14. Tarraco, semis. 4g.41, Berlin.
15. Tarraco, ace. 9g.21,Copenhagen.
16. Tarraco, ace. llg.44, Berlin.
V
1. Tarraco, ace. 11g. 33, London.
2. Tarraco, semis. 7g.0g, London.
3. Tarraco, quadrans. Paris (Mionnet, I, 51, 369).
4. Tarraco, semis. 4g.81, London.
5. Tarraco, ace. 5g. 38, London.
6. Tarraco, sestertius. 24g. 05, London.
7. Tarraco, sestertius. 27g. 80, London (Lucerne Sale, XV, 1930, lot 1).
8. Tarraco, sestertius. 26g.96, London (Lucerne Sale, XV, 1930, lot 2).
9. Tarraco, ace. Paris (Mionnet, I, 52, 379).
10. Tarraco, ace. llg.08, London.
11. Tarraco, semis. 5g.55, London.
VI
1. Laietani, ace. 19g.78, Berlin.
2. Laietani, ace. 12g.90, Lockett.
3. Baitulo, ace. 12g.37, London.
4. Baitulo, quadrans. V. Quadras y Ramon, no. 308.
5. lluro, quadrans. V. Quadras y Ramon, no. 322.
6. lluro, ace. 15g.44, Newell.
7. lluro, semis. 5g.60, Berlin.
8. lluro, quadrans. Jordana (Vives, Pl. XXIV, 9).
9. lluro, quadrans. Paris.
VII
1. Ieso, ace. 10g.95, London.
2. Ieso, ace. 9g.08, The Hague.
3. Ore(tum), ace. V. Quadras y Ramon, no. 293.
4. Ausa, ace. 23g.07, Hunter.
5. Ausa, denarius. Athens.
6. Ausa, ace. 8g.52, London.
7. Ausa, quadrans. 6g.01, Newell.
8. Masonsa, as. 8g.70, London.
9. Vasti, semis. Morales, Madrid (Vives, Pl. LIX, 1).
VIII
1. Arcedurgi, semis. Jordana (Vives, Pl. XXV, 2).
2. Arcedurgi, quadrans. Jordana (Vives, Pl. XXV, 3) .
3. Arcedurgi, ace. 14g.27, London.
4. Corucoruatin, ace. 11g.78, London.
5. Eustivaicola, semis. I.V.D.J. (Vives, XXIII, 2).
6. Eustivaicola, ace. 11g.39, Berlin.
7. Eustivaicola, semis. V. Quadras y Ramon, no.478.
8. Eustivaicola, quadrans. Jordana (Vives, XXIII, 3).
9. Eustivaicola, quadrans. Madrid, Prado (Vives, Pl. XXIII, 3).
IX
1. Caio, semis. I.V.D.J. (Vives, Pl. LVI, 1).
2. Caio, quadrans. Madrid, M. A. (Vives, Pl. LVI, 2).
3. Osconcn, ace. S. de Ricci.
4. Osconcn, ace. Paris.
5. Ilerda, hemiobol? Paris (Muret-Chabouillet, no. 529).
6. Ilerda, hemiobol? V. Quadras y Ramon, no. 323.
7. Ilerda, drachm. 4g. 68, London.
8. Ilerda, denarius. Athens.
9. Ilerda, quinarius. V. Quadras y Ramon, no. 324.
10. Ilerda, ace. 25g.46, London.
11. Ilerda, ace. 10g. 10, London.
12. Ilerda, semis. 6g. 18, London.
X
1. Ilerda, semis? 10g.94, Newell.
2. Ilerda, semis? 8g.33, London.
3. Ilerda, quadrans. 3g.51, Newell.
4. Ilerda, semis. V. Quadras y Ramon, no. 833.
5. Ilergetes, ace. 16g.68, Berlin.
6. Ilergetes, semis. V. Quadras y Ramon, no. 351.
7. Ilergetes, ace. 8g.78, London.
8. Eso, ace. 10g.l4, Newell.
XI
1. Ilercavonia, ace. Berlin.
2. Ilercavonia, semis. V. Quadras y Ramon, no. 826.
3. Ilercavonia, ace. V. Quadras y Ramon, no. 829.
4. Alavona, ace. 11g.48, London.
5. Celsa, ace. Jordana (Vives, Pl. LXI, 1).
6. Celsa, semis. V. Quadras y Ramon, no. 226.
7. Celsa, quadrans. Paris.
8. Celsa, ace. 8g.70, London.
9. Celsa, ace. 16g.66, Copenhagen.
XII
1. Celsa, ace. 19g. 245, Berlin.
2. Celsa, semis. 5g.06, Newell.
3. Celsa, semis. I.V.D.J. (Vives, Pl. LXII, 8).
4. Celsa, quadrans. V. Quadras y Ramon, no. 227.
5. Celsa, ace. 14g.08, London.
6. Celsa, ace. 16g.69, London.
7. Celsa, ace. 13g.l8, London.
8. Celsa, ace. 18g.49, London.
9. Celsa, semis. Berlin.
10. Celsa, quadrans? I.V.D.J. (Vives, Pl. CLX, 8).
XIII
1. Celsa, ace. Stockholm.
2. Celsa, ace. 13g.91, London.
3. Celsa, ace. Copenhagen.
4. Celsa, ace. 12g.01, London.
5. Celsa, semis. Madrid, M.A. (Vives, Pl. CLXI, 3).
6. Celsa, semis. I.V.D.J. (Vives, Pl. CLXI, 6).
7. Celsa, ace. S. de Ricci.
8. Celsa, ace. Paris.
9. Celsa, semis. V. Quadras y Ramon, no. 725.
10. Otogesa, ace. 8g. 72, London.
XIV
1. Salduia, ace. 10g. 12, Berlin.
2. Caesaraugusta, ace. Madrid, M. A. (Vives, Pl. CXLVII, 1).
3. Caesaraugusta, ace. Madrid, M.A. (Vives, Pl. CXLVII, 3).
4. Caesaraugusta, quadrans. Paris.
5. Caesaraugusta, ace. Leningrad.
6. Caesaraugusta, semis. 5g. 73, London.
7. Caesaraugusta, quadrans. 3g. 10,Copenhagen.
8. Caesaraugusta, ace. 14g.40, London.
9. Caesaraugusta, sestertius. Madrid, M. A. (Vives, Pl. CXLVIII, 11).
10. Caesaraugusta, semis. 7g. 12, London.
11. Caesaraugusta, semis. Gotha.
XV
1. Caesaraugusta, sestertius. 21g. 62, London.
2. Caesaraugusta, ace. 14g.29, London.
3. Caesaraugusta, ace. V. Quadras y Ramon, no. 590.
4. Caesaraugusta, ace. Stockholm.
5. Caesaraugusta, sestertius. Stockholm (Cat. Lorichs, no. 627).
6. Caesaraugusta, semis. 5g.l8, London.
7. Caesaraugusta, quadrans. I.V.D.J. (Vives, Pl. CL, 9).
8. Caesaraugusta, semis. Leningrad.
9. Caesaraugusta, ace. 17g.40,Copenhagen.
XVI
1. Caesaraugusta, ace. 12g.91, London.
2. Caesaraugusta, ace. 12g.86, Madrid, M.A. (Vives, Pl. CLII, 4).
3. Caesaraugusta, ace. Paris (Mionnet, I, 33, 239).
4. Caesaraugusta, ace. London.
5. Caesaraugusta, ace. Barber (Vives, Pl. CLI, 10).
6. Caesaraugusta, semis. V. Quadras y Ramon, 600.
7. Caesaraugusta, sestertius. I.V.D.J. (Vives, CLII, 7).
8. Caesaraugusta, sestertius. 28g.47, London.
XVII
1. Caesaraugusta, sestertius. Paris.
2. Caesaraugusta, sestertius. 30g.39, Hunter (Macdonald, III, Pl. XCVII, 23).
3. Caesaraugusta, ace. Vienna.
4. Caesaraugusta, sestertius. V. Quadras y Ramon, 612.
5. Caesaraugusta, ace. Copenhagen.
6. Caesaraugusta, sestertius. Paris.
7. Caesaraugusta, ace. Gotha.
XVIII
1. Caesaraugusta, ace. V. Quadras y Ramon, no. 605.
2. Caesaraugusta, ace. 10g.l9, The Hague.
3. Caesaraugusta, ace. V. Quadras y Ramon, no. 590.
4. Caesaraugusta, ace. I.V.D.J. (Vives, Pl. CLIII, 2).
5. Osicerda, ace. 4g.l7, Newell.
6. Osicerda, semis. 5g.93, London.
7. Osicerda, ace. 10g.70, London.
8. Osicerda, semis. 4g.l0, London.
XIX
1. Ilduqoico, ace. 13g.75, London.
2. Lagne, ace. Copenhagen.
3. Lagne, semis. 3g.34, Newell.
4. Seθiscen, ace. Empendocles.
5. Seθiscen, semis. I.V.D.J. (Vives, XXXVIII, 2).
6. Seθiscen, quadrans. Jordana (Vives, XXXVIII, 3).
7. Seθiscen, heavy ace. 16g.28, London.
8. Seθiscen, light ace. Athens.
9. Seθiscen, light ace. Jordana (Vives, XXXVIII, 9).
10. Seθiscen, semis. London.
11. Seθiscen, quadrans. 3g.l9,Copenhagen.
XX
1. Secaisa, ace. Barril (Vives, Pl. LXIV, 2).
2. Secaisa, ace. Mainz (Numantia, no. 141).
3. Secaisa, semis. Hunter (Macdonald, III, Pl. XCVII, 10).
4. Secaisa, triens. Madrid, M.A. (Vives, LXIV, 10).
5. Secaisa. 14g.75, Mainz (Numantia, 138).
6. Secaisa, denarius. 3g.92, London.
7. Secaisa, heavy ace. 19g.95, London.
8. Secaisa, semis. Barril (Vives, Pl. LXIV, 12).
9. Secaisa, light ace. Barril (Vives, Pl. LXV, 5).
XXI
1. Secaisa, semis. Barril (Vives, Pl. LXV, 3).
2. Secaisa, quadrans. V. Quardas y Ramon, no. 445.
3. Secaisa, light ace. 8g. 44, London.
4. Secaisa, semis. Jordana (Vives, Pl. LXV, 9).
5. Secaisa, triens. Barril (Vives, Pl. LXV, 10).
6. Secaisaqom, ace. 8g.06, Gotha.
7. Saguntum, silver. 2g.95, Stockholm.
8. Saguntum, silver. 3g. 14, London.
9. Saguntum, silver. Vienna.
10. Saguntum, silver. Sanchez (Vives, Pl. VI, 15).
11. Saguntum, silver. 0g.28, V. Quadras y Ramon, no. 159).
12. Saguntum, silver. 2g.98, Newell.
13. Saguntum, silver. Paris.
14. Saguntum, silver. 3g.42,Copenhagen.
15. Saguntum, silver. 2g. 61, London.
16. Saguntum, silver. 2g. 39, Newell.
17. Saguntum, silver. 2g. 84, Madrid, M. A. (Vives, Pl. VI, 6).
XXII
1. Saguntum, silver. 2g.20, I.V.D.J. (Vives, VI, 7).
2. Saguntum, silver. 1g.49, Madrid, M. A. (Vives, Pl. VI, 18).
3. Saguntum, silver. 2g.61, London.
4. Saguntum, silver. 2g. 38, London.
5. Saguntum, silver. 2g.89, London.
6. Saguntum, silver. Vienna.
7. Saguntum, bronze. 6g. 64, Newell.
8. Saguntum, ace. 13g. 78, London.
9. Saguntum, ace. 14g.06, Hunter (Macdonald, III, Pl. XCVI, 21).
10. Saguntum, heavy ace. 23g. 14, Newell.
11. Saguntum, heavy ace.