The solidi found in Sweden and Denmark cover the century and a half from the death of Theodosius I in 395 down to the latter part of the reign of Justinian I (ca. 550). This roughly corresponds with the period known as the Migration Age. 6 The movement of peoples began before this and continued after Justinian, but the brunt of the invasions, resulting in the loss of the West, was felt in the fifth century.
At the beginning of the fifth century, the throne was occupied by Arcadius and Honorius, the two sons of Theodosius I. Just before his death in 395, Theodosius expressed his desire that the two brothers share the throne and Arcadius, already acting as regent in Constantinople, assumed control of the East and Honorius became emperor of the West.
Almost immediately the Germanic threat, which was to plague both East and West for most of the following century, made itself felt. This threat came from within and from without. Pressing on the frontiers were the masses of barbarian tribes who wanted living space within the empire; within were the Germanic soldiers who had taken service in the imperial armies and who had, in some instances, achieved positions of prominence. They provided energy and leadership but their loyalty when tested was as often as not to their own people who were now the enemies of Rome.
In 395 the Visigoths, who had been settled in Lower Moesia by Theodosius I, revolted and under the leadership of Alaric began a devastating march through Macedonia and Thrace. Virtually unopposed, they ravaged Greece before turning westward. In the early years of the fifth century Alaric and his forces carried out two invasions of Italy which resulted in the sack of Rome in 410. Under Athaulf, successor to Alaric, they entered Gaul in 412. Elsewhere other tribes were crossing the frontiers. In 406, the Vandals, Suevi and Alani crossed the Rhine and began marching through Gaul and Spain. The Burgundians, too, had established a kingdom around Worms by 414. Sporadic and ineffectual attempts to regain the western provinces were made by the Romans, but eventually the Vandals were firmly settled in Africa, the Visigoths and Suevi in Spain, the Burgundians in the Rhone valley and the Franks in Gaul. For all practical purposes the western provinces were lost and Italy itself under attack. In the years between the death of Theodosius I in 395 and the conquest of Odovacar in 476, Italy suffered invasions and attacks by Visigoths, Vandals, Ostrogoths and Huns. In none of these did the invaders attempt to establish control over Italy but they plundered the cities, ravaged the countryside, and were able to force payments and concessions of other territories from the Romans. In 476, however, the barbarians were given land grants in Italy after Odovacar had deposed Romulus Augustus, the last Roman emperor of the West.
In the East, the initial threat of Germanic pressure had been temporarily averted by 400. The next great danger came from the Huns who forced Theodosius II to begin tribute payments in 424. This tribe of Asiatic nomads occasionally fought for the empire but only when it served their purpose and they remained a threat to both East and West until 454. In 451, the Huns and their allies were defeated in the battle of Maurica in Gaul. With the death of Attila shortly thereafter the subject tribes began revolting and the Hunnic empire collapsed.
Chief among the tribes subject to the Huns were the Ostrogoths who obtained their independence in 454 and were then settled as foederati in Pannonia with a promise of annual payments from Marcian. Discontented with conditions there, they harried the nearby provinces until 488 when Zeno persuaded Theodoric, king of the Ostrogoths, to lead his forces westward and replace Odovacar as his viceroy in Italy. This was accomplished by 493 and Italy remained in the hands of the Ostrogoths until the reconquest by Belisarius and Narsesin the reign of Justinian I.
The East survived this movement of peoples but it was a costly survival for the state. It suffered not only the loss of the West, in- cluding Italy, but also a financial depletion as thousands of pounds of gold poured out of the imperial treasury to pacify the barbarians. In 424 Theodosius II began paying 350 pounds of gold annually to Rugila, king of the Huns. When Attila and Bleda succeeded Rugila about 433, the payment was doubled to 700 pounds, but even this sum did not safeguard the imperial provinces against attack. After an encounter with the imperial armies who were decisively defeated in 443, Attila secured an immediate payment of 6000 pounds of gold plus an annual payment of 2100 pounds. The payments came from Theodosius II and also from Valentinian III in the West.
The tribute to the Huns continued through the reign of Theodosius, but his successor Marcian refused to meet the demands. The collapse of the Hunnic empire in 454, however, resulted in the independence of the Ostrogoths who were able to exact annual payments of 100 pounds of gold from Marcian. Leo was more reluctant to make these payments and as a result the Ostrogoths revolted in 461, forcing Leo to continue the annual stipend and to make up the payments in arrears.
These Ostrogoths—ruled by the three brothers, Walamir, Theodemir and Widemir—represented one branch of the tribe; a second branch had taken service in the imperial armies after 454. This latter group, under the command of Strabo, revolted after the death of Aspar, a Roman general of Germanic origin, and forced from Leo an annual stipend of 2000 pounds of gold in addition to territorial concessions and the titles, Master of Soldiers and King of the Ostrogoths, for Strabo. In the struggle for the throne between Basiliscus and Zeno which followed the death of Leo, Strabo supported Basiliscus and Theodoric, Zeno. When Zeno was restored to power, the alliances fluctuated; the title of Master of Soldiers was passed from one Goth to the other and each in turn was recognized as King of the Ostrogoths. The death of Strabo in 481 left Theodoric's Goths as the sole threat to the empire until 488 when Zeno induced them to attack Odovacar and establish themselves in Italy. Although other barbaric tribes soon took their place, they were less formidable and were dealt with in the traditional manner by playing one tribe against another and by payments.
The payments exacted by the barbarians were presumably made in solidi, the coinage represented in the Scandinavian hoards and the basic coinage of the fifth and sixth centuries. 7 Coins were struck in three metals during this period but the bronze was debased and the silver so negligible that the burden of the economy rested upon the gold. Its basic unit was the solidus of 1/72nd of a pound, weighing 4.54 grams and introduced by Constantine I who lowered the weight of the aureus which had been minted at 60 to the pound since the reform of Diocletian. In addition to the solidus, a semis or half-solidus of 2.27 grams and a 1 1/2 scripulum piece of 1.70 grams were introduced. The latter was not easily exchanged for the solidus, however, and was replaced in 383 under Theodosius I by the triens, a third of the solidus, weighing 1.51 grams. Thus, at the beginning of the fifth century the gold currency consisted of the solidus, the semis and the triens. The solidus was by far the most common coin while the triens and in particular the semis were quite rare.
In addition to the official currency issued by the emperors in the fifth and sixth centuries there were barbaric coinages, also represented in the Scandinavian finds, which replaced the imperial coinage in the West. 8 Even before the fall of Italy in 476 the various Germanic tribes began to experiment with coinage. The first attempts took place in the western provinces as they slipped from imperial hands and were undoubtedly inspired by the need to fill the gap left by the closing of the imperial mints. These earliest coinages were imitations with no indication of the new issuing authority. Their legends were often unintelligible and the details of the type so misrendered as to be meaningless. Later, some silver and bronze issues were struck with the name and portrait of the Germanic chief and it is only these issues that can be identified with certainty. For the rest, and this is particularly true of the gold, there are numerous problems involved. It is often difficult to determine whether they are official or barbaric issues and if the latter, to what particular tribe they should be assigned. Issues have been attributed to the Suevi, Vandals, Visigoths, Ostrogoths, Burgundians and Franks, but not always on firm grounds. The criteria for their identification are style, provenance and the monograms which appear on the later issues. Style alone is often an elusive factor and must be checked against other evidence. For example, the huge class of "Vandalic" bronze is now considered to be imperial coinage since its wide distribution outside of Vandalic territory is convincing proof that it was not Vandalic in origin. 9
Although meaningless legends and types are an indication of barbaric manufacture, it is also true that the Italian mints of the fifth century, notably Milan, issued coinage that is characterized by a very crude style and occasional legend irregularities. Furthermore, not all imitative coinages are of crude workmanship. The Ostrogothic issues, identified by the monogram of Theodoric, are often extremely fine specimens.
Many of these imitations are to be found in the catalogue. Some, like the Ostrogothic issues, are identifiable series; others are published varieties but their specific attribution is still uncertain. There are also solidi which are obviously barbaric but which bear no comparison to published specimens. With three exceptions these varieties have been found exclusively in Scandinavia.
| 6 |
General works for the period: J. B. Bury, History of the Later Roman Empire from the Death of Theodosius I. to the Death of Justinian
(2 vols., London, 1931);
Cambridge Medieval History, vol. I (Cambridge, Eng., New York, 1924); Alfons Dopsch, The Economic and Social Foundations of European Civilization (London, 1937); Ernest Stein, op. cit.
|
| 7 |
Introductory material and catalogues: R. A. G. Carson, P. V. Hill and J. P. C. Kent, Late Roman Bronze Coinage, a.d. 324–498 (London, 1960); Henry Cohen, Description historique des monnaies frappées sous l'empire romain (8 vols., 2nd ed., Paris, London, 1880–92); J. W. E. Pearce, The Roman Coinage from. a.d. 364 to 423 (London, 1933); RIC IX Valentinian I—Theodosius I (London, 1951); R. Ratto, Monnaies byzantines (Lugano, 1930); J. Sabatier, Description générale des monnaies byzantines (Paris, London, 1862); Jean Tolstoi, Monnaies byzantines (St. Petersburg, 1912–14); O. Ulrich-Bansa, Moneta. Mediolanensis (Venice, 1949); Warwick Wroth, Catalogue of the Imperial Byzantine Coins in the British Museum (London, 1908).
|
| 8 |
See Julius Friedländer, Die Münzen der Ostgothen (Berlin, 1844); Die Münzen der Vandalen (Leipzig, 1849); C. F. Keary, "The Coinages of Western Europe: From the Fall of the Western Empire till the Accession of
Charlemagne," NC 1878, 49–72, 132–65, 216–58; Warwick Wroth, Catalogue of the Coins of the Vandals, Ostrogoths and Lombards and of the Empires of Thessalonica, Nicaea and Trebizond in the British Museum (London, 1911); F. F. Kraus, Die Münzen Odovacars und des Ostgotenreiches in Italien (Halle, 1928); P. Le Gentilhomme, "Le monnayage et la circulation monétaire dans les royaumes barbares en occident (Ve-VIIIe siècle)," RN 1943, 45–112; Wilhelm Reinhart, "Die Münzen des tolosanischen Reiches der Westgoten," DJN I, 1938, 107–35; "Die Münzen des westgotischen Reiches von Toledo," D JN III, 1940, 69–101; "Die Münzen des Swebenreiches," Mitteilungen der bayerischen numismati-schen Gesellschaft LV, 1937, 151–98.
|
| 9 |
Margaret Thompson, The Athenian Agora II: Coins from the Roman through the Venetian Period (Princeton, 1954), 3, 101 f.
|
A total of 883 late Roman and Byzantine solidi are known to have been found in Sweden and Denmark. 1 Of these 726 are currently identifiable in Scandinavian collections and complete descriptions of 33 others can be found in the records, making a total of 759 coins which are incorporated in the catalogue. The remaining 124 coins were either dispersed or deposited in the collections at an early date without identifying labels regarding the find place. 2 Thus the material for this study consists of the 883 coins recorded as finds in the archives and literature, but the catalogue is restricted to the 759 coins for which complete descriptions are available while the study of the dies and the condition of the coins are further limited to those 726 coins which are still accessible.
The catalogue of 759 coins is arranged by emperors: first, western rulers from Honorius to Romulus Augustus, followed by eastern rulers from Arcadius to Justinian I. Under each emperor the coins are arranged by mint; eastern mints precede western mints. No at- tempt has been made to arrange the coins of a given emperor in their chronological order as issued. Imitations which can be assigned to a definite reign are placed after the regular issues; those which cannot be attributed to a particular emperor are listed at the end of the catalogue.
Much new material is provided by the Scandinavian finds. For the imperial coinage, many gaps in the officinae record have been closed and a number of hitherto unknown issues have been recovered. The barbaric imitations are of special interest in that they include many new or unpublished specimens.
The problem of the imitations is a disturbing one since little progress has been made in identifying and attributing these series but the additional comparative material presented here should be useful in the definitive study of these imitative coinages. In the catalogue that follows only those coins that are obviously barbaric, those with Germanic monograms or other distinguishing features which are without question products of non-imperial mints, have been included under the "imitations" heading. Among the official issues there may be other less easily detected imitations but because of the uncertainty involved it seemed prudent to refrain from making any barbaric attributions which cannot be firmly supported. All doubtful cases are discussed in the commentary.
The arrangement is not consistent throughout, but a strict consistency is impossible when a variety of official and non-official issues are involved. Nevertheless, the general pattern has been modified as little as possible.
Keys to the types and legends are given at the beginning of each emperor's coinage. For each coin, obverse and reverse types and legends, weight, die position, 3 condition, find-list number and catalogue references can be obtained.
Typical of the arrangement is the initial section under Honorius:
A1 a1 
Cohen 3
, 4.42 ↓ good. 113e
A1 is the obverse legend and type found in the key which appears at the beginning of Honorius' list while ai denotes the reverse. The mint mark listed on the same line as A1 a1 indicates that all coins under that heading bear the same mark. If a reference is given
here also, it serves for all the coins under the heading, but where catalogues are more detailed and separate entries exist
for variants, the reference is given with each coin.
4
For No. I, the officina is , weight is 4.42 grams, die-position is ↓, condition is good, and the coin belongs to Find No. 113e which is Stenåsa, Öland.
No. 2 is of the same type but has officina Z, its weight is 4.41 grams, die-position is ↓, condition is worn and it is from Find No. 219, Soldatergård, Bornholm.
This arrangement is modified for the coinages of the empresses, for the single specimen of Leontius where keys are not necessary and for the imitations which usually do not lend themselves to the established form. When the imitations are comparable to the official coinage, the keys to the official issues are used. Some of the imitations, however, are of different types and in such cases, obverse and reverse have to be described separately. Furthermore, new keys were made for the imitations of Anastasius, Justin I and Justinian I since these imitations differ from the official issues, are numerous and form a consistent series.
The coins are listed under the emperor identified in the legendi even though this is not always the issuing authority. Theodosius, for example, struck certain series in the name of Valentinian. Coins of the empresses are placed with those of the issuing emperor whenever the relationship can be determined. Thus, coins of Galla Placidia, Eudocia and Pulcheria are listed under Theodosius because it is known that these particular issues were made under his authority.
| 1 |
The catalogue and find-list were compiled on the basis of material available in 1959. In 1961 the 47 solidi of the Lillön
hoard were incorporated but no finds since then have been added. The bulk of the coins are in the Royal Coin Cabinets at the
Statens Historiska Museum in Stockholm and the National Museum in Copenhagen. A few are held by the museums of Visby, Kalmar
and Lund in Sweden and the Thorvaldsen Museum in Copenhagen. The locations are noted in the find-list.
The coins were incorporated in the Royal collections as a result of the regality systems in Denmark and Sweden which gave
the Danish king possession of all gold and silver found in the realm and the Swedish king two-thirds of all antiquities found,
with no compensation to either the finder or the owner of the property on which the find was made. Subsequent legislation
in both countries granted compensation for all finds which, however, must be offered to the crown for purchase. Cf. Georg
Galster, "Treasure-trove in Denmark," Transactions of the International Numismatic Congress,
London
, 1936 (London, 1938) 299–304; Bengt Thordeman, "Coin-finds in Sweden: Legislation and Organization," in the same work, 320–23;
Sir George Hill, Treasure Trove in Law and Practice (Oxford, 1936), 173–84.
|
| 2 |
It is possible that some of these finds can be identified. N. L. Rasmusson has begun the reconstruction of the eighteenth
century Ekerö hoard (Find No. 5).
|
| 3 |
The die positions tend toward a ↑ or ↓ axis and minor deviations from a strictly vertical axis have not been noted.
|
| 4 |
This is true of the Milan series throughout which is covered in Ulrich-Bansa's volume. References to series which were struck
at different officinae, however, are given inclusively with the heading of each issue. For example, under Theodosius II, Nos. 201–207 of type A1 d3 are identified as Sabatier 13 and Tolstoi 47 f. with a note on which officinae represented in
the Scandinavian finds are not listed in either of these publications. This arrangement was not possible with Zeno's coins
since both Sabatier and Tolstoi treat as one issue at least two separate issues. In this case, a reference to Tolstoi is given
with each officina.
|
| Obverse legends | Reverse legends |
| A DNHONORI VSPFAVG | a CONCORDI AAVGG |
| b CONCORDI AAVGGG | |
| c VICTORI AAVGGG |
| Obverse types | Reverse types |
| 1 Bust of emperor, three-quarters facing, helmeted, diademed and cuirassed; holding lance and shield which portrays emperor on horse. | 1 Constantinople seated facing, head r., holding sceptre in r. hand and Victory on globe in l.; r. foot on prow. |
| 2 Bust of emperor r., diademed, draped and cuirassed. | 2 Emperor in military dress, standing r., holding standard in r. hand and Victory on globe in l.; l. foot on captive. |
A1 a1
5
Cohen 3
4.42 ↓ good. 113e
Plate VII
A1 b1
6
Cohen not
A1 a1 
Cohen 3
A2 c2 
Cohen 44; Ulrich-Bansa 61–61η.
A2 c2 
Cohen 44
rev.: ∊ V l. and r. in field Plate I
Twenty-one solidi of Honorius have been attributed to official mints. Most are clearly regular issues but the following are to some degree questionable: Nos. 5–6 from the mint of Milan and Nos. 10–18 from Ravenna. The first, however, are not noticeably different from the illustrations of Ulrich-Bansa's catalogue 9 and the Ravenna pieces show stylistic parallels with Nos. 7–9 and 19–21 which are indubitably genuine products of the Ravenna mint. Many of the questionable coins are well worn and this may account to some extent for their crude appearance. It should be remembered also that die-cutters in the official mints were sometimes guilty of erroneous lettering and careless workmanship.
In classifying these twenty-one coins as official, certain factors were considered. First of all, the epigraphy is accurate and normal. 10 The weights are all normal. Furthermore, there is no comparison between these specimens and published imitations. At this period the Suevian and Visigothic imitations were uniformly crude in portraiture and epigraphy, and the weights of the former were often below standard.
| 5 |
Nos. 194–195 (Constantinople) and 283 (Thessalonica) of Theodosius II are parallel issues to Nos. 1–2 and 4, respectively. See page 38.
|
| 6 |
Nos. 196–198 of Theodosius are parallel issues to No. 3. See page 38.
|
| 7 |
The pierced hole looks as though it may have obliterated a wreath which is characteristic of one imitative series (Visigothic?),
but it is merely an illusion created by the neat piercing and looks the same from the reverse.
|
| 8 |
The mint mark seems to read ∊ V but it is a very tarnished specimen and one cannot be certain.
|
| Obv.: (DN HONORIVS PF AVG) Bust of emperor r., diademed, draped and cuirassed. | Rev.: (VICTORIA AVGGG) Emperor in military dress, standing facing, holding long cross in r. hand and Victory on globe in l.; r. foot on serpent. |
obv.:
SNNSOΛЯ
GSNOΛVᒋ 
rev.: Я∃ΛHOO ΛVSNNC
same dies as above
obv.:
ↃNHONOPI V
PHHTGG 
rev.: ↃICTORI VVVGG
same dies as above
| Obv.: As above | Rev.: (VICTORIA AVGGG) Emperor in military dress, standing r., holding standard in r. hand and Victory on globe in l.; l. foot on captive. |
obv.: same die as above
rev.:
ↃↃↃVΛVT IIOTↃΛII 
same dies as above
obv.:
ᗡ
HOЯI Vꙅ
AVↃ (retrograde) image reversed
rev.: VIↃTOЯl ΛΛVↃↃↃ (retrograde) image reversed
The coins listed under Nos. 22–28 are obviously barbaric. Nos. 2225 are imitations of the type introduced by Valentinian III but the obverse legend is clearly meant to be that of Honorius and thus they have been classified with his coins in the catalogue. 11 At the same time it is certain that they were manufactured at the earliest in the reign of Valentinian III and probably well after his reign (see section on identical dies, p. 122). 12 Nos. 26–27 are of the customary type of Honorius but are from the same obverse die as Nos. 24–25. These two coins also must post-date Honorius.
The marks in the field of these imitations, where normally the mint mark appears, are unusual. On Nos. 22–23 there is a single N in the right field which can be read as N or H. Nos. 24–25 have V/ N left and right in the field and Nos. 26–27, || \\. These marks are not readily identifiable as a copy of any of the regular mint marks but whether they have some other meaning cannot, at the present, be determined. The legends indicate that the Roman letters were not clearly understood by the die-cutters. Nos. 24–27 do not distinguish between N and H for example and many other letters are incorrectly formed although it is evident that the name of Honorius was being copied. The most correct form of the legend appears on No. 28 which, except for being retrograde, is fairly accurate. Here the mint mark is undoubtedly meant to be MD.
That these pieces are barbaric cannot be disputed but a more perplexing question concerns their origin. 13 The only published imitations of Honorius are identified as Suevian or Visigothic. 14 The Scandinavian specimens are not comparable to either group and, furthermore, in contrast to many of the Suevian pieces, the weights of the Scandinavian solidi are normal.
| 9 |
Moneta Mediolanensis, pl. VI, 61–61η (for coins of irregular style see pl. VI, A–B and for imitations, C–D.
|
| 10 |
The only possible exception is No. 15 with an uncertain mint mark.
|
| 11 |
The obverse legend of Nos. 22–23 (which are of the same dies) is more blundered than those of Nos. 24–27 but still, I believe,
was taken from a coin of Honorius. Moreover, the reverse is very similar to Nos. 24–25.
|
| 12 |
According to Philip Grierson, such hybrid imitations, sometimes of emperors of different centuries, are quite common.
|
| Obverse legends | Reverse legends |
| A DNVALENTIN IANVSPFAVG | a VOTXXX MVLTXXXX |
| B DNPLAVALENTI NIANVSPFAVG | b VICTORI AAVGGG |
| c IMP.XXXXII˙COS XVII˙P˙P˙ | |
| d VOTX MVLTXX |
| Obverse types | Reverse types |
| 1 Bust of emperor, three-quarters facing, helmeted, diademed and cuirassed; holding lance and shield which portrays emperor on horse. | 1 Constantinople seated l., holding globus cruciger in r. hand and sceptre in l.; shield to r.; l. foot on prow. |
| 2 Bust of emperor r., diademed, draped and cuirassed. | 2 Victory standing l., holding long cross in r. hand. |
| 3 Bust of emperor l., diademed and in consular dress; holding mappa in r. hand and cross in l. | 3 Emperor in military dress, standing facing, holding long cross in r. hand and Victory on globe in l.; r. foot on serpent with human head. |
| 4 Emperor in military dress, standing r., holding standard in r. hand and Victory on globe in l.; l. foot on captive. | |
| 5 Emperor in consular dress, seated facing, holding mappa in r. hand and cross in l. |
A1 a1 
Cohen 42
obv.: ... VSPAVGG Plate VIII
A1 b2
Cohen 17
West COMOB
A1 c1 
Cohen 4 var. (CONOB)
B2 b3 
Cohen 19; Ulrich-Bansa 90–90.
rev.: И D l. and r. in field
rev.: CONOB in ex.; N D l. and r. in field
B2 b3 
Cohen 19
obv.: . in r. field
rev.: R N l. and r. in field
rev.: R N 1. and r. in field
B2 b3 
Cohen 19
obv..: DИPLΛVΛLEИTI NIΛNVSPFAVG
obv.: DИPLΛVΛLEИTI NINVSPFΛVG
rev.: R [ ]; attribution to Ravenna uncertain.
NNÅ 1944, 46, no. 21.2
NNÅ 1944, 46, no. 21.3
NNÅ 1944, 46, no. 21.4
NNÅ 1944, 58, no. 23.1
B2 b4
Cohen 23
obv.: DNPIΛVΛLENTI N1ΛNVꙅPFΛVG
B3 d5
Cohen 41
The bulk of Valentinian's coins are western and, like those of Honorius, include some questionable official issues. The four coins of Milan are very crude in appearance but not unlike a particular series in Ulrich-Bansa which he considers an emergency issue and associates with payments to Attila. 20 The Rome coins (Nos. 36–51) lack uniformity and of the entire group only Nos. 42–43 seem wholly regular. A pellet in the obverse field of No. 39 is curious and often appears on barbaric issues (see below, n. 23). Similarly, a mint mark of R N on Nos. 50–51 is the usual rendering of R M on the barbaric series in Reinhart (Reinhart 22–26). Most doubtful are Nos. 48–51. The Ravenna issues (Nos. 52–86), on the other hand, are more homogeneous and the only dubious specimens are Nos. 77–78. Irregular as many of the above seem, however, they compare favorably with those which are certainly imitations as seen in Reinhart and in this-catalogue, Nos. 88–97.
| 13 |
Some of the bungled letters on these and other imitations resemble Runic characters and, because of the close die linkage
and their provenance, a Scandinavian origin must be considered. I hope eventually to pursue this possibility in greater detail.
|
| 14 |
See studies of Keary, Reinhart and Le Gentilhomme cited above, p. xxiv, n. 8; also, Antonio M. de Guadan and Láscaris Comneno,
"Las copias Suevas de los solidos de Honorio," Nummus V, no. 17 (Sept. 1958), 11–23.
|
| 15 |
Issued by Theodosius II in commemoration of his tricennalia celebrated ca. 430. Identical types exist for Theodosius (see his list), Pulcheria, Eudoxia and Eudocia. This reverse was also used by Leo I (Cat. No. 532).
|
| 16 |
Marcian introduced this type and struck these coins for Valentinian, perhaps in hopes of recognition from him which, however, was not forth-coming for more than a year and a half. The coin
can be dated to the early part of Marcian's reign. See A. A. Boyce, "Eudoxia, Eudocia, Eudoxia: Dated Solidi of the Fifth
Century," ANSMN VI, 1954, 141.
|
| 17 |
Issued by Theodosius II in commemoration of his forty-second imperium and seventeenth consulship in 443. The type is also known for Theodosius, Eudocia, Eudoxia, Placidia and Pulcheria (see under Theodosius). This one example of Valentinian and 54 of Theodosius are included in the Scandinavian finds.
|
| 18 |
Underweight but it has been clipped; the coin is die-linked with Nos. 45–46 which are of normal weight.
|
| 19 | |
| 20 |
Moneta Mediolanensis, p. 239 and pl. X, 90 α—η.
|
| Obv.: DN IVST GRAT HONORIA PF AVG | Rev.: BONO REIPVBLICAE |
| Bust of empress r., diademed. | Victory standing l., holding long cross in r. hand. 
|
B2 b3 
B2 b3
obv.: DNPIΛVΛIENTI NIΛNVSPFΛVG
obv.: . in r. field
obv.: . in l. field; ↃNPIΛVΛIENTI ITΛNVSTF[ ]
obv.: . in l. field
obv.: DNLΛVΛLNITI NIΛNVS[ ]ΛVG
obv.: DΔVALEIITI IIIΛNVSPFC
obv.: wreath in legend break
obv.: . in l. field; DNPIAVAIENTIHIANVSPFAVG
| 21 |
Much use has been made of Reinhart's study of the Visigothic coinage for these attributions of the imitations of Valentinian and most of the coins listed below have counterparts in Reinhart. With one or two exceptions (Reinhart 27–28 are certainly
official issues of Milan) his series on Valentinian is undoubtedly barbaric but it is not certain that they all are Visigothic. The imitations in this catalogue and in Reinhart
are predominantly of Ravenna issues.
|
| 22 |
A wreath in the obverse legend break identifies this coin as a Visigothic (?) imitation; cf. Reinhart 10.
|
| 23 |
A pellet in the obverse field is found on Reinhart 17–20 which are of similar style to this coin. It also appears on Nos.
39 (considered official), 91, 92 and 96 in this catalogue. With the exception of No. 39 all the coins bearing such a pellet
are of a definite barbaric character.
|
| Obverse legends | Reverse legends |
| A DNIVLIVSMAIORI ANVSPFAVG | a VICTORI AAVGGG |
| B DNIVLIVSMAIORIA NVSPEAVG |
| Obverse types | Reverse types |
1 Bust of emperor r., helmeted, diademed, draped and cuirassed; holding lance and shield inscribed  .
|
1 Emperor in military dress, standing facing, holding long cross in r. hand and Victory on globe in l.; r. foot on serpent with human head. |
A1 a1 
Cohen 1
rev.: COMOB* in ex.
obv.: . in upper and lower l. field
rev.: COMOB* in ex.
A1 a1 
Cohen 1
obv.: legend break, ... A – N VSPFAVG
B1 a1
Cohen 1 var.
rev.: legend break, ... A – AVGGG
rev.: legend break, ... A – AVGGG
rev.: legend break, ... A – AVGGG
obv.: legend break, ... I – ANVSPEAVG
rev.: legend break, ... A – AVGGG
A1 a1
Cohen 1
obv.: legend break, ... R – IANVSPFAVG
rev.: legend break, ... A – AVGGG
obv.: .inr. field; legend break,.. .O–RIANVSPFAVG
obv.: DNIVLIVSMEIORI...
The coins of Majorian present an assortment of crude portraits and legend varieties; one rarely finds a clean striking or a well-cut die. Such workmanship has come to be characteristic of western mints in the fifth century, however, and only one coin can be clearly recognized as an imitation.
A uniformity of style is evident on the coins of Arelate and on those of Milan. The coins of the latter occasionally have PE in place of PF in the obverse legend and all resemble Reinhart 62 but in this case Reinhart's attribution to a barbaric mint is incorrect. 28 Less uniformity is apparent on the coins of Ravenna but there is little reason for considering any one of them an imitation.
| 24 |
Has "Visigothic" wreath; cf. Reinhart 10.
|
| 25 |
Same coin as Reinhart 50.
|
| 26 |
Similar to Reinhart 8 which, however, has a wreath in the obverse legend break.
|
| 27 |
Ulrich-Bansa 104; text (p. 265) reads PFAVG but the plate clearly shows PEAVG.
|
A1 a1 
Cohen 1
obv.:
DNIVIVSMΛIRI ΛNVSPFΛVG
on shield
| Obverse legends | Reverse legends |
| A DNLIBIVSSEV ERVSPEAVG | a VICTORI AAVGGG |
| B DNLIBIVSSEVER VSPERPETVAG | |
| C DNLIBIVSSEVE RVSPFAVG |
| Obverse types | Reverse types |
| 1 Bust of emperor r., diademed, draped and cuirassed. | 1 Emperor in military dress, standing facing, holding long cross in r. hand and Victory on globe in l.; r. foot on serpent with human head. |
All Milan coins have reverse legend break, ... A – AVGGG
A1 a1
Cohen 11
obv.: legend break, ... E – RVSPEAVG
B1 a1
Cohen 10
obv.:
DNLIRIVSSEVERV SPERPETV 
obv.:
DNLIRIVSSEVERV SPERPETV
C1 a1
Cohen 8
rev.: COMOB* in ex.
rev.: COMOB* in ex.
obv.: . in upper l. field
rev.: COMOB* in ex.
rev.: COMOB* in ex.
Usual obverse legend break, ... E – VERVSPFAVG
C1 a1
Cohen 8
obv.: legend break, ... E – RVSPFAVG
obv.: legend break, ... V – ERVSPFAVG
obv.: legend break, ... V – ERVSPFAVG
NNÅ 1944, 48, no. 7
The coins of Libius Severus are generally crude but within a mint group there is a uniformity of style. Portraiture in the Milan series (Nos. 115–120) is coarse but identical in style to the coins of Majorian from that mint. The use of PE in place of PF is carried over from the reign of Majorian and a new legend is also introduced, DN ... PERPETV AVG, which continues into the reign of Anthemius. Rome and Ravenna do not make use of either of these variants except occasionally under Anthemius. All die positions for Milan coins are ↑ which remain consistent for the duration of the imperial control of that mint. 32
The Rome coins (Nos. 121–136) are more numerous and present a homogeneous style. It is quite distinctive and in technique superior to the products of the Milan mint. The normal die position is ↓ but exceptions are noted on Nos. 128, 130, 131 and 133 all of which are of the Rome style but cruder than the other pieces.
The Ravenna coins (Nos. 137–145) present still another style which, with one exception, is uniform. Of particular interest is No. 137 which is clearly of the style of Rome. The obverse portrait is identical to those on Nos. 121–136 and the reverse has stylistic elements in common with the Rome group. 33 The Ravenna mint mark is puzzling, however, and perhaps indicates that a die-cutter was transferred from Rome to Ravenna. Because of the similarities of the reverse also it cannot represent merely a transferred die. 34 The normal die-position for Ravenna is ↓. 35
| 28 | |
| 29 |
Ulrich-Bansa (p. 263) considers the R A strikings in the name of Majorian the product of an unknown mint which operated as a subsidiary mint of Ravenna, Milan or Arelate, most probably of Milan. These issues are also known for Valentinian III (Reinhart 51) and Libius Severus (in this catalogue, Nos. 146–148) of whom they are more common. The coins reveal a consistent style and are often from well
cut dies, but they contain epigraphical irregularities. They are also similar to many others in Reinhart's series which are
certainly barbaric. In addition, Philip Grierson tells me that this series is consistently debased.
|
| 30 |
The obverse legend break is the same as that of the Rome coins; see page 21.
|
| 31 |
Underweight due to clipping; in other respects it is regular and is die-linked with Nos. 138–140.
|
| 32 |
This observation, to my knowledge, has not been made previously and it is important for the attribution of unmarked specimens
to that mint (see under Romulus Augustus and Basiliscus). Nos. 617–618 of Zeno, attributed to the imperial mint of Milan, also have die positions of ↑.
|
| 33 |
The portraits and the treatment of the cuirass, diadem tails and lettering are practically identical. On the reverse, similarities
with the Rome coins are evident in the lettering, the angle of the right arm and right thigh and in other details. The legend break of
this coin (No. 137) is also the same as that of the Rome coins.
|
| 34 |
An obverse die of Galla Placidia was transferred from Rome to Aquileia (J. Lafaurie, "Le trésor de Chécy (Loiret)," in J. Gricourt, G. Fabre and M. Mainjonet, J. Lafaurie, Trésors monétaires et plaques-boucles de la Gaule romaine:
Bavai
,
Montbuoy, Chécy
, XIIe supplément à "Gallia" (Paris, 1958), p. 293 and J. P. C. Kent, "Gold Coinage in the Late Roman Empire," in Essays in Roman Coinage Presented to Harold Mattingly
, eds. R. A. G. Carson and C. H. V. Sutherland (Oxford, 1956), p. 200n. Kent also points out a Rome reverse die of Valentinian III which was recut for use at Ravenna.
|
| 35 |
The only exception is No. 137.
|
C1 a1
rev.: VICTOR AAVGGG
obv.: DNIIBIVSSE RVSPFAVG
obv.: DNIIBIVSSEVE RVSPFAVG
| Obverse legends | Reverse legends |
| A DNANTHEMI VSPERPETAVG | a SALVS REIPVBLICAE |
| B DNANTHE MIVSPFAVG | (Legend break varies and is noted below.) |
| C DNANTHEM IVSPEAVG | |
| D DNPROCANTH EMIVSPFAVG |
| Obverse types | Reverse types |
| 1 Bust of emperor, three-quarters facing, helmeted, diademed and cuirassed; holding lance and shield which portrays emperor on horse. | 1 Two figures in military dress, standing facing, each with lance and holding globus cruciger between them. |
| 2 Bust of emperor, three-quarters facing, helmeted, diademed, draped and cuirassed; holding lance in r. hand. | 2 Two figures in military dress, standing facing; figure on r. holding Victory on globe; between them above 
|
| 3 Bust of emperor r., diademed, draped and cuirassed. | 3 Two figures draped and wearing nimbus, standing facing, holding long cross between them; each with globe in l. hand. |
A1 a1 
Cohen 9
rev.: I – PV – B
rev.: I – PV – B
rev.: Ϩ∧LVϨREI PV BLICAE
rev.:
I – PV – B; 
B1 a2
Cohen 12 var.
obv.: legend break, I – VSPFAVG
rev.: I – PV – B
C2 a1 
Cohen 6
rev.: E – IP – V
obv.: legend break, E – MIVSPEAVG
rev.: E – IP – V
NNÅ 1944, 48, no. 8
A1 a1 
Cohen not
rev.: I – PV – B
C1 a1
Cohen 7 var.
rev.: E – IPV – B
B2 a1 
Cohen 6
rev.: R – EIP – V; * beneath 
; ·COMOB·
rev.:
R – EIP – V; ∵ encircling ;·COMOB·
rev.: R – EIP – V
rev.: R – EIP – V
B1 a1 
Cohen 7 or CORMOB (noted)
rev.: R – EIP – V
rev.: E – IPV – B; CORMOB
rev.: R – EIP – V; CORMOB
B2 a1 
Cohen 8
rev.: R – EIP – V
D1 a3 
Cohen 2
obv.: DNPROCAИ THEMIVSPFAVG
rev.: SALVSRI PV BLICAE
D3 a3
Cohen 3
rev.: I – P – V – B
rev.: I – P – V – B
Mint (?)
B1 a1
NNÅ 1944, 81, no. 2 has Cohen 6 but description reads "with shield" and is therefore type B1 a1 and Cohen 7
B2 a1
NNÅ 1944, 63, no. 2
Under Anthemius the facing portrait appears on the western coinage and the traditional reverse with the emperor standing with his foot on a serpent and the legend, VICTORIA AVGGG, 39 is replaced by new types with the legend SALVS REIPVBLICAE. The many variants and combinations of the types and legends make this coinage difficult to arrange and for almost every coin additional notes are required to indicate the legend break, the form of the mint mark, and the like.
The Milan coins (Nos. 149–156) are typical of that mint in that they are the crudest of the lot. Die positions are consistently ↑ for Milan and ↓ for Rome and Ravenna. Nos. 163–165 without the usual form of mint mark are certainly of Rome. In style they are identical to Nos. 157–162 and also, two of the coins bear CORMOB in the exergue. One Ravenna coin, No. 166, has a particularly crude portrait and may not be an official issue.
| 36 |
Ulrich-Bansa (p. 272, nn. 42 and 45) is not convinced that these coins are imitations; see above p. 18, n. 29.
|
| 37 |
The description of this coin in Breitenstein's article is that of the type B2 a1 which differs from C2 a1 in the use of PFAVG instead of PEAVG in the obverse legend. The coin was not available to Breitenstein, however (NNÅ 1944, 52, n. 49), and presumably the description was obtained from records. The reading of the legend is therefore open to question
and the only other recording of this variant for Milan is found in Ulrich-Bansa, no. 116, who quotes the Zeccone hoard published by C. Brambilla
(Altre annotazioni numismatiche,
Pavia, 1870). This latter publication does not illustrate the coin and the type remains without authority. It seems possible
that in both instances the obverse legend is a misreading and should be PEAVG. One of the photographs of the Zeccone coins in the Pavia Museum in my possession is of the type of Ulrich-Bansa 116 and
with the same legend break, but reads PEAVG. The same variety is found in No. 155 of this catalogue. At any rate, the type C2 a1 with obverse legend break E – MIVSPEAVG does exist although it is not recorded by Ulrich-Bansa and Ulrich-Bansa 116 is possibly a misreading of this type.
|
| 38 |
Similar to Reinhart 100.
|
| 39 |
The only record of such a reverse for Anthemius known to me is Cohen 18; the legend, DN PROC ANTHIMIVS, suggests that it is barbaric.
|
| Obverse legends | Reverse legends |
| A DNGLVCER IVSFPAVG | a VICTORI AAVGG |
| Obverse types | Reverse types |
| 1 Bust of emperor r., diademed, draped and cuirassed. | 1 Emperor in military dress, standing facing, holding long cross in r. hand and Victory on globe in l.; r. foot on stool. |
A1 a1 
Cohen 2; Ulrich-Bansa 130
A1 a1
Cohen 3
The coinage of Glycerius reverts to earlier types, current before Anthemius, but with some variations. The three coins in this catalogue portray the emperor standing facing and holding a long cross and a Victory on globe but his right foot rests on a stool rather than on a serpent. 40 Also, the obverse legend reads FPAVG (rather than PFAVG) and the reverse legend differs from previous issues in dropping the third G in AVGGG. 41
| Obverse legends | Reverse legends |
| A DNIVLNE POSPFAVG | a VICTORI AAVGGG: |
| Obverse types | Reverse types |
| 1 Bust of emperor, three-quarters facing, helmeted, diademed and cuirassed; holding lance and shield which portrays emperor on horse. | 1 Victory standing l., holding long cross in r. hand. |
A1 a1 
Cohen 5
rev.: ... AAVGGG and COMOB without pellets
Rome (?)
A1 a1
Cohen 5
obv.: DNIVLINE POSPFAVG
rev.: ... AAVGGG without pellets
A1 a1
Cohen 6
The standing Victory reverse with the legend VICTORIA AVGGG was the standard reverse type of the eastern coinage from the reign of Marcian. It now appears in the West on the coins of Julius Nepos and Romulus Augustus along with a facing portrait noted earlier in the West on the coins of Anthemius.
The Milan coins of Julius Nepos represent a distinct improvement over the Milan coins of preceding emperors. 42 The stylistic differences between the various mint groups, however, are not as apparent as they were previously. Nos. 179–180, without mint mark other than the exergue inscription of COMOB, have been attributed to Rome on the somewhat tenuous grounds that this mint was still in operation and because they are not entirely analogous with either the Milan or Ravenna specimens.
| 40 |
This is a variation of the type introduced by Valentinian III. Another type issued by Glycerius is similar to coins of Honorius which show the emperor standing right, holding a standard and a Victory on globe, with his left foot on a captive. The Glycerius type has a long cross in place of a standard and the emperor rests his foot on a stool rather than on a captive (Cohen 1).
See Ulrich-Bansa, pp. 290–91 for a discussion of these changes and also, Lafaurie, "Chécy," 282, n. 11.
|
| 41 |
| Obv.: DNIVLIVƆ NEPVSIVG | Rev.: CALVSR EIPV BLICAE |
| Bust of emperor, three-quarters facing, helmeted, diademed, draped and cuirassed; holding lance in r. hand. | Two figures in military dress, standing facing, each with lance and holding globus cruciger between them. 
|
Obv.:
DNI
INE POSPFAVG
obverse type 1
struck on one side only.
Nos. 183–184 are unquestionably barbaric. The first one bears obverse and reverse types characteristic of Anthemius but a legend of Julius Nepos which has many irregularities. This is most unusual. It was noted earlier that an imitation could bear the obverse of one emperor and the reverse of another but here the obverse portrait is clearly copied from coins of Anthemius while the legend reads Julius Nepos. No. 184 is of bracteate form, struck on one side only and the impression can be seen from the reverse. Its weight is very low, 1.62 grams.
| 42 |
| Obverse legends | Reverse legends |
| A DNROMVLVSA GVSTVSPFAVG | a VICTORI AAVGGG: |
| Obverse types | Reverse types |
| 1 Bust of emperor, three-quarters facing, helmeted, diademed and cuirassed; holding lance and shield which portrays emperor on horse. | 1 Victory standing l., holding long cross in r. hand. |
Milan (?)
A1 a1 
Cohen 5
rev.: COMOB without pellets
The four coins of Romulus Augustus are without mint mark but are closest in style to the Milan coins of Julius Nepos. 43 Other parallels with Milan issues are in the use of pellets before and after COMOB 44 and in the die positions which have been consistently ↑ since the reign of Libius Severus. Furthermore, the obverse legend on all four coins (3 from the same die, however) reads AGVSTVS, whereas coins of Romulus with a Rome mint mark have the conventional spelling AVGVSTVS.
| Obverse legends | Reverse legends |
| A DNARCADI VSPFAVG | a CONCORDI AAVGGG |
| b VICTORI AAVGGG |
| Obverse types | Reverse types |
| 1 Bust of emperor r., diademed, draped and cuirassed. | 1 Constantinople seated facing, head r., holding sceptre in r. hand and shield in l. inscribed VOT V MVL X in four lines. |
| 2 Emperor in military dress, standing r., holding standard in r. hand and Victory on globe in l.; l. foot on captive. |
A1 a1 
Sabatier 12 (lacks off. below); Tolstoi 22; RIC 70c
A1 b2 Sabatier 18; Tolstoi 29
A1 b2 Sabatier not; Tolstoi not
A1 b2 Sabatier 18; Tolstoi 30
| 43 |
Compare also with those of Zeno (Nos. 617–618) with mint mark and particularly with Basiliscus (No. 626), without mint mark (Plate VI).
|
| 44 |
See above, p. 28, n. 42.
|
| Obverse legends | Reverse legends |
| A DNTHEODO SIVSPFAVG | a CONCORDI AAVGG |
| Av DNTHEODOSI VSPFAVG | b CONCORDI AAVGGG |
| c UIRTEX ERCROM 45 | |
| d VOTXX MVLTXXX | |
| e GLORORVI STERRAR | |
| f SALVSREI *PVBLICAE | |
| g VOTXXX MVLTXXXX | |
| h IMPXXXXIICOS XVIIPP |
| Obverse types | Reverse types |
| 1 Bust of emperor, three-quarters facing, helmeted, diademed and cuirassed; holding lance and shield which portrays emperor on horse. | 1 Constantinople seated facing, head r., holding sceptre in r. hand and Victory on globe in l.; r. foot on prow. |
| 2 Emperor in military dress, dragging captive by hair and carrying trophy over l. shoulder. |
| 3 Victory standing l., holding long cross in r. hand. | |
| 4 Emperor in military dress, standing facing, holding standard in r. hand and globus cruciger in l. | |
| 5 Theodosius seated facing on l.; to r., Valentinian standing; each holding mappa in r. hand and cross in l. | |
| 6 Theodosius and Valentinian seated facing, each wearing nimbus, holding mappa in r. hand and cross in l. | |
| 7 Constantinople seated l., holding globus cruciger in r. hand and sceptre in l.; shield to r.; l. foot on prow. |
A1 a1 Sabatier not; Tolstoi 1 ff.
A1 b1 Sabatier 2 (lacks off. below); Tolstoi not
A1 c2 Sabatier 12; Tolstoi 37
A1 d3 Sabatier 13 (lacks off. ∈, ⊝ below); Tolstoi 47f. (lacks off. Γ, ∈, S, H and ⊝ below)
A1 d3 Sabatier 13; Tolstoi 40 ff.
A1 e4 Sabatier 3 (lacks off. below); Tolstoi 10 ff. (lacks off. below)
A1 f5 Sabatier 8; Tolstoi 33 ff.
rev.: ...*PVB LICAE
rev.: ...*PVB LICAE
rev.: ...*PVB LICAE
A1 f6 Sabatier not; Tolstoi 25 ff. (lacks off. A below)
A1 g7 Sabatier 14 (lacks off. A, S, H, I below); Tolstoi 49 ff. (lacks off. — below)
Officina —
Officina A
Officina B
Officina Γ
Officina Δ
Officina ∊
obv.: legend break ...SI – VSPFAVG
Officina S
obv.: DNTEODOSI Usual obverse legend break VSPFAVG
Officina Z
Officina H
Officina ⊝
Officina I
Av1 h7 Sabatier 6; Tolstoi not
NNÅ 1944, 64, no. 3
A1 a1 Sabatier not; Tolstoi not
A1 e4 
Sabatier 3; Tolstoi 16
NNÅ 1944, 64, no. 4
West COMOB
A1 g7 
Sabatier not; Tolstoi not
Av1 h7 Sabatier 6f. (lacks off. Δ, ∊ below); Tolstoi 18 ff.
NNÅ 1944, 48, no. 12
NNÅ 1944, 48, no. 13
NNÅ 1944, 48, no. 14
NNÅ 1944, 59, no. 4
Nos. 306–331 bear abbreviation marks in the legends; usually ...·P·F AVG and IMP.XXXXII·COS XVII·P·P· but not all stops are visible on all the coins.
Ten separate issues of Theodosius are represented in the Scandinavian finds and most of these are datable. The issue represented by Nos. 194–195 and 283 with CONCORDIA AVGG is dated from ca. 408–ca. 420 48 and CONCORDIA AVGGG, appearing on Nos. 196–198, from 402–408. 49 UIRT EXERC ROM, on Nos. 199–200, to my knowledge has not been dated. 50 VOT XX MVLT XXX with a standing Victory is found in two varieties, one without star in field dated to 422 51 (Nos. 201–207) and a series with star in field (Nos. 208–210 and 332–335) dated 423–424 for Theodosius but 423–430 for the empresses. 52 In 424, CLOR ORVIS TERRAR was struck at Constantinople and Thessalonica for Theodosius (see Nos. 211 and 284–288). 53 SALVS REIPVBLICAE appears with two reverse types, the earlier series with Valentinian III as Caesar standing next to Theodosius, struck before October 23, 425 (Nos. 212–215) and the later series with Valentinian as Augustus seated beside Theodosius, struck from 425–430 (Nos. 216–219). 54 The great majority of the coins, however, are of two issues: VOT XXX MVLT XXXX beginning ca. 430 55 and IMP XXXXII COS XVII in 443. 56 Both were issued with CONOB and COMOB in the exergue. In the Scandinavian finds there are 48 CONOB and 4 COMOB coins of the Vot 30 issue and 15 CONOB and 39 COMOB coins of the Imp 42 issue. 57
The COMOB exergue inscription is usually interpreted as western and does appear on all issues of western mints often accompanied by a mint mark of M D, R M and the like. The CONOB and COMOB series of these two issues are very similar in style, however, and Boyce has suggested that both series were minted in Constantinople but that the COMOB series was intended for the West. 58
| 45 |
The first letter of the legend is clearly a U and not a V; the latter always has a serif across the bottom.
|
| 46 |
Nos. 243 and 248 have an obverse legend break, SI – VSPFAVG which is normally found only on the Imp 42 issue; in addition, No. 248 has epigraphical irregularities. Possibly both are imitations.
|
| 47 |
See above, p. 34, n. 46.
|
| 48 |
J. P. C. Kent, "Gold Coinage in the Late Roman Empire," 203; Lafaurie, "Chécy," 286 (dated 408–423). Nos. 1–2 and 4 of Honorius are parallel issues.
|
| 49 |
Lafaurie, "Chécy," 286. No. 3 of Honorius is a parallel issue.
|
| 50 |
This issue perhaps belongs to the period of Theodosius' sole reign between the death of Honorius in 423 and the accession of Valentinian in 425.
|
| 51 |
J. P. C. Kent, "'Auream Monetam...Cum Signo Crucis'," NC 1960, 130. Issued also in the names of Honorius and Pulcheria.
|
| 52 |
Ibid.
|
| 53 |
Ibid.
|
| Obv.: AELEVDO CIAAVG Bust of empress r., diademed, crowned and draped. |
Rev.: VOTXX MVLTXXX Victory standing l., holding long cross in r. hand.
|
Constantinople Sabatier 1 (lacks off. below); Tolstoi 88 ff. (lacks off. — below)
| 54 |
Ibid. The latter issue also for Valentinian.
|
| 55 |
Issued also for Eudocia, Pulcheria, Valentinian (Cat. No. 29) and Eudoxia (NC 1959, 16); see No. 532 of Leo which also has this reverse.
|
| 56 |
A. A. Boyce, op. cit., 131–41. Issued also for Eudocia, Eudoxia, Pulcheria, Placidia and Valentinian III (Cat. No. 31).
|
| 57 |
Boyce states that the COMOB series is the more common for both issues (ibid., 139). In checking sales catalogues for these issues, however, I found that
the great majority of legible photographs were CONOB for the Vot 30 issue but COMOB for the Imp 42 issue.
|
| 58 |
Ibid. But cf. Kent, "Gold Coinage in the Late Roman Empire," 202–3 who has noted solidi of unusual style in the Imp 42 issue marked COMOB which he attributes to a traveling mint in Asia Minor. However, the solidi in the Scandinavian finds (except for those classified
as imitations), in general are of a homogeneous style, but one or two distinctions in the Imp 42 issue are apparent: in the COMOB series there often are abbreviation marks at appropriate places in the legend (see Nos. 306–331). On Nos. 293–301, also COMOB coins, these marks are not apparent and they are not used consistently within each legend even on Nos. 306–331, but they
never appear on a CONOB coin. Moreover, the reverse legend on CONOB coins extends into the area of the shield and the shield is rounder and about half complete, sometimes less. No comparable
distinctions are apparent on the Vot 30 issue.
|
PULCHERIA
| Obv.: AELPVLCH ERIAAVG Bust of empress r., diademed, crowned and draped. |
Rev.:
VOTXX MVLTXXX Victory standing l., holding long cross in r. hand.
|
Constantinople Sabatier not; Tolstoi 35 (lacks off. below)
| Obv.: DNGALLAPLA CIDIAPFAVG Bust of empress r., diademed, crowned and draped; cross on r. shoulder. |
Rev.: VOTXX MVLTXXX Victory standing l., holding long cross in r. hand.
|
Ravenna Cohen 13
| Obv.: (DN THEODOSIVS PF AVG) Bust of emperor, three-quarters facing, helmeted, diademed and cuirassed; holding lance and shield which portrays emperor on horse. | Rev.: (VICTORIA AVGGG) Victory standing l., holding long cross in r. hand. |
obv.: DИTHEODO SIVSPFAVG
rev.:
VICTORI ΛΛVGGG
obv.: NTHEODO SIVSPFAVG
rev.:
VICTORI AAVGGGI
obv.: IITHEODO SIVSPFAVG
rev.:
VICTORI ΛΛVGGGB
obv.: OITIIEODOII VSPFAVG
rev.:
VICTOPI AAVGGGA
obv.: ΛCHTNVODO [ ] (retrograde) image reversed
rev.:
[ ]VS⅁⅁⅁ TT⅁⅁⅁SSS+++
| Obv.: As above | Rev.: (VOT XXX MVLT XXXX) Constantinople seated l., holding globus cruciger in r. hand and sceptre in l.; shield to r.; l. foot on prow. |
obv.: same die as above
rev.:
VOTXXX HVLTXXXI
same dies as above
obv.: OHTHEODOZI VSPFΛV
rev.:
OTXXX HVLXXXX
obv.: DNTNEODO Ϩ
⊏ϨVΛG
rev.:
VOTXXX HVLTXXXX
obv.: ᗡIITHEODOZ VΛPFAVG
rev.:
VOTXXX NVLTXXXXS
| Obv.: As above | Rev.: (IMP XXXXII COS XVII) Constantinople seated l. as above. |
FΛVG
XXXXII COϨ XVIIPPO
Of particular interest among the imitations are Nos. 336–339 with a standing Victory and the legend VICTORIA AVGGG. This type was introduced by Marcian and we have here another example of a hybrid imitation, combining the obverse of one emperor and the reverse of another later emperor, which in this instance must be at least as late as the reign of Marcian. This same practice was noted on imitations of Honorius and, in a more complex form, of Julius Nepos.
With the exception of No. 340 the remaining imitations are of the most common types for Theodosius. Nos. 341–345 are of the Vot 30 issue and Nos. 346–350, 59 the Imp 42 issue. Die-linked by the obverse to Nos. 341–342 is No. 340 which has a standing Victory reverse and a completely confused legend. 60 The repetition of G's and T's suggests that VICTORIA AVGGG was intended, in which case this group also, Nos. 340–342, would postdate Theodosius (see section on identical dies, p. 122).
| 59 |
No. 346 from the Åby hoard is similar to No. 339 with a Victory reverse, from the same find; possibly this coin also post-dates
Theodosius.
|
| 60 |
The obverse legend of Nos. 340–342 is obscure but the presence of ...ODO suggests Theodosius. See under Honorius, page 9, n. 12.
|
| Obverse legends | Reverse legends |
| A DNMARCIA NVSPFAVG | a VICTORI AAVGGG |
| b GLORORVI STERRAR |
| Obverse types | Reverse types |
| 1 Bust of emperor, three-quarters facing, helmeted, diademed and cuirassed; holding lance and shield which portrays emperor on horse. | 1 Victory standing l., holding long cross in r. hand. |
| 2 Emperor in military dress, standing facing, holding standard in r. hand and globus cruc-iger in l. |
A1 a1 Sabatier 4 (lacks off. —, A, Γ below); Tolstoi 2 ff. (lacks off. — below)
Officina —
obv.: ...NVS·P·FAVG
obv.: DNNARCIA NVS·P·F·AVG
Officina A
Officina B
Officina Γ
Officina Δ
obv.: DNNARCIA...
Officina ∊
Officina S
Officina Z
rev.: COHOB in ex.
off. 
?
Officina H
A1 b2 Sabatier 3; Tolstoi 1
The standing Victory with legend VICTORIA AVGGG was introduced by Marcian at the beginning of his reign. It remained the standard type with no changes through the reign of Zeno but under Anastasius, Justin I and Justinian I certain modifications were made.
A1 a1
| 61 |
Of strange style but probably regular.
|
| Obverse legends | Reverse legends |
| A DNLEOPE RPETAVG | a VICTORI AAVGGG |
| B DNLEOPE RPETVAVG | b SALVSREI *PVBLICAE |
| C DNLEOPERPE TVVSAVG | c VOTXXX MVLTXXXX |
| Obverse types | Reverse types |
| 1 Bust of emperor, three-quarters facing, helmeted, diademed and cuirassed; holding lance and shield which portrays emperor on horse. | 1 Victory standing l., holding long cross in r. hand. |
| 2 Bust of emperor l., diademed and in consular dress; holding mappa in r. hand and cross in l. | 2 Two figures seated facing, each wearing nimbus; cross between heads. |
| 3 Bust of emperor r., diademed, draped and cuirassed. | 3 Emperor in consular dress, seated facing, holding mappa in r. hand and cross in l. |
| 4 Constantinople seated l., holding globus cruciger in r. hand and sceptre in l.; shield to r.; l. foot on prow. | |
| 5 Emperor in military dress, standing facing, holding long cross in r. hand and Victory on globe in l.; r. foot on serpent with human head. |
A1 a1 Sabatier 4 (lacks off. A, Γ, S and H below); Tolstoi 3 ff.
Officina A
NNÅ 1944, 69, no. 28.2
NNÅ 1944. 81, no. 3
Officina B
rev.: COHOB in ex.
Officina Γ
rev.: IVCTORI...; CNOB in ex.
rev.: IVCTORI...; CNOB in ex.
NNÅ 1944, 49, no. 19
NNÅ 1944, 49, no. 20
Officina Δ
rev.: VICTRI...
rev.: VICTRI...
Officina ∊
rev.: COHOB in ex.
∴ on helmet
Officina S
Officina Z
off.
Officina H
rev.: CONOR in ex.
rev.: CONOR in ex.
obv.: DNLEORE...
Officina ⊝
Officina I
Officina uncertain
NNÅ 1944, 68, no. 27
NNÅ 1946, 26, no. 41
A1 b2 Sabatier 3; Tolstoi 2
rev.: SALVSREI *RVBLICAEC
A1 a1 
Sabatier 4 (lacks off. — below); Tolstoi not
obv.: ...RPETVAVG
A1 a1 
Sabatier not; Tolstoi 14
A2 a3 
Sabatier 5; Tolstoi 15
obv.: DNLEOPERPETAVG
West COMOB
A1 c4 
Sabatier not; Tolstoi not
A3 a5 
Sabatier 6; Tolstoi 43 (barbaric); Ulrich-Bansa 133 var.
B3 a5 Sabatier 6; Tolstoi not; Ulrich-Bansa 131
C3 a5 
Sabatier 6; Tolstoi not
rev.: R N l. and r. in field
B3 a5 
Sabatier 6; Tolstoi 44 (barbaric)
obv.: legend break ... PER Usual obverse legend break PETVAVG
obv.: legend break ... PER – PETVAVG
C3 a5 Sabatier 6; Tolstoi not
obv.: legend break ... PER – PETVVSAVG
The great majority of Leo's coins have the standing Victory reverse and the legend VICTORIA AVGGG. Of the other types, especially rare is No. 532 with the legend VOT XXX MVLT XXXX, which is a reverse of Theodosius.
Only two of the standing Victory series can be attributed to barbaric mints but there are a few official strikings with irregularities. 63 Nos. 422–423, 64 from the same pair of dies, read IVCTORI... with CNOB in the exergue and Nos. 427–428, sharing the same reverse die, read VICTRI... In both cases, however, the coins are similar to many others in the catalogue and these irregularities must be attributed to careless workmanship. On the other hand, No. 448, with a somewhat barbaric portrait and the unusual marks (∴) on the helmet, is more doubtful. Of unusual style also are Nos. 486–487 from the same obverse die. The reverse dies are different but both have CONOR in the exergue and are of officina H. Possibly they are of a western mint for they do not seem barbaric although neither legends nor portraits are regular. The western coins from Milan, Rome and Ravenna (Nos. 533–538) correspond stylistically to the coins of Libius Severus from those mints and are undoubtedly contemporary official issues. 65
| 62 |
No. 436 is pierced over the officina which is identified as off. I in the archives; however, it is of the same reverse die
as one of the Midlum coins which is off. Δ (A. N. Zadoks-Josephus Jitta, "Midlum (Fr.) 1925," JMP 47, 1960, 94–96).
|
| 63 |
Nos. 394, 405 and 505 are underweight but otherwise regular; possibly they have been clipped.
|
| 64 |
Portrait similar to Reinhart 108.
|
| 65 |
A specimen similar to Nos. 533–534 was attributed to the Visigoths by Reinhart (Reinhart 107) and one similar to the Ravenna pieces, Nos. 536–538, to the Suevians by Keary (NC 1878, pl. I, 4).
|
A1 a1
off. Ϩ
rev.: VICTO[ ] IVGGGИ
Nos. 539 and 540 are clearly imitations but no similar pieces are known in the literature.
| Obverse legends | Reverse legends |
| A DNLEOETZ ENOPPAVG | a SALVSREI*PVBLICAE |
| Obverse types | Reverse types |
| 1 Bust of emperor, three-quarters facing, helmeted, diademed and cuirassed; holding lance and shield which portrays emperor on horse. | 1 Two figures seated facing, each wearing nimbus; cross between heads. |
A1 a1 Sabatier 1 (lacks off. Γ below); Tolstoi 1 ff, (lacks. off. Γ below)
| Obverse legends | Reverse legends |
| A DNZENO PERPAVG | a VICTORI AAVGGG |
| B DNZENOP ERPFAVG |
| Obverse types | Reverse types |
| 1 Bust of emperor, three-quarters facing, helmeted, diademed and cuirassed; holding lance and shield which portrays emperor on horse. | 1 Victory standing l., holding long cross in r. hand. |
A1 a1 Sabatier not
66
Officina A Tolstoi 11
Officina B Tolstoi 13
NNÅ 1944, 64, no. 5
NNÅ 1944, 64, no. 6
Officina Γ Tolstoi 14
obv.:
DNENO...
Officina Δ Tolstoi 16
Officina S Tolstoi 18
off. ᔕ
Officina Z Tolstoi 19
rev.: CONOR in ex.
Officina H Tolstoi 21
Officina ⊖ Tolstoi 22
obv.:
DNENO...
Officina | Tolstoi 24
obv.:
DNENO...
NNÅ 1944, 81, no. 4
Officina uncertain
Constantinople (?)
A1 a1
obv.: DNZEIIO PEՈPΛVG
rev.:
CONO
in ex.
4.40 ↓ worn. 166 Plate X
4.38 ↓ very worn. 179a Plate X
4.39 ↓ fair. 150 Plate X
Thessalonica (?)
A1 a1 
Sabatier not; Tolstoi 42 (barbaric)
NNÅ 1944, 50, no. 31
West COMOB
B1 a1 Sabatier not
Officina Ä Tolstoi 12
Officina Γ· Tolstoi 15; Ulrich-Bansa, pl. O, o
obv.:
DNENO...
obv.:
DNENO...
obv.:
DNENO...
obv.:
DNENO...
obv.: DNENO...
obv.:
DNENO...
NNÅ 1944, 50, no. 26
Officina Δ Tolstoi not
obv.: DNZENOP ERP[FAVG]
NNÅ 1944, 60, no. 14
Officina: Tolstoi 44 (barbaric); Ulrich-Bansa, pl. O, v
A1 a1 Sabatier not; Tolstoi not
A1 a1 Sabatier 1; Tolstoi 41 (barbaric)
rev.: ·COMOB· in ex.
From Zeno's first reign (Autumn 474 to January 475) there are official eastern and official western issues and from his second reign (August 476 to April 491), official eastern issues along with western imitations of Odovacar. In this catalogue the coins have been designated as eastern or western with no attempt to distinguish between barbaric or official issues of the western series. The basis for the arrangement is primarily the form of the obverse legend: DN ZENO PERP AVG is the official eastern form but does occur on some coins of western origin also, while DN ZENO PERP F AVG is always western.
Nos. 546–592 with the legend DN ZENO PERP AVG are almost certainly the official series of Constantinople. Several styles of portraiture are apparent but this undoubtedly represents a development in portraiture during the seventeen years of Zeno's reign. That of No. 548, for example, typifies an early issue of Zeno and is comparable to the coins of Leo II/Zeno and Basiliscus. One group of coins (see No. 555) is obviously late for the portraiture is similar to certain issues of Anastasius. A transitional stage from the middle of Zeno's reign is illustrated by No. 568. 67
Nos. 593–599 have been listed separately because of some irregular features but in style they are analogous to the middle and late issues of the above group. 68 However, they all bear unusual marks following the reverse legend. The marks are those assigned to Odovacar by Kraus 69 but, unfortunately, they are not illustrated. That they can be so similar in style to the first group and not be of the same origin is doubtful but it seemed best to list them separately.
The next three coins (Nos. 600–602) have the same legend as the above groups but are of a different style and in addition have two stars to left and right in the reverse field. 70 This was characteristic of Thessalonica earlier although the mint mark here is CONOB. Moreover, they are not unlike the Thessalonica coins of Leo and accordingly have been assigned to that mint.
Definitely western in origin are the remainder of Zeno's coins but whether or not they are official issues is not always certain. Nos. 603–615 are of a uniform style with the western
form of obverse legend and COMOB in the exergue. Of this group, Nos. 606–612 with officina 
71
and No. 615 are of the series attributed to Odovacar by Ulrich-Bansa. Nos. 603–605 with officina Ä and No. 613, officina Δ, are not in Ulrich-Bansa but they undoubtedly belong to this same series. Nos. 616–618 bear the eastern
form of obverse legend but the western COMOB on the reverse. Of this group, Nos. 617–618 with a mint mark of Milan have close stylistic parallels with the Milan issues of Julius Nepos and must be official western issues of Zeno's first reign.
72
| 66 |
The type described by Sabatier 1 includes an R in the left field or M D in the field which is not found on any of the Scandinavian specimens; otherwise his description would fit most of the varieties
listed here.
|
| 67 |
The portrait of No. 575 is unlike any of these groups and, in fact, closely resembles a coin illustrated in Ulrich-Bansa
(pl. XV, 162) which bears a mint mark of Milan. A vertical row of circles on the cuirass of No. 590 is also unusual. This feature is also evident on Ulrich-Bansa 162. Both
coins are from the same hoard.
|
| 68 |
The only exception is No. 595 which looks western. Characteristic of western issues in this period is a more conspicuous
lock of hair by the left ear which is also noted on this coin.
|
| 69 |
Kraus, Die Münzen Odovacars, No. 2 = Sabatier 1.
|
| 70 |
No. 600 is from the same obverse die as a Polish find (Malchow) which has a reverse showing only one star.
|
| Obv.: AELARI ADNEAVG Bust of empress r., diademed, crowned and draped. | Rev.: VICTORI AAVGGG Victory standing l., holding long cross in r. hand. |
|
|
Constantinople Sabatier 1 (lacks off. below); Tolstoi 70 (lacks off. below)
| Obverse legends | Reverse legends |
A DNbASILIS C SPPAVG
|
a VICTORI AAVGGG |
| B DNBASILIS CVSPERTAVG |
| Obverse types | Reverse types |
| 1 Bust of emperor, three-quarters facing, helmeted, diademed and cuirassed; holding lance and shield which portrays emperor on horse. | 1 Victory standing l., holding long cross in r. hand. |
A1 a1 Sabatier 1; Tolstoi 73 ff.
Milan (?)
B1 a1 Sabatier 2; Tolstoi 83 (barbaric)
obv.: ...CVSPRETꜸG
rev.: ...AAVGGG:
rev.: ...AAVGGG:
| 71 |
Officina
is undoubtedly that on the coin in Ulrich-Bansa (pl. O, o and P. 335) which he reads as R and attributes to Rome.
|
| 72 |
Compare with Nos. 185–188 (Romulus Augustus) and No. 626 (Basiliscus); all have a die position of ↑ and pellets before and after COMOB is the general rule (Plate VI).
|
| Obverse legends | Reverse legends |
| A DNbASILISCI ETMARCPAVG | a VICTORI AAVGGG |
| b SALVSREI*PVBLICAE |
| Obverse types | Reverse types |
| 1 Bust of emperor, three-quarters facing, helmeted, diademed and cuirassed; holding lance and shield which portrays emperor on horse. | 1 Victory standing l., holding long cross in r. hand. |
| 2 Two figures seated facing, each wearing nimbus; cross between heads. |
A1 a1 Sabatier 2 (lacks off. below); Tolstoi 89 ff. (lacks off. below)
A1 b2 Sabatier 1 (lacks off. below); Tolstoi 88 (lacks off. below)
rev.: ...*PVRLICAE
The eastern issues of Basiliscus and Basiliscus/Marcus present no particular problem. New letter forms are apparent on the issues emanating from Constantinople: b for B and
for V which are used only for the emperor's name. The epigraphy is otherwise normal.
73
The two western issues of Basiliscus (Nos. 625–626) can be attributed to the mint of Milan with a reasonable degree of certainty. In the die position and the use of pellets before and after COMOB they follow the practice of that mint and in style they are very similar to the Milan issues of Julius Nepos and Zeno.
74
Furthermore, the portrait of No. 626 is identical to that of Romulus Augustus on Nos. 185–188 which were attributed to Milan for the same reasons.
75
| 73 | |
| 74 | |
| 75 |
See above, p. 30.
|
| Obv.: DNLEONT IOPERPSAVG Bust of emperor, three-quarters facing, helmeted, diademed and cuirassed; holding lance and shield which portrays emperor on horse. |
Rev.:
ICT ORIAAGG
77
Victory standing l., holding long cross in r. hand.
|
|
Antioch Sabatier 4; Tolstoi, p. 168
| Obverse legends | Reverse legends |
| A DNANASTA SIVSPPAVG | a VICTORI AAVGGG |
| B DNANASTAS IVSPERPAVG |
| Obverse types | Reverse types |
| 1 Bust of emperor, three-quarters facing, helmeted, diademed and cuirassed; holding lance and shield which portrays emperor on horse. | 1 Victory standing l., holding long cross in r. hand. |
| 2 Bust of emperor, three-quarters facing, helmeted and cuirassed; holding lance and shield which portrays emperor on horse. | 2 Victory standing l., holding  cross in r. hand.
|
A1 a1 Sabatier not;
BMCByz. not; Tolstoi 70 ff. (barbaric, lacks off. B, ∊, Z, H ⊝ below)
Officina A
Officina B
Officina Γ
Officina Δ
Officina ∊
Officina S
Officina Z
Officina H
Officina ⊖
Officina |
Officina uncertain
A2 a2 Sabatier not;
BMCByz. 2 ff. (lacks off. B, S, Z, ⊖ I below); Tolstoi 2 ff. (lacks off. B, Z below)
Officina B
Officina Γ
Officina ∊
Officina S
Officina Z
Officina H
Officina ⊝
Officina I
Thessalonica (?)
B1 a1 Sabatier not; BMC Byz. not; Tolstoi not
The official issues of Anastasius are of two types, the earlier one having a diademed portrait similar to those of Zeno and a Victory on the reverse carrying a long cross. This series was not recognized as official by Wroth or Tolstoi but it
is undoubtedly an imperial issue. It was superseded by the second issue in which the diadem is lacking and the cross held
by Victory is of the 
type.
Nos. 630–660 of Anastasius' first issue have been attributed to the imperial mint but not all with equal certainty. Much variance is noted in the treatment of details and in the portraiture which is not evident in the second issue. Since the barbaric issues are predominantly imitations of the first issue there is reason to be doubtful of some of the attributions. 78 No. 644 represents the usual form of cross and wings of Victory and also has a typical portrait which is similar to the portraiture of the second issue. Another style of portraiture is found on several specimens (cf. No. 650) which resembles one group of Zeno's coins 79 and represents the early issues of Anastasius. Unusual portraits which do not fit into either group and irregular renderings of the wings are found on several coins. 80 A particularly crude Vic- tory appears on Nos. 646 and 653. None of these coins can be attributed to barbaric mints with any degree of certainty, however, and much of the variance is probably due to stylistic development under Anastasius.
The second official issue of Anastasius reveals much greater uniformity of style. A minor variance in the treatment of the cuirass is evident but in all other respects the coins are regular and undoubtedly official issues.
No. 676 is an unknown issue of Anastasius. It differs from the above issues in the obverse legend break (S – IVS), the titulature (PERPAVG) and in the presence of two stars on the reverse. The use of PERPAVG in the obverse legend is found on solidi of Zeno and the reverse with two stars was also characteristic of the mint of Thessalonica. Three coins of Zeno, 81 also with two stars and a CONOB mint mark, were accordingly attributed to Thessalonica and this coin of Anastasius also must belong there. 82
| 76 |
Leontius was a usurper in the East during the reign of Zeno and was associated with the revolt of Illus, Zeno's general and confidant who fell from favor about 481 and took up residence in the East. The patrician Leontius was sent to
Antioch by Zeno to demand release of Verina, Zeno's mother-in-law, who was in the hands of Illus. Instead, he joined forces with Illus as did Verina a little later. Open rebellion
ensued and in 484 Leontius was crowned emperor at Tarsus by Verina. Zeno commissioned Theodoric the Ostrogoth to put down the rebellion but then recalled him. The greater part of Theodoric's troops,
however, continued on to Syria to join the Rugian forces commanded by Hermanaric, son of Aspar. Illus and Leontius were defeated in battle but fled to a fortress in Cherris where they were besieged for four years. They were betrayed in
488, the fortress was taken and Illus and Leontius put to death. The coins of this usurper are extremely rare and the significance of one of them among the Scandinavian finds
is discussed on page 165.
|
| 77 |
This form of V is also noted on issues of Basiliscus (Nos. 620–624) and Basiliscus/Marcus (Nos. 627–628).
|
| 78 |
There is not a single specimen to my knowledge that reproduces the types of the second issue (portrait without diadem and
Victory holding a
cross) and which is with certainty barbaric. Reinhart 120–121 and 124 are of this type but are certainly official issues.
Reinhart 122–123 of the type of the first issue are also regular issues and not barbaric.
|
| 79 |
See No. 555 (Plate X).
|
| 80 |
Unusual portraits are found on Nos. 637 and 655 and irregular renderings of the wings on Nos. 638, 640, 643, 648 and 655.
|
| Obverse legends | Reverse legends |
| A DNANASTA SIVSPPAVG | a VICTORI AAVGGG |
| B DNANASTA SIVSPFAVG |
| Obverse types | Reverse types |
| 1 Bust of emperor, three-quarters facing, helmeted, diademed and cuirassed; holding lance and shield which portrays emperor on horse. | 1 Victory standing l., holding long cross in r. hand. |
Milan (?)
A1 a1 Sabatier not; cf. BMCV andals, p. 59, nos. 83–84; Tolstoi not
cross on helmet
cross on helmet
Rome
B1 a1
Offcina A Sabatier not; BMCV andals, p. 55, no. 61; Tolstoi 82f.
Officina ⊝ 
Sabatier 2; BMCV andals, p. 55, no. 63; Tolstoi 87f.
obv.: DͶANASTA...
NNÅ 1944, 51, no. 36
Officina replaced by
Sabatier not; BMCV andals, p. 55, no. 62; Tolstoi 90
obv.: DNANAϨTA ϨIVPRTIAG
A1 a1 Sabatier not; BMCV andals, p. 46, no. 4; Tolstoi not
Officina replaced by 
Officina replaced by 
| 83 |
No. 1083 from the Montagu Collection (Rollin and Feuardent, Paris, 1896) is very similar to Nos. 677–678. It also has a cross
on the helmet and is of off. ⊝ but has an irregularity in the reverse legend (VICTRI).
|
A(or B)1 a1 
Keary, pl. I, 7; Robert, pl. IV, 2; Tolstoi 95f.
obv.: DNANΛSTΛ SIVSPRΛVG
(cf. Reinhart, Nos. 125–31; Robert, pl. IV)
A1 a1
Officina —
obv.: DNΛNΛST ASIVSPIVG
rev.: +IICTORI ΛΛVGGG
Officina A
rev.: ·COMOB· in ex.
rev.: ·COMOB· in ex.
rev.: ·COMOB· in ex.
rev.: COIIOB in ex.
Officina ⊝ 
A1 a1
obv.:
DIIΛNΛSTΛ SIVSPPΛVG
in r. field
rev.: VIXCTO– N⊼VGGGΓ
same dies as above Plate XXX
obv.:
DNANASTA SIVSPPAVG
rev.: VICTORI ΛΛVGGGZ
obv.:
DNANASTA SIVSPPAVG
rev.: VICTORI AAVGGGH
obv.:
DNANASTA SIVSPPAVG
rev.: VICTOR IAΛVGGG⊝
obv.:
DNΛNΛST ΛSIVSPPΛV
rev.: VICTOR lΛΛVGGG
Classed as Ostrogothic issues from the mint of Rome are Nos. 679–703. Within this group, Nos. 691–698 bear a mint mark of Rome in ligature and analogies of Nos. 691–698 with Nos. 679–690 and Nos. 699–703 identify the entire group as Rome issues. Characteristic of Nos. 691–698 are the rendering of the diadem tails which are curled, the form of the exergue mark in which the B is oversize and slightly diagonal, the Victory's wings which are formed by vertical lines, and the invariable use of ... PFAVG and COMOB. 85 The other two groups share these elements and, in addition, the stance of the Victory on Nos. 699–702 is identical to that of the Rome group. No. 703 is similar to Nos. 699–702 in the reverse legend which ends with the Christogram and in the stance of the Victory. Otherwise it bears CONOB in the exergue, has irregularities in the obverse legend and a different type of portraiture. It is certainly an imitation but possibly not of this series.
Coins with a mint mark of Ravenna or Milan are less common and none exist in the Scandinavian finds. The single specimen with a mint mark of Ravenna in Wroth, 86 however, has the following characteristics: the diadem tails are straggly, the exergue mark is CONOB with the B pronounced but perfectly upright, Victory's wings are formed by horizontal lines and the coins bear the monogram of Theodoric. Nos. 704–705 in the catalogue are similar in all respects except that they have PPAVG instead of PFAVG in the obverse legend and they are without a mint mark. However, it seems quite certain that they are of Ravenna.
Two coins with a mint mark of Milan are illustrated in BMCVandais, pl. VII, nos. 14–15. The diadem tails are still different from those of Rome or Ravenna, the exergue mark is CONOB, Victory's wings are formed by vertical lines and PPAVG appears in the obverse legend. Nos. 677–678 bear similarities to the Milan coins in the form of the legend, the diadem tails and the wings of Victory. On the other hand, they both have a cross adorning the helmet and the letters ⊝ or H in place of the mint mark. There are more analogies with the Milan coins than with the Rome or Ravenna issues, but the attribution is less certain than those of Rome and Ravenna above.
No. 706 has been identified as Burgundian by the monogram in the left field of the reverse (
) of Gundobad and Nos. 707–715 are probably Frankish. They form a close stylistic group and are similar to specimens found
in the Alesia and Chinon hoards.
87
Nos. 716–721 are of uncertain origin.
| 84 |
A solidus in the collection of the University of Texas at Austin would seem to be of the same dies as Nos. 716–717. It is
described, but not illustrated, in Otto Heilborn, Catalogue descriptif de la collection des monnaies antiques grecques, romaines et byzantines de feu Baron A. W. Stjernstedt
(Stockholm, 1882), no. 2270.
|
| 85 | |
| 86 |
BMCV andals, pl. V, 15.
|
| 87 |
Charles Robert, "Trésor de Chinon," Annuaire de la société française de numismatique et d'archéologie VI, 1882, 164–78; J. Lafaurie, "Le trésor d'Alesia," BSFN 14, no. 1 (Jan. 1959), 266–68. See also J. Gricourt, "Trésor du VIe siècle de Houdain-lès-Bavai (Nord)," RN 1959–60, 131–52; J. Lafaurie, "Atelier pré-mérovingien à identifier," RN 1962, 183–86.
|
| 81 |
Nos. 600–602.
|
| 82 |
It can be dated to the first year of Anastasius' reign; it corresponds to the dated marriage solidus of Anastasius (G. Zacos and A. Veglery, "An Unknown Solidus of Anastasios I," Numismatic Circular 1959, 154–55; "Marriage Solidi of the Fifth Century," Numismatic Circular 1960, 73–74) in the legend break and titulature. Another solidus of Anastasius (Tolstoi 78–80) has the usual legend break and titulature (A – SIVSPPAVG) but two stars on the reverse. This coin perhaps represents a later issue from Thessalonica.
The legend break and titulature of our coin is known on several other specimens which have only one star on the reverse (Florange
June 14, 1923, no. 44; May 12, 1926, no. 126 (COMOB) = Hess/Leu 24, Apr. 16, 1964, no. 397; Ratto 314; Naville Oct. 3, 1934, no· 2023; ANS–ETN). Some of the specimens are of
unusual or barbaric style but one or two would seem to be regular and possibly represent the very earliest issue of Anastasius from Constantinople (earlier than the first official issue discussed above) which carried over the titulature of Zeno and which are contemporary with the marriage solidus of Anastasius and parallel the issue at Thessalonica represented by our coin. No. 676.
|
| Obverse legends | Reverse legends |
| A DNIVST1 NVSPPAVG | a VICTORI AAVGGG |
| Obverse types | Reverse types |
| 1 Bust of emperor, three-quarters facing, helmeted and cuirassed; holding lance and shield which portrays emperor on horse. | 1 Victory standing l., holding cross in r. hand.
|
| 2 Victory standing facing, holding long cross in r. hand and globus cruciger in l. |
A1 a1 Sabatier not;
BMCByz. not; Tolstoi 11 ff. (lacks off. —, A below)
A1 a2 Sabatier 1;
BMCByz. 1 ff.; Tolstoi 1 ff.
Nos. 722–724 are of the type introduced by Anastasius and date from the first part of Justin's reign. This issue was not recognized by Wroth as official. A new reverse, represented on Nos. 725–726 with a facing Victory holding a long cross and a globus cruciger, was introduced by Justin and superseded the earlier type.
| Obverse legends | Reverse legends |
| A DNIVSTI NVSPFAVG | a VICTORI AAVGGG |
| Obverse types | Reverse types |
| 1 Bust of emperor, three-quarters facing, helmeted, diademed and cuirassed; holding lance and shield which portrays emperor on horse. | 1 Victory standing l., holding long cross in r. hand. |
Ravenna (?)
A1 a1 Sabatier not; BMCV andals, p. 48, nos. 12 ff.; Tolstoi 103 f.
Officina A
obv.: ...NVSPFA/G
The four imitations of Justin are Ostrogothic and, according to Wroth, from the mint of Ravenna.
| Obverse legends | Reverse legends |
| A DNIVSTINI ANVSPPAVG (or AVI) | a VICTORI AAVGGG |
| Obverse types | Reverse types |
| 1 Bust of emperor, three-quarters facing, helmeted and cuirassed; holding lance and shield which portrays emperor on horse. | 1 Victory standing facing, holding long cross in r. hand and globus cruciger in l. |
| 2 Bust of emperor facing, helmeted, diademed and cuirassed; holding globus cruciger in r. hand. | 2 Victory standing facing, holding  cross in r. hand and globus cruciger in l.
|
| 3 Victory standing facing, holding long cross in r. hand and globe in l. |
Constantinople (?)
A1 a1 Sabatier 2;
BMCByz. 1 ff. (lacks off. Δ below); Tolstoi 3 ff.
A2 a2 Sabatier 3 (lacks off. below);
BMCByz. 8 ff.; Tolstoi 27 ff.
obv.: ONVSTINI [ ]
rev.: ΛICTORI...; COMOB in ex.(?)
A2 a3 (light-weight solidi) 
rev.: OBX[ ] in ex.
rev.: OB+[ ] in ex. Plate XXX
Nos. 731–733 in the catalogue are of Justinian's first issue which continued the type introduced by Justin I. The portrait is three-quarters facing, and the emperor holds a lance and shield; on the reverse, Victory stands facing holding
a long cross and a globus cruciger. A full face portrait of the emperor holding a globus cruciger appears on the coinage in
538 coupled with the earlier reverse.
88
This issue is not represented in the Scandinavian finds. Nos. 734–739 are of the last issue of Justinian on which Victory holds a cross
89
and a globus cruciger.
90
Nos. 734–735 in this series are of strange style and possibly imitations or of a mint other than Constantinople.
Nos. 740–741 are light-weight solidi and differ from the above groups not only in weight but in the reverse type which shows Victory holding a long cross and a globus only (not cruciger). 91 The coins are very worn but traces of OBX are visible on No. 740 and on No. 741 the exergue inscription seems to read OB+.
All of the above coins are probably issues of Constantinople 92 although other mints are known to have been in operation. 93
| Obverse legends | Reverse legends |
| A DNIVSTINI ANVSPFAVG | a VICTORI AAVGGG |
| Obverse types | Reverse types |
| 1 Bust of emperor, three-quarters facing, helmeted, diademed and cuirassed; holding lance and shield which portrays emperor on horse. | 1 Victory standing l., holding long cross in r. hand. |
Ravenna (?)
A1 a1 Sabatier not; BMCVandals, p. 60, nos. 1 ff. Tolstoi 521 ff.
Officina A
obv.: DNIVSTIN INNVSPΛG
rev.: VICTORI ΛΛVGGGΛΛ; CONO in ex.
A1 a1
obv.:
IᗡIVϨTIII ΛNVCPΓ⊼VG
rev.: VICTORI ΛΛVGGGI
obv.: ᗡͶVϨTIΛI ΛIVCZVͶG 
rev.: VIC[ ] VΛVGGGGG
| Obv.: DNIVSTINIANVSPPAGY | Rev.: VICTORIA + AGYSTORYM |
| Bust of emperor r., diademed. draped and cuirassed. | Victory walking r., holding wreath in l. hand. COMOB in ex. |
Nos. 743–745 are Ostrogothic issues which Wroth assigns to Ravenna while Nos. 746–747 are imitations of uncertain origin. The single triens found in Scandinavia is No. 748, a Merovingian issue.
| 88 |
This issue is recognized by Wroth only as a variant of the last issue.
|
| 89 | |
| 90 |
The date of this issue is uncertain. Wroth's date of 538 can be discarded for he failed to recognize the earlier issue with
a full-face portrait and Victory standing with a long cross. Lafaurie estimates its introduction in 540/45 on the basis of
some rare coins of Theodebert (534–547) which imitate the
cross held by Victory (Lafaurie, "Un solidus inédit de Justinien I
er frappé en Afrique," RN 1962, 167 ff.). Three specimens are known but all are from the same die and it is not at all clear that it is a cross.
|
| 91 |
These specimens are not in Adelson
(Light-Weight Solidi and Byzantine Trade During the Sixth and Seventh Centuries, NNM 138, New York, 1957). The same type appears on solidi of normal weight marked CONOB but which are clearly not of the mint of Constantinople.
|
| 92 |
With the possible exception of Nos. 734–735.
|
| 93 |
Wroth has identified imperial issues from Rome and Ravenna
(BMCV andals, 108 ff.) and recently a solidus struck at Carthage was published (Lafaurie, RN 1962, 167–82). The light-weight solidi were issued from more than one mint according to Adelson (op. cit., 98 ff.) and in
addition there is the series mentioned above (n. 91) of the type of the light-weight solidi but of normal weight and not of
the style of Constantinople.
|
| Obv.: DNTHEVDEBE RTVSVICTOR | Rev.: VICT◡I ΛV[ ] |
| Bust of Theodebert, three-quarters facing, helmeted, diademed and cuirassed; holding lance and shield. | Victory standing facing, holding long cross in r. hand and globus cruciger in l.; .. l. and r. above wings. |
|
cf. Belfort, 4818 (Vienna)
| Obv.: Bust of emperor, three-quarters facing, helmeted, diademed and cuirassed; holding lance and shield. | Rev.: Constantinople seated l., holding globus cruciger in r. hand and sceptre in l. |
obv.:
ETTTT TT
TT
rev.: XXXX VVXXXX
same dies as above
obv.: ΛDϨTTOO CTVᑯTΛG (retrograde) image reversed
rev.:
VOTXX 
VT XXXX
Janse, p. 66, fig. 11
obv.: SΓΓIOIV[ ] CNOCIΛV⅁ (retrograde) image reversed
rev.: CIVXX OƆOSXXXCΛI
| Obv.: As above. | Rev.: Victory standing l., holding long cross in r. hand |
obv.:
rev.:
| Obv.: Bust of emperor r., diademed, draped and cuirassed. | Rev.: Emperor in military dress, standing r., holding standard in r. hand and Victory on globe in l.; l. foot on captive. |
obv.:
V[ ]
VTOO ɥOXHᒣO⊼O
rev.:
OHI[ ]OOO NOOO□[
| Obv.: As above | Rev.: Emperor in military dress, standing facing, holding long cross in r. hand and Victory on globe in l.; r. foot on serpent. |
obv.: Π[ ] ΠΠXXXXXXΓNH
rev.:
N[ ] OXXXXXXXVZ
obv.:
XXNVTƆƆƆ XXXTͶV
rev.:
ΠΛVƆƆƆ▿ XXXTᐅII/
obv.:
∣∣∣∣∣Ͷ
∣∣ [ ] [ ]
rev.:
]∣[ ]TO[ ]∣ [ ]GG[ ]
obv.: ]
VI+ Ϩ VVϨᑫVVᒣ (retrograde) image reversed; cross in l. field
rev.:
]TO+ ΛΛN
⊙ (retrograde) image reversed
The remaining solidi have completely meaningless obverse legends and have been classed as uncertain. Although they are clearly imitations of fifth and sixth century solidi they cannot be identified with certainty as imitations of a particular emperor. Nos. 750–753 with a seated figure of Constantinople seem to be imitations of the VOT XXX MVLT XXXX type commemorating Theodosius' tricennalia in 430. 94 In all probability these are imitations of coins of Theodosius but the type appears on coins of Valentinian III and Leo I also. 95 No. 754 represents the very common Victory type introduced by Marcian and used extensively thereafter in the East and for a short time in the West. The type with the emperor facing right with his foot on a captive (No. 755) is known on western issues of several emperors in the first half of the fifth century 96 while the type with the emperor standing facing, his foot on a serpent (Nos. 756–759) is common on western issues in the second and third quarters of the fifth century. 97
The unusual character of many of the imitations in the Scandinavian finds is at once apparent to anyone who has worked with this material. In particular, the imitations of Honorius, Theodosius II and the uncertain group defy comparison with any of the published series and yet they often are represented in the Scandinavian finds by two or more specimens from the same dies. Their origin and the identification of their manufacturers must remain unknown until a corpus of comparable pieces with provenances is made. 98 The following data will be useful: one Polish find is from the same dies as Nos. 750–751; a Caseburg coin is from the same dies as No. 758; a coin described in Friedländer 99 would seem to be identical with No. 754. Two specimens, both in private collections, one of which was in Turin, were known to Friedländer.
| 94 |
The seated figure of Constantinople also appears on the Imp 42 issue of Theodosius (issued for Valentinian and the empresses also) and possibly this is the prototype for No. 753.
|
| 95 |
See section on identical dies, page 122, for dating of the imitations.
|
| 96 |
In this catalogue the type appears on coins of Honorius, Valentinian III and Arcadius. It is also known on coins of Galla Placidia, Constantine III, Attalus, Jovinus, Constantius III, Johannes, Theodosius II and Avitus.
|
| 97 |
See coins of Valentinian III, Majorian, Libius Severus and Leo I in this catalogue for the same type. The type also appears on coins of Petronius Maximus, Anthemius (known only in Cohen and probably barbaric—see above, p. 25, n. 39) and Marcian.
|
| 98 |
The possibility that some of these may be of Scandinavian origin warrants further study. See under Honorius, page 10, n. 13.
|
| 99 |
Die Münzen der Ostgothen (Berlin, 1844), 8.
|
The problem of the Scandinavian solidi has been extensively discussed by archaeologists and historians from various points of view and it may be desirable to summarize the main arguments and conclusions of these writers.
The first discussion of the historical implications of the solidi appeared in 1882. The author was Hans Hildebrand who had already contributed several works on Scandinavian studies. 1 Hildebrand's commentary cannot really be said to have stimulated study of the solidi problem, for it was not until twelve years later that an objection to his arguments was made by Montelius (in a footnote) and it was thirty-seven years before a study appeared which was devoted solely to this subject. Nevertheless, Hildebrand's treatise was the first and most of the studies which eventually followed it began their discussion by reviewing and criticizing Hildebrand's thesis.
Hildebrand believes that the solidi were introduced to the North by means of trade contacts between the Scandinavians and their Germanic relatives. There is no doubt, in his opinion, that direct relations between the North and the Byzantine Empire existed at this time. It is understandable, he writes, that individuals from the various Germanic tribes visited one another and that the North Germans were lured to the South when they heard of all the many wonderful things to see and obtain. Some of the inhabitants within the Empire felt a similar curiosity about the North and it was not impossible to consider a journey to Scandinavia. Procopius refers to the land of Thule and desires to visit it himself because of all he has heard from others who had lived there.
Since East Roman solidi are more numerous than West Roman among the finds in Scandinavia, Hildebrand believes that the coins originated in the Byzantine Empire. He says that none of the coins struck by the Germans in Italy after the fall of the West are found in Sweden. 2 Moreover, the distribution of solidi is concentrated in eastern Scandinavia with very few finds in Jutland, western Sweden and Norway and thus a more eastern approach is indicated. He presumes from finds of coins that the solidi originated in the Byzantine Empire and passed through Austria, Hungary and Poland. The south coast of the Baltic is especially rich in solidi finds of this period.
According to Hildebrand, the stream of coins began in earnest after the fall of the empire of the Huns which reopened the ways of communication between the North and South. The greatest number of coins came before 474 and the break-up of the solidi stream occurred, for the most part, after 488 under the emperor Zeno when the Ostrogoths invaded Italy. Evidently connections with the North Germans were severed when the Ostrogoths left Pannonia. Furthermore, after leaving Pannonia and Moesia they no longer received tribute payments from the Byzantine emperors.
As for those coins found in Scandinavia from the period after 488, Hildebrand explains that some traffic could have continued after this time. The great number of coins of Anastasius found on Gotland are the result of an isolated event, for they were brought by the Heruli returning to Scandinavia. Procopius mentions the occasion when this tribe, having been defeated by the Langobards in 512, left their homes in the Middle Danube and a part of them migrated to the "land of the Götar."
Montelius pointed out, several years later, that it is not known whether the "land of the Götar" refers to Gotland (the island) or to Götaland (the province) and, in any case, one needs to explain not only the frequency of Anastasius' coins on Gotland but their absence on Öland. 3
Von Friesen tried to show, in 1918, by philological evidence, that the Heruli did not settle on Gotland but rather in the southeastern part of Götaland, in Värend and Blekinge. 4
Certain aspects of the solidi finds were discussed toward the end of the century by P. Hauberg, the Danish numismatist. 5 Hauberg made an important observation on the coin material which has been overlooked by later writers; he noted that many of the coins were worn and concluded that they had been circulated in Scandinavia for a considerable time. The fact that some of the coins had been pierced and refilled also indicated circulation of the solidi and not merely as bullion to be weighed with each transaction but as coins with a fixed value. 6
In 1905, Knut Stjerna attempted to present evidence—archaeological, literary and oral tradition—that the Northmen's struggles as described in the Anglo-Saxon poem Beowulf took place during the Migration Age. 7 Although Stjerna's work was not primarily a study of the solidi problem, it was concerned with one phase of it and that was in accounting for the end of the solidi stream in the sixth century.
According to Stjerna, the disruptive elements present at the end of the Migration Age culture in Scandinavia are the result of conquests by the Svear over the Götar. 8 The situation in Scandinavia is likened to that on the Continent, but in miniature. The Svear in North Sweden are strong but barbaric while the Götar in South Sweden and in the islands are wealthier and have a higher culture but are weak and less numerous because of successive emigrations. As on the Continent, the northern barbarians moved down and overwhelmed the southern inhabitants. This explains the termination of the coin hoards on Öland and Gotland and on the basis of the latest coins present in the hoards, Stjerna dates the conquest of Öland and Blekinge to ca. 500 and that of Bornholm and Gotland, about fifty years later. The Svear conquest of the Götar accounts for the large treasures present in Svealand which represent plunder from the conquest.
The successive emigrations mentioned above had important consequences for Scandinavia. On the positive side it brought them in contact with a superior culture, did much to enlighten the Northerners, and also produced a literal Golden Age in Scandinavia. On the other hand, it reduced the population of the more civilized Götar, leaving them vulnerable to attack by the Svear.
Stjerna was the first to present the thesis that the gold hoards in Scandinavia were buried as a result of internal events. This belief was then explored and held by many writers after him. However, Stjerna also discussed the relation of events in South Europe to the end of the gold stream. The gold reached Scandinavia, in the first place, through contacts with East German princes in the South who were famous for their accumulation of huge treasures. The Scandinavians sent reinforcements to the South in exchange for the gold and the traffic passed through the Vistula region. The fall of the East German kingdom in the middle of the sixth century cut off the supply of gold to Scandinavia. Thus, Stjerna suggests a distinction between the cause of the interruption of the gold stream and the cause of the deposit of the coins in the ground.
T. J. Arne's study in 1919 was the first after Hildebrand's to deal specifically with the solidi problem. 9 Arne reviews the conclusions of Hildebrand and Stjerna and then states his own views which may be summarized as follows: The solidi on Öland and Gotland are not a result of trade, but rather they are isolated examples of contact with the South. The argument for this is that some areas in Sweden which are unusually rich in gold objects have very few coins. Thus there is no connection between the solidi and the unminted gold and the coins must have been a result of separate and distinct activities.
The solidi on Öland were brought there about 480 by Germanic troops from Hungary who were related to the Götar and who had answered the Götar's appeal for help when attacked by the Svear. The coins were deposited in the soil shortly after their arrival as a consequence of the attacks. According to Arne, the hoards are not evenly distributed over Öland and thus there could not have been a very long interval between their arrival and their deposit. He narrows down the number of find places from about fifty to eight or nine central places where the coins must have first arrived as treasures of chiefs and then were distributed to small groups of people. The latest coins are of Zeno (except for one solidus of Justin which Arne does not consider a part of the earlier material) and since there are only a few coins of Zeno but many of Libius Severus who had a short reign, the coins must have arrived a few years after Zeno's reign began or about 480.
On Gotland the hoards are smaller, less numerous and distributed somewhat more evenly over the island. This is regarded as proof of a longer period of circulation between their arrival and deposit in the ground. Western coins are quite rare and coins of Anastasius are predominant, with a few specimens also of Justin I and Justinian I. They all must have arrived, Justin and Justinian excepted, with auxiliary troops in the second decade of the sixth century during the reign of Anastasius. Arne concluded that Gotland maintained connections with the South longer than did Öland and that a catastrophe did not overtake Gotland. The technique of the inlay of garnets known on Gotland and introduced about 500 is further evidence that the culture continued to develop there and is also indicative of contact with Hungary.
A more extensive study by Olov Janse appeared three years after Arne's article. 10 This work lists all finds of solidi, bracteates and other gold objects from a.d. 395 to 565 found in Sweden. In addition, there is a lengthy commentary in which Janse presents new points of view on some of the problems connected with the solidi.
Janse divided Scandinavia into a North Zone and a South Zone, the former consisting of Gotland, Svealand and Norrland and the latter of Skåne, Blekinge, Kalmar län, Öland and Bornholm. The North Zone had yielded, in 1920, 10 Roman and 126 Byzantine coins while the South Zone had 100 Roman and 203 Byzantine solidi. Of the 126 Byzantine coins in the North Zone, 95 were from Gotland. Different routes fed the two areas, a western route via the Oder River led to the South Zone and a more eastern route via the Vistula terminated in the North Zone. Two hoards on Gotland (North Zone) contain Roman coins and have South Zone characteristics. Janse believes that these must have come with the South Zone coins to Öland and then were transferred to Gotland. The importation ceased first on Öland under Zeno, on Bornholm under Anastasius, and last of all on Gotland under Justinian.
In accounting for the Öland and Gotland solidi, Janse rejects Hildebrand's basic theories regarding the commercial nature of the activity with the Ostrogoths and also the role of the Heruli. Regarding Gotland, he refers to the "Guta saga" which records an emigration of one third of the inhabitants of Gotland. The saga, committed to writing in the fourteenth century, relates that the emigrants passed through Russia to Byzantium and sometime after this, Gotland was overthrown by the Svear. Janse quotes Nerman as having shown that the emigration took place at the end of the fifth century and the conquest by the Svear ca. 550. 11 Janse would agree with this and points to the Kaggeholm hoard in Svealand, which has analogies with the Gotland hoards, as support for the conquest. He supposes also that the emigrants had returned to Gotland to take part in the struggles and that it was at this time that the Gotland solidi were introduced by the eastern route mentioned above. The coins on Öland and Bornholm were also introduced en bloc.
Janse believes that Öland and Bornholm were conquered not by the Svear, as maintained by Stjerna, but by the Gotlanders. This would account for the South Zone-type hoards on Gotland as spoils of war. It is less likely, he maintains, that the Svear would have turned against Öland and Bornholm before conquering Gotland. Moreover, if the Svear had conquered Öland one would expect to find analogies between the hoards of Svealand and Öland, but this is not the case. Instead, the analogies are with Gotland which indicates that Gotland was itself conquered by the Svear in the middle of the sixth century.
Birger Nerman's book, Det svenska rikets uppkomst, includes a chapter on archaeological questions of the period 400–600 which involves a fairly extensive criticism of earlier studies and the presentation of Nerman's own views. 12 Nerman's objection to Hildebrand's thesis that events in South Europe affected the solidi import to Scandinavia is that it does not explain why the coin stream continued to Bornholm after it had stopped on Öland. Hildebrand had supposed that the Ostrogothic invasion of Italy under Zeno cut off connections between the North and South Germans and that at the same time the tribute payments ceased. He accounted for the coins that appeared on Gotland after this as having been brought by the returning Heruli. Thus he neglected Bornholm's late coins entirely. 13 Since coins continued to reach some areas in the North and not others, Nerman believes that the answer to the difficulties must lie in events in the North.
Arne's opinion, it will be remembered, was that a catastrophe occurred on Öland but not on Gotland and that the coins were brought to the two islands on two different occasions. Nerman argues that the differences between the two islands are not so great that one may refer to a catastrophe on one but not on the other. He thinks that destruction occurred on both islands and that the problem is to identify the attackers. Stjerna had named the Svear as the aggressors in both cases, Janse attributed the Öland attacks to the Gotlanders but the conquest of Gotland to the Svear, and Nerman disagrees with both. Regarding the conquest of Öland he thinks that the Danes, rather than the Götar, were more likely the attackers since the latter were not a warlike people. He alludes to the period of Rolf in the second half of the sixth century when Öland was probably under the control of the Danes. This acquisition was made, he thinks, at the close of the fifth century and coin hoard analogies support this relationship.
Nerman believed that there was insufficient archaeological evidence for many of Stjerna's statements, particularly regarding Östergötland, Blekinge and Södermanland. Stjerna had stated that archaeological evidence was conclusive in indicating a complete break in these areas as well as on Gotland, Öland and Bornholm in the middle of the sixth century. New archaeological types appeared which had prototypes in Svealand, the coin stream was interrupted, and so on, all of which in his opinion proved a Svear conquest. But only on Gotland, according to Nerman, are Stjerna's conclusions valid, for here there are new types in certain groups which have prototypes in Svealand. On the other hand, the grave finds on Gotland are undisturbed, the house remains are inconclusive, and it is in fact impossible to identify the attackers of this island or to associate the end of the solidi stream on Gotland with events in the North. 14 It is certain only that the island experienced a period of unrest about 500. Nerman also believes that an emigration from Gotland to the East Roman Empire occurred ca. 475.
Sture Bolin's important study of coin hoards appeared in 1926. 15 On the basis of finds from various periods and areas, Bolin came to the conclusion that coin hoards are buried in the earth during periods of danger and instability. Thus areas which have yielded many finds were not necessarily areas of wealth and prosperity but areas of unrest and conflict. This is true only of areas with many finds, however, and a single hoard has no such significance. Indeed, he formulates a maxim: The greater the number of hoards, the greater the dangers of war. There is a risk in assuming economic importance for areas rich in hoards. If a prosperous region was not threatened by war there would be no powerful motivation for hiding gold, thus preserving it for posterity. All that can safely be said about areas rich in hoards is that they suffered from war. Bolin does acknowledge that the coins in Scandinavia represent a certain prosperity resulting from trade, but he stresses the point that this wealth was not necessarily restricted to Gotland, Öland and Bornholm—those areas with the most hoards.
Thus, Bolin identified a period of discord in Scandinavia which overtook Öland ca. 450–490, Bornholm and Skåne ca. 475–525 and Gotland and the Mälaren area ca. 500–560. The cause of this disturbance was most probably the expansion of the Slavs along the south coast of the Baltic Sea.
Arne in turn pointed out that Bolin's dates of warfare imply that solidi continued to be imported during war as regularly as in peaceful times and this he considered unlikely. He also referred to the Viking hoards which cover a period of several centuries and doubted that any war lasted that long. 16
Bolin replied to Arne's comments and explained that he had not wished to imply that the periods stated above were periods of constant struggle but rather that they were periods of intermittent warfare which would allow trade to continue. 17
The objections made by Arne mentioned above appeared in a report on two new finds on Gotland. The discovery of the hoards at Smiss and Botes occasioned the report along with a new discussion of the solidi problem. Arne presents several hypotheses on how the coins might have reached the North but he does not favor one over the others, nor does he attempt to reconcile his views on the new hoards with those expressed earlier. A western character is evident in the new finds and Arne believes that they must have originated in France or Italy. The Smiss coins could have been brought to Gotland when the Ostrogoths were expelled from Italy in 553 and were dispersed to the North. Or, they could have been assembled in France and traveled along the coast to the North. A third possibility is that the Lombards, located between the Theiss and the Danube and allied with the Franks, could have served as intermediaries. Arne is definite only in stating that the coins were carried up en bloc and that they originated in the West.
The hoard of Botes, whose latest coin is of Justin I and which includes two coins bearing the monograms of the Ostrogoth Theodoric and the Burgundian Gundobad, must have arrived ca. 525–530. Arne connects it with the return of the Hygelac-Chochilaicus expedition to Frisia in 528 with which an embassy of the Heruli came to look for a new king. But regarding the Öland finds in general,. Arne refers to a route passing through Hungary and Germany which reached the Baltic at a point perhaps more western than the mouth of the Vistula. The Gotland solidi also were most probably introduced by a route more western than had been believed.
In 1933, Mårten Stenberger published the results of his archaeological excavations on Öland. 18 Over the entire island he found evidence of desertion, destruction, burning and a decline in skeletal remains in the early sixth century. From this, he concludes that the island was destroyed at the end of the fifth century. His conclusions regarding the disaster are in agreement with those reached by Bolin who had analyzed only the numismatic material, but Stenberger does not identify the attackers.
In his review of the work, Lindqvist argued that Stenberger had exaggerated the destructive forces and he maintained that the island was deserted at this time as a result of a voluntary migration to the South. 19
A comparable archaeological report on Gotland in the Migration Age was published by Nerman in 1935. 20 According to Nerman, the Gotland solidi arrived for the most part after 475 and the latest hoards were deposited ca. 560–570. He agrees with Bolin that it is impossible to determine the route by which the coins arrived. In his concluding summary of the archaeological material, he states that Gotland was relatively peaceful during the greater part of the fifth century and that between 475–500 a great migration from Gotland to the East Baltic took place. This was followed by a period of unrest on Gotland and a great influx of the Svear ca. 550–560. The cause of the unrest cannot be determined definitely, however, and he rejects all notions of Götar or Slavs. On Öland it was quite certain that conquest did occur which interrupted the import of coins to that island but on Gotland the evidence is less certain. Regarding Stjerna's hypothesis that the Svear conquered Gotland and caused the hoards to be deposited, he says only that the coin material does not speak out against it, but it does not prove a Svear conquest.
Werner Knapke discusses certain aspects of the problem in his studies of coin finds which appeared in Acta Archaeologica in 1941 and 1943. 21 The discussion is concerned primarily with those countries surrounding the Baltic Sea but find material from other parts of Europe, including the Netherlands, France, Switzerland, Germany, Austria, Hungary and the area in Russia north of the Black Sea is also listed. On the basis of coin finds, Knapke identified three routes which were used to bring the Roman and Byzantine solidi to the North. The first originated in Dacia and Pannonia, passed over the Theiss and Danube Rivers through the Carpathian Pass to the Vistula and terminated in the Baltic islands. The Oder and Warthe Rivers were not utilized. This route brought East Roman solidi almost exclusively and the carriers were the Gepidi, the Goths and the Heruli. A second route, also carrying East Roman solidi only, began in Ostrogothic territory north of the Black Sea, continued north via the Dnieper, Dniester and their tributaries to Galicia and over the Vistula/Bug route to the Baltic. This route operated from the time of Theodosius II to Justinian I. The third route brought West Roman solidi to Scandinavia, originating in the territory of the Alemanni, Franks and in Frisia, Sachsen and Thuringia. The route followed the Rhine and Weser Rivers to the North Sea and from there to the Baltic. The solidi were the result of trade between the North and South which was augmented by returning warriors who received tribute or pay for military service in the imperial armies.
In a popular account of Sweden's Golden Age, published in 1945, Sune Lindqvist develops his thesis which had become known through various works and reviews on related topics. 22 The solidi were brought back by returning warriors who had been in the service of the Byzantine armies. The Öland coins were introduced during the period of Odovacar in Italy and the Gotland coins were contemporary with Theodoric the Ostrogoth. Then, after 475 the Öland houses were burned and deserted and the population, considerably fewer in number, settled on the coast. This desertion and the population decline can only be explained by a voluntary emigration. He also asserts that some of these displaced people migrated to Italy where they received shares of the "Herulian Acres."
Gotland showed evidence of a similar destruction whose effects, however, were not as permanent. Gotland was affected in still another way which resulted in the introduction of Continental influences from Central Europe and Italy in the sixth century. Lindqvist argued that there must have been an immigration this time, from the South to Scandinavia. Whether the same people who left earlier are involved here, he is reluctant to say. In any event, the two hoards of Smiss and Botes were brought by these immigrants in the first three decades of the sixth century.
The curious phenomenon of the solidi also attracted the attention of scholars outside of Scandinavia; notably Joachim Werner whose study of the hoards on Gotland and Öland holds an important place in the literature on the solidi. 23 Werner draws a distinction between the coin series for the two islands. Gotland's solidi fall mainly in the time of Anastasius and continue past 538 while Öland's solidi are most abundant in the reign of Leo I and include only one coin of Anastasius. It is his opinion, based on a statistical analysis, that Öland's coins were deposited between 480 and 490. Furthermore, the deposit was caused by a major destruction of the island in which almost all the old settlements were destroyed or abandoned and, when new settlements did appear, they were located on the coast rather than inland. Although many of the smaller finds may have a terminus post quern of an earlier date (457, 461 or 467) it is probable that all were deposited at the same time, between 480 and 490. According to Werner, no other place shows such overwhelming evidence for a disastrous decade as does Öland.
The Öland and Gotland coins arrived via a Vistula/Oder route and since the stream continued to Gotland for several decades after it ceased on Öland, Werner rejects Bolin's theory concerning the movements of Slavs in the area of the south Baltic coast which surely would have affected the Gotland stream as well.
The cause of the disturbances which overtook Öland cannot be determined but the archaeological evidence is conclusive in regard to the destruction. Moreover, the gold finds in excavated sites are associated with a burnt layer which is further evidence for relating the burial of the coins to the destruction.
The Öland coins originated in Italy and Hungary and are not a result of trade but rather they represent the tribute money paid to Germanic tribes and also the payments for military service in the imperial armies. The stream to Öland began under Arcadius and Honorius at the beginning of the fifth century but the most intense period was from 450–480, during the time of Ricimir and Odovacar in Italy. The coins traveled en bloc and not indirectly as is the way of trade.
Werner argues that the island of Öland is an isolated case whose destruction has given us a cross section of the existing coinage at the time of the disaster. We can assume a similar situation in other parts of Scandinavia whose coins have not been preserved for us through events of invasion and war.
Werner also discusses the fortification of Ismantorp on Öland, unique in Scandinavia, which is patterned after a fifth-sixth century Byzantine model, other types of which are known in Bulgaria and Italy. He offers it as further evidence of contact with the Roman world and, more specifically, suggests that it was built by returning warriors in the second half of the fifth century who were familar with this type of fortification from their service in the imperial armies.
The coin stream to Gotland continued for seventy years beyond that on Öland and is most intensive during the reigns of Zeno and Anastasius. The coins of Justinian, few in number but including late issues, suggest that the stream may have begun to dry up before its final end ca. 550–560. A period of disturbances overtook Gotland at this time which caused the coins to be buried but it was not as destructive as on Öland. Of the coins of Anastasius at least thirty per cent, and possibly sixty per cent, are Italian strikings, indicating an Italian/Hungarian source.
The Gotland coins are a result of trade in furs, pelts and amber which were very desirable in the court of Theodoric. This trade could have continued after the death of Athalaric and down to 535 when the Ostrogoths lost control of Sirmium. The later solidi of Justinian present on Gotland could represent the subsidies paid by the emperor to the Heruli and Gepidi. The solidi import came to a close as a result of developments in the middle Danube and in Italy in the mid-sixth century. Invasions of the Langobards, Avars and Slavs interrupted the relative peace which had existed under Ostrogothic rule.
The solidi finds were an important factor in Mogens B. Macke-prang's work on the bracteates. 24 He dated the earliest bracteates on the basis of his interpretation of the solidi finds. Since the bracteates are found only with fifth century solidi, it was necessary for him to date both the beginning of the importation and the deposit of the hoards. He notes that fourth and fifth century solidi in Scandinavia are never mixed, a fact which can only mean that an interval of time elapsed between the importation of the two groups of solidi. He therefore came to believe that the fifth century solidi found in the hoards, including the early issues of that century, did not reach Scandinavia until the end of the fifth century. From an examination of 14 hoards containing 10 or more solidi he concludes that all the hoards—even those on Öland—were not deposited until the sixth century or even later. The validity of his chronology for the earliest bracteates rests upon these two assumptions.
A more recent discussion of the problem appeared in 1955 in the imposing work on the Gotland settlement of the Migration Age, Vallhagar. 25 The study is relevant for all of Gotland and much of Scandinavia as well. Of particular interest to us is the concluding chapter by Stenberger, concerning the causes for the desertion of the site in the sixth century. Closely connected with its abandonment are the gold hoards found elsewhere on Gotland and thus Stenberger reviews all earlier theories on the relationship of the hoards to the destruction of the island.
Although he is in agreement with some of the earlier theories, he claims that there is no evidence for Nerman's belief that a migration took place from Gotland to the East Baltic or for Lindqvist's opinion that there was a migration to Italy. That a climatic change or cattle disease was responsible for the population decline is rejected after a thorough analysis of the evidence. He is certain only that war did take place on Gotland, as Bolin and others had believed, but unlike them, he hesitates to name the attackers. The time of the destruction is uncertain. Stenberger denies there is evidence for the uniform date of deposit as suggested by Werner for Öland (480–490) and Gotland (550–560). Rather, he prefers Bolin's interpretation that the Gotland hoards were buried over a period of time, between 500–560, as a result of intermittent warfare such as had taken place on Öland just before this.
And, finally, Ole Klindt-Jensen touches briefly on the problem of the solidi in the published results of his archaeological excavations on Bornholm. 26 The solidi on Öland, Gotland and Bornholm represent part of the enormous tribute payments and ransom money paid by the Byzantine emperors to barbaric tribes which found its way North. The hoards were buried as a result of war which occurred on Öland at the end of the fifth century, on Bornholm at the beginning of the sixth century and on Gotland toward the latter part of the sixth. The stream began ca. 400 and single finds later than the above 1 mentioned dates indicate that the import to Öland and Bornholm did not cease entirely with the destruction of these islands. The evidence for war is similar to that on Öland and Gotland; settlements were burned and deserted and when new settlements appear, they are located on the coast. He does not identify the attackers but suggests that the wealth of the inhabitants was the most probable cause of their afflictions.
From the above discussion it is evident that there is very little agreement on the problems associated with the Scandinavian solidi. Since the first excavations on Öland and Gotland, much of the research has been directed toward the problem of understanding the changes that occurred in Scandinavia at the end of the Migration Age, a problem in which the coin hoards play an important part. Although there is a general consensus of opinion that war occurred on Öland, Gotland and Bornholm (and even this is disputed by some writers) there is no agreement on the identity of the attackers. The most recent studies are also the most cautious; neither Stenberger in his discussion of Vallhagar nor Klindt-Jensen in his study of Bornholm even suggest the possible source of the attacks.
On all other problems inherent in the finds there is only confusion. Many of the writers have accounted for the coins in the Baltic area by two or more unrelated phenomena. For example, Hildebrand attributed the Öland coins to trade with the Ostrogoths in Pannonia and the Gotland coins to the Heruli who settled Gotland in the early sixth century. More recently, Werner attributed the Öland coins to Germanic soldiers who returned to Scandinavia while the Gotland coins were the result of trade with the Ostrogoths in Italy. The beginning of the stream has been stated to have been as early as 400 or as late as the end of the fifth century. Still others believe that the coins were brought up en bloc on one or two occasions at the end of the period and that it was not a stream, properly speaking, at all. The origin has been regarded as eastern by some writers and western by others. Routes ranging from the Russian rivers in the East to the Rhine and North Sea in the West have been suggested. In short, at just about every point there are differences of opinion and some scholars believe that no definite solution is possible.
The differences of opinion derive not so much from the new material discovered through the years as from the interpretation of the material. It is true that many finds have been made since Hildebrand's time and that thorough archaeological reports of the Baltic islands have been made, but the interpretations have remained just as diversified. They reveal often a preconceived preference for one or more of the literary sources for the period and the solidi have been explained in light of what we know from the literature, rather than the reverse. But the literary sources cannot, by themselves, explain the solidi for us. There are several passages referring to barbaric tribes passing this way or that, of migrations to the land of Thule, and there are references to trade, to tribute payments and to barbarians in the imperial services, but none of these can be associated with the solidi in Scandinavia without some outside evidence. As for the Scandinavian literary sources, it must be remembered that these date from a much later period than the coins and there are substantial difficulties in the interpretation and dating of the sagas.
Similarly, the archaeological remains which undoubtedly show evidence of contact between Scandinavia and one or more areas on the Continent, do not and cannot indicate whether or not the solidi are associated with any of these contacts. Archaeological excavations in Scandinavia, on the other hand, are helpful in providing an answer to the question of why the hoards were buried and it is only in this area that any agreement at all has been reached.
For all other questions, the coins themselves are the only possible source of information and thus far the results of such studies have been inconclusive. In my opinion, it is a matter of methodology and the coins can be expected to provide more definite facts if utilized to their full extent. In this study the coins have been given a closer scrutiny, including a die study which had never been made, and the results have not been without significance. Hitherto unsuspected patterns and relationships have been revealed and new facts discovered which provide a strong basis for a reinterpretation of the solidi.
New finds can always be expected to occur and one can only interpret what is presently available. Since the solidi were first studied new finds have affected the totals for a given area from time to time but they have not significantly changed the type of material found in a particular place. For example, the coin material on Öland breaks off soon after the reign of Leo, much earlier than on either Gotland or Bornholm and this fact was apparent in Hildebrand's time just as it is today. It would be unusual for the pattern on Öland or any other area to be changed significantly by future finds. Nevertheless, it is possible that new finds will warrant a revision of the conclusions presented here. It should be understood that the material available today is the basis for the analysis which follows and it is believed that the interpretation presented here is substantiated by this material.
| 1 |
Hans Hildebrand, Från äldre tider (Stockholm, 1882), 58–73. See also his "Sous d'or ostrogoths frappés en Pannonie et trouvés en Suède," in Congrès international de numismatique, Bruxelles 1891 (Brussels, 1891), 421–27 where he summarizes his conclusions presented in the earlier work and comments on some unusual imitations
which he believes were struck by the Ostrogoths in Pannonia.
|
| 2 |
Hildebrand was mistaken about this since even in his time several Ostrogothic pieces struck in Italy had been unearthed.
|
| 3 |
Oscar Montelius, "Den nordiska järnålderns kronologi," Svenska fornminnesföreningens tidskrift 10, 1895–97, 106, n. 3.
|
| 4 |
Otto von Friesen, "Herulernas bosättning i Skandinavien," Studier tillägnade Esaias Tegnér (Lund, 1918), 484f. Quoted by Janse, p. 32.
|
| 5 |
P. Hauberg, "Médailles romaines d'or et d'argent d'avant le milieu du VIe siècle trouvées dans les pays Scandinaves," Mémoires de la société royale des antiquaires du Nord 1895, 381–405; "Skandinaviens fund af romersk guld-og sølvmynt før aar 550," Aarbøger for nordisk oldkyndighed og historie 1894, 325–76.
|
| 6 |
P. Hauberg, "Médailles romaines," p. 401. Hauberg had noticed these repairs on several denarii as well as on a solidus.
|
| 7 |
Knut Stjerna, "Svear och Götar under folkvandringstiden," Svenska fornminnesföreningens tidskrift 12, 1905, 339–60.
|
| 8 |
The Swedish term "Götar" is used throughout to refer to those Goths inhabiting South Sweden and the islands to distinguish
them from the Goths in South Europe.
|
| 9 |
T. J. Arne," Solidusfynden på Öland och Gotland," Fornvännen 14, 1919, 107–11.
|
| 10 |
Olov Robert Janse, Le travail de l'or en Suède à l'époque mérovingienne (Orléans, 1922). See also his "Notes sur les solidi romains et byzantins trouvés en Scandinavie," RN 1922, 33–48.
|
| 11 |
Janse, Le travail, p. 35.
|
| 12 |
Birger Nerman, Det svenska rikets uppkomst (Stockholm, 1925).
|
| 13 |
Actually, Hildebrand did account for these late coins in his statement, "some traffic could have continued after this time
(488).. ."See above, p. 84.
|
| 14 |
This represents a change of opinion for Nerman. See above, p. 88, where in an earlier work quoted by Janse he had stated
that the Svear conquered the island.
|
| 15 |
Sture Bolin, Fynden av romerska mynt i det fria Germanien (Lund, 1926).
|
| 16 |
T. J. Arne, "Deux nouvelles découvertes de solidi en Gotland," AA II, 1931, 1–28.
|
| 17 |
Sture Bolin, "Neue Literatur über römische Münzfunde im freien Germanien," Germania, Korrespondenzblatt der römisch-germanischen Kommission des archäologischen Reichsinstituts XV, 1931, 267–71. Stenberger also points out that the Viking hoards are a case in point for they fall into three distinct
groups and indicate three periods of warfare which resulted in the hoarding (Vallhagar: A Migration Period Settlement on Gotland/Sweden, II, Stockholm, 1955, 1170).
|
| 18 |
Mårten Stenberger,
Öland under äldre järnåldern (Stockholm, 1933), pp. 202–12.
|
| 19 |
Sune Lindqvist, review of Stenberger in Fornvännen 29, 1934, 124–28.
|
| 20 |
Birger Nerman, Die Völkerwanderungszeit Gotlands (Stockholm, 1935), pp. 59–62, 126–29.
|
| 21 |
Werner Knapke, "Aurei- und Solidi-vorkommen an der Südküste der Ost-see," AA XII, 1941, 79–118; "Aurei- und Solidi-vorkommen am Mare Baltic kum," AA XIV, 1943, 55–66. Reviewed by N. L. Rasmusson in Nordisk numis-matisk unions medlemsblad, Aug. 1944, 83–84.
|
| 22 |
Sune Lindqvist, Vår svenska guldålder (Uppsala, 1945). See also his "Ölands och Gotlands Solidi," in Fornvännen 45, 1950, 160–63.
|
| 23 |
Joachim Werner, "Zu den auf Öland und Gotland gefundenen byzantini-schen Goldmünzen," Fornvännen 44, 1949, 257–86.
|
| 24 |
Mogens B. Mackeprang, De nordiske guldbrakteater. Jysk arkæologisk selskabs skrifter, II (Aarhus, 1952).
|
| 25 |
Mårten Stenberger, Vallhagar, 1161–85.
|
| 26 |
Ole Klindt-Jensen,
Bornholm i folkevandringstiden. Nationalmuseets skrifter. Større beretninger, II (Copenhagen, 1957).
|
The nature of the bulk of the finds indicates that they are hoards; that is, the private wealth of an individual buried in the ground for safekeeping. This is true whether the find consists of one coin or many coins. A single gold solidus would represent a cherished possession and its loss would not very likely go unnoticed. 1
The solidi are most commonly found in a field as a result of digging or plowing. In a few instances a note is recorded in the archives that the find was made near or under a stone or some such marked spot (Find Nos. 2, 50, 76, 87, 113a, 113c, 135, 136, 157 and 219) and in two cases the remains of a purse were discovered with the coins (Nos. 115 and 137 b). Two finds were recovered in the course of archaeological excavations (Nos. 8 and 205), two are from grave mounds or tumuli (Nos. 1 and 12), two from gravel-pits (Nos. 18 and 156 b), nine from on or near the sites of known prehistoric house foundations (Nos. 68, 75, 118c, 177, 204, 205, 210, 215a and 218), one during demolition of the old castle at Kalmar (No. 19 e) and one from a hoard of Viking coins (No. 37). But for the most part it is safe to assume that the coins are hoards deposited in the ground for possible later recovery although two may be grave burials and a few single finds may have been stray coins.
In many cases, a multiple find has been reconstructed from two or more separate finds occurring in the same field. The Migration Age sites remained undisturbed for centuries but since their reoccupation in modern times the fields have been plowed and cultivated over and over again. During the course of this activity it is to be expected that many of the hoards would be broken up and dispersed over a field to be discovered piecemeal later. Such reconstructed finds are Nos. 2, 42, 46b, 62, 63, 72, 80a, 85, 86, 87, 99, 112, 115, 122, 130b, 137b, 147, 156a, 158, 166, 176, 178, 179a, 188, 194, 204, 215a and 219. 2 Other finds are possibly part of other deposits but information is lacking on the exact place of the finds.
Commonly found with the coins are gold or electrum objects in the form of bars, spiral rings, finger rings, arm bands, buttons, bracteates and the like (Find Nos. 3, 5, 6, 13, 20a, 23, 24, 49, 50, 53, 67, 68, 75, 79, 81, 86, 90b, 110c, 113a, 122, 130b, 135, 140, 156a, 169, 176, 184, 193, 194, 203, 212, 214a, 215a and 218). Silver objects and second century denarii occasionally appear also (Find Nos. 50, 86, 122, 130b, 136, 151, 153a, 156b, 177 and 178) and three finds contain bronze objects (Nos. 122, 156b and 178). A faience bead is included in No. 130b which also has gold and silver objects.
In addition to these gold objects found with coins, there is a great mass of gold found in Scandinavia without coins. The Swedish mainland, particularly Västergötland and Södermanland, is far richer in this type of gold find than the Baltic islands where most of the solidi are found. It is presumably from the same period as the solidi but its relationship to the solidi activity has not been determined. 3
The coin finds are concentrated on the Baltic islands of Gotland, Öland and Bornholm with a sizable number from Mainland Sweden and only a few from the remaining Danish territory. Öland has the largest number of finds and also the greatest number of solidi: 4 303 coins from 131 finds of which 52 per cent (158 coins) occur in 7 hoards of five or more coins. On Gotland, there are 252 coins from 96 finds with 10 hoards accounting for 63 per cent (159 coins) of the total. Bornholm has 150 coins, 39 separate finds and 6 hoards totalling 109 coins or 73 per cent of the total. Mainland Sweden has produced 142 coins from 44 finds with 4 hoards totalling 101 coins or 71 per cent of the total. The remaining Danish territory has yielded only 31 coins from 18 finds with 2 hoards totalling 13 coins or 42 per cent of the total.
On Öland the coins are distributed over the entire island from the northern tip to the southern part but concentrations are noted at various points. More than half of the solidi are found in the south central part of the island in the parishes of Algutsrum, Norra Möck-leby, Torslunda, Sandby and environs. Another accumulation north of this, around the parishes of Löt, Köping, Bredsätra and Gärdslösa, is notable and together these two areas account for about three-quarters of the total number of coins on Öland. There is a slight accumulation in the very northern part of the island in the parishes of Böda and Högby and the remainder of the finds, single and multiple, are spread over the other areas.
The distribution on Gotland is similar in many respects. Two accumulations are found: one centering around Akebäck, Eskelhem and Vänge—an area which has yielded six hoards—and a second concentration to the east and south of this, around Etelhem. The latter area is important mainly for the hoard of Botes (Find No. 137 b) which contains 82 coins but there is one other hoard of 7 coins and several smaller finds as well. The two areas account for slightly more than three-quarters of the total coins on Gotland. Otherwise, solidi are found in almost all other parts of the island as far south as Gröt-lingbo and as far north as Rute. The finds are always inland and this is true of the other areas also. Archaeological excavations on the Baltic islands have shown that the Migration Age settlements were invariably inland. 5
Finds from the Swedish mainland are for the most part located at various points, just inland, along the Baltic coast. Half of the 142 coins come from the Mälaren area around Stockholm where two of the hoards were found. The two other hoards were found near the coast in Lofta parish in Småland and in Hörup parish in Skåne.
The Bornholm finds show a particular accumulation at the eastern tip of the island around Svaneke, but inland, where 63 of the 150 coins have been found. A large hoard of 36 solidi came from the southern part of the island at Soldatergård and the Kåsbygård hoard of 14 coins is from western Bornholm. For the rest of Denmark there are mostly single finds from Jutland, Zealand and Fyen, but two hoards, both from Fyen, are also recorded.
The earliest solidi appearing in the hoards are of Honorius and Arcadius and the latest of Justinian I. 6 The solidi of western emperors (a.d. 395–476) total 188 coins including 23 known imitations and those of eastern emperors (a.d. 395–565) number 559 with 73 imitations. 7 The proportion of coins of eastern emperors to western emperors is then almost 3:1. Some of the coins of eastern emperors bear western mint marks, however, and moreover, the chronological differences in the lengths of the eastern and western regimes distort the ratio; the western empire ended in 476 but coins of the eastern emperors continued to arrive in Scandinavia for another 75 years. Taking into consideration the issuing mint and the period involved, the actual number of eastern and western coins is as follows: 8
a.d. 395–476
| 297 | coins from eastern mints |
| 216 | coins from western mints (including COMOB issues) |
| 41 | imitations, some of which may belong to a later period but which are imitations of emperors of this period |
a.d. 476–565
| 122 | coins from eastern mints |
| 71 | coins from western mints, most of which are imitations but which include some official western issues also |
Of the individual emperors, Leo I, Theodosius II, Anastasius, Zeno and Valentinian III are represented by the greatest number of solidi. All had long reigns and extensive coinages but if we divide the total number of coins for each emperor by the length of reign, a yearly average of coins represented in Scandinavia for each emperor is obtained. Table A (p. 106) shows that Leo of the eastern emperors and Libius Severus of the western emperors have the highest annual representation. The figures for the very short-reigned emperors are misleading and the coins of Glycerius, Julius Nepos and Romulus Augustus have been averaged together for the three and a half year period of their collective reigns. It is apparent, however, that from the period of Leo I (457–474) and his contemporaries in the West, Majorian and following, there are the greatest number of solidi.
The figures for Arcadius and Honorius, the earliest emperors, are slight and indicate that the stream did not begin as early as their reigns. They are considerably higher for Honorius who reigned until 423 than for Arcadius whose reign ended in 408. It is generally acknowledged that in antiquity coins continued to be circulated long after the date of issue though in decreasing quantity. If the import had begun as early as the time of Arcadius and Honorius we should certainly expect coins of the fourth century to be included also. Valentinian III and Theodosius II show increases over Honorius and Arcadius and a peak is reached in the period 457–476. The activity levels off under Zeno and declines progressively until it ceases completely under Justinian I.
Grouping the eastern and western emperors in more or less corresponding periods gives the general pattern of importation (Table B, p. 107), while the graph (p. 108) illustrates the proportionate representation of eastern and western issues for the same six periods. Eastern issues are considerably more numerous than western through the reign of Zeno. Under Anastasius the annual representation drops again but the decline is restricted to eastern issues while western issues show a slight increase. The annual representation for Justin and Justinian is very slight and the proportion of eastern and western issues is of no significance.
Of the various mints represented (Table E, p. 111) the most important is Constantinople with 395 coins. Thessalonica is represented by 23 solidi and there is a single specimen from Antioch, the Leontius piece. In the West, Ravenna is the most common mint with 79 solidi; Rome has 45, Milan 44 and Arelate 3. Some 61 other coins are identified as western but have no distinguishing mark other than COMOB to identify the mint.
Coin totals for the various areas within Scandinavia (Tables C and D, pp. 109–10) indicate that Öland and Gotland were the most important recipients of this gold. The import to Öland was very much diminished after the time of Leo however and coins later then Zeno are practically non-existent. Thus it is important to show statistics for all the areas for two periods as was done with the eastern and western issues above. 9
| Öland | Gotland | Bornholm | M. Sweden | Denmark | |
| a.d. 395–476 | 293 | 119 | 110 | 74 | 22 |
| a.d. 476–565 | 10 | 133 | 40 | 48 | 9 |
In the first period, Öland's 293 solidi almost equal the total of the other areas together (325) and in the second period, Gotland's 133 coins more than equal the total of the other areas combined (107) indicating clearly the respective importance of Öland and Gotland in the two periods.
| Years of reign | Total coins | Annual Average | |||||
| (ca.) | E | W | T | E | W | T | |
| Honorius * | 28 | 4 | 17 | 21 | .75 | ||
| Valentinian III* | 30 | 2 | 57 | 59 | 2.00 | ||
| Majorian * | 4 | 16 | 16 | 4.00 | 4.00 | ||
| Libius Severus * | 4 | 31 | 31 | 7.75 | 7.75 | ||
| Anthemius | 5 | 23 | 23 | 4.60 | 4.60 | ||
| Glycerius | 3 1/2 | 3 | 3 | ||||
| Julius Nepos * | 8 | 8 | 4.28 | 4.28 | |||
| Romulus Augustus | 4 | 4 |
| Arcadius | 13 | 1 | 4 | 5 | .38 | ||
| Theodosius II * | 42 | 98 | 44 | 142 | 2.33 | 1.00 | 3.38 |
| Marcian * | 7 | 26 | 26 | 3.71 | 3.71 | ||
| Leo I* | 17 | 154 | 7 | 161 | 9.06 | .41 | 9.47 |
| Leo II/Zeno | 5 | 5 | |||||
| Zeno | 15 | 58 | 16 | 74 | 3.87 | 1.07 | 4.93 |
| Basiliscus (B/Marcus) | 7 | 2 | 9 | ||||
| Leontius | 1 | 1 | |||||
| Anastasius | 27 | 47 | 45 | 92 | 1.74 | 1.67 | 3.41 |
| Justin I | 9 | 5 | 4 | 9 | .55 | .44 | 1.00 |
| Justinian I | 38 | 11 | 6 | 17 | .29 | .16 | .45 |
| * |
Imitations not included since they are not known to be contemporary.
|
| 10 |
The figures are based on the catalogue; see Table E, p. 111.
|
| Total coins | Annual Average | ||||||
| E | W | E | W | T | |||
| I | 395–455/7 | 131 | 122 | 2.18 | 2.03 | 4.22 | |
| Honorius | Arcadius | ||||||
| Valentinian III | Theodosius II Marcian | ||||||
| II | 457–476 | 166 | 94 | 8.74 | 4.95 | 13.68 | |
| Majorian | Leo I | ||||||
| Libius Severus | Leo II/Zeno | ||||||
| Anthemius | Basiliscus | ||||||
| Glycerius | (B/Marcus) | ||||||
| Julius Nepos | |||||||
| Romulus Augustus | |||||||
| III | 476–491 | 59 | 16 | 3.93 | 1.07 | 5.00 | |
| Zeno | |||||||
| Leontius | |||||||
| IV | 491–518 | 47 | 45 | 1.74 | 1.67 | 3.41 | |
| Anastasius | |||||||
| V | 518–527 | 5 | 4 | .55 | .44 | 1.00 | |
| Justin I | |||||||
| VI | 527–565 | 11 | 6 | .29 | .16 | .45 | |
| Justinian I |
| MS | Ö | G | S | B | D | total | |
| Honorius | 2 | 13 | 14 | I | 5 | 35 | |
| Valentinian III | 4 | 43 | 8 | 14 | 4 | 73 | |
| Honoria | 1 | 1 | |||||
| Majorian | 12 | 5 | 1 | 1 | 19 | ||
| Libius Severus | 1 | 26 | 2 | 1 | 6 | 2 | 38 |
| Anthemius | 2 | 16 | 4 | 6 | 28 | ||
| Glycerius | 2 | 1 | 3 | ||||
| Julius Nepos | 4× | 2 | 2 | 1 | 2 | 11× | |
| Romulus Augustus | 1 | 3 | 4 | ||||
| total | 14× | 117 | 35 | 2 | 35 | 9 | 212× |
| Arcadius | 1 | 3 | 1 | 5 | |||
| Theodosius II | 33 | 68 | 28 | 1 | 40 | 3 | 173 |
| Eudocia | 2 | 2 | |||||
| Placidia | 1 | 1 | |||||
| Pulcheria | 2 | 2 | |||||
| Marcian | 4 | 16 | 7 | 1 | 2 | 1 | 31 |
| Leo I | 18× | 80 | 44 | 1 | 31 | 8 | 182× |
| Leo II/Zeno | 3 | 1 | 1 | 5 | |||
| Zeno | 27× | 7 | 31 | 26 | 1 | 92× | |
| Ariadne | 1 | 1 | |||||
| Basiliscus | 4 | 1 | 2 | 1 | 8 | ||
| B/Marcus | 1 | 1 | 2 | ||||
| Leontius | 1 | 1 | |||||
| Anastasius | 16× | 1 | 74 | 9 | 4 | 104× | |
| Justin I | 1 | 8 | 1 | 10 | |||
| Justinian I | 1 | 1 | 14 | 2 | 18 | ||
| total | 104× | 186 | 212 | 3 | 112 | 20 | 637× |
| Merovingian | 1 | 1tr | 2 | ||||
| Uncertain | 4 | 4 | 3 | 1 | 12 | ||
| Imitations | (20×) | (20×) | |||||
| grand total | 142 | 303 | 252 | 5 | 150 | 31 | 883 |
MS = Mainland Sweden; Ö = Öland; G = Gotland; S = Sweden, find-place unknown; B = Bornholm; D = Denmark, west of the Sound.
| * |
Imitations included in figures.
|
| × |
Unspecified coins from Find No. 26.
|
| MS | Ö | G | S | B | D | total | |
| Honorius | 2 | 9 | 13 | 1 | 3 | 28 | |
| Valentinian III | 4 | 40 | 8 | 12 | 4 | 68 | |
| Honoria | 1 | 1 | |||||
| Majorian | 10 | 5 | 1 | 1 | 17 | ||
| Libius Severus | 1 | 23 | 2 | 1 | 5 | 2 | 34 |
| Anthemius | 2 | 12 | 3 | 6 | 23 | ||
| Glycerius | 2 | 1 | 3 | ||||
| Julius Nepos | 3 | 2 | 2 | 1 | 2 | 10 | |
| Romulus Augustus | 1 | 3 | 4 | ||||
| total | 13 | 101 | 33 | 2 | 30 | 9 | 188 |
| Arcadius | 1 | 3 | 1 | 5 | |||
| Theodosius II | 22 | 65 | 26 | 1 | 36 | 3 | 153 |
| Eudocia | 2 | 2 | |||||
| Placidia | 1 | 1 | |||||
| Pulcheria | 1 | 1 | |||||
| Marcian | 3 | 14 | 7 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 27 |
| Leo I | 16 | 69 | 41 | 1 | 28 | 8 | 163 |
| Leo II/Zeno | 3 | 1 | 1 | 5 | |||
| Zeno | 14 | 6 | 28 | 24 | 1 | 73 | |
| Ariadne | 1 | 1 | |||||
| Basiliscus | 4 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 7 | ||
| B/Marcus | 1 | 1 | 2 | ||||
| Leontius | 1 | 1 | |||||
| Anastasius | 12 | 1 | 68 | 7 | 4 | 92 | |
| Justin I | 1 | 8 | 9 | ||||
| Justinian I | 1 | 14 | 2 | 17 | |||
| total | 72 | 168 | 197 | 3 | 99 | 20 | 559 |
| Merovingian | 1 | 1tr | 2 | ||||
| Uncertain | 2 | 4 | 3 | 1 | 10 | ||
| Imitations | |||||||
| grand total | 87 | 269 | 235 | 5 | 132 | 31 | 759 12 |
MS = Mainland Sweden; Ö = Öland; G = Gotland; S = Sweden, find-place-unknown; B = Bornholm; D = Denmark, west of the Sound.
| 11 |
Imitations are included in the figures; the 47 coins from Find No. 6 (Lillön, Ekerö, Mainland
Sweden) are included here as a Mainland find but see pp. 120–22 for a discussion of this hoard which, in all probability,
was formed on Gotland.
|
| 12 |
The total is of the 726 coins (including one triens) which still exist and 33 others for which complete descriptions are
available in the literature. The remaining 124 coins have been dispersed or were deposited in the collections at an early
date without record of their find-place.
|
| cple | thess | antioch | total east | arles | milan | rome | ravenna | comob | imitations | total west | grand total | |
| Honorius | 3 | 1 | 4 | 2 | 15 | 7 | 24 | 28 | ||||
| Valentinian III | 2 | 2 | 4 | 16 | 35 | 1 | 10 | 66 | 68 | |||
| Honoria | 1 | 1 | 1 | |||||||||
| Majorian | 3 | 7 | 6 | 1 | 17 | 17 | ||||||
| Libius Severus | 6 | 16 | 9 | 3 | 34 | 34 | ||||||
| Anthemius | 8 | 9 | 4 | 2 | 23 | 23 | ||||||
| Glycerius | 1 | 2 | 3 | 3 | ||||||||
| Julius Nepos | 4 | 2 | 2 | 2 | 10 | 10 | ||||||
| Romulus Augustus | 4 | 4 | 4 | |||||||||
| total | 5 | 1 | 6 | 3 | 36 | 43 | 74 | 3 | 23 | 182 | 188 |
| Arcadius | 1 | 1 | 2 | 1 | 1 | 4 | 5 | |||||
| Theodosius II | 89 | 6 | 95 | 43 | 15 | 58 | 153 | |||||
| Eudocia | 2 | 2 | 2 | |||||||||
| Placidia | 1 | 1 | 1 | |||||||||
| Pulcheria | 1 | 1 | 1 | |||||||||
| Marcian | 24 | 2 | 26 | 1 | 1 | 27 | ||||||
| Leo I | 144 | 10 | 154 | 2 | 1 | 3 | 1 | 2 | 9 | 163 | ||
| Leo II/Zeno | 5 | 5 | 5 | |||||||||
| Zeno | 54 | 3 | 57 | 2 | 14 | 16 | 73 | |||||
| Ariadne | 1 | 1 | 1 | |||||||||
| Basiliscus | 5 | 5 | 2 | 2 | 7 | |||||||
| B/Marcus | 2 | 2 | 2 | |||||||||
| Leontius | 1 | 1 | 1 | |||||||||
| Anastasius | 46 | 1 | 47 | 45 | 45 | 92 | ||||||
| Justin I | 5 | 5 | 4 | 4 | 9 | |||||||
| Justinian I | 11 | 11 | 6 | 6 | 17 | |||||||
| total | 390 | 22 | 1 | 413 | 8 | 2 | 5 | 58 | 73 | 146 | 559 | |
| Merovingian & Uncertain Imitations | 12 | 12 | 12 | |||||||||
| grand total | 395 | 23 | 1 | 419 | 3 | 44 | 45 | 79 | 61 | 108 | 340 | 759 |
| * |
Based on catalogue.
|
| 1 |
Although a single gold coin can be called a hoard by the fact of its deposit in the earth, this term is generally applied
to a multiple find. See pp. 151 ff., for a discussion of such hoards.
|
| 2 |
It cannot be certain, in every case, that finds made in a more or less restricted area over a period of time were originally
part of one deposit. The probability is great that they were but it is well to bear in mind the circumstances of their discovery.
For all these reconstructed finds I have depended on information in the archives of the SHM or on information provided by
Montelius, Stenberger, Nerman, et. al. in their publications. These multiple finds become important for the purpose of dating
the deposits. See pp. 151 ff. on the hoards. Only those finds consisting of five or more solidi are considered as hoards in
that chapter and it is only with these hoards that the factor of several separate finds being considered as one hoard becomes
important. Moreover, there is not a single hoard of which we can be certain that every coin originally part of the deposit
has been recovered. Although in two cases, traces of a container of leather or some other material were present, the container
itself has disintegrated and the coins more or less scattered in the soil.
|
| 3 |
Janse, op. cit., includes figures on the fineness of the gold of a large number of the gold objects found in Sweden. It is
of interest that the coins are uniformly of 90 percent or higher purity while the bracteates and other gold items vary considerably
in purity, some running as low as fifty per cent. See conclusions, p. 172.
|
| 4 |
These figures are based on the find-list (Table C, p. 109; the five coins from Sweden, provenance unknown (Find No. 183)
have been excluded. The number of finds is not particularly significant since several single finds may originally have been
part of one deposit.
|
| 5 |
Nerman,
Gotland
; Stenberger,
Öland
; Klindt-Jensen,
Bornholm.
|
| 6 |
Some fourth century solidi are found in Scandinavia also, but these cannot be considered part of the fifth-sixth century
activity for the earlier solidi never appear in the same hoards with the later coins. Furthermore, the fourth century coins
are concentrated in western Scandinavia, primarily on Jutland, with only a few pieces in eastern Scandinavia where our solidi
are found.
|
| 7 |
In addition, there are 10 uncertain imitations, 1 Merovingian solidus of Theodebert and 1 Merovingian triens in the name
of Justinian, the only triens to be found in Scandinavia from this period. The figures are based on the catalogue (Table D, p. 110).
|
| 8 |
For the first period, all western emperors are included and all eastern emperors through Basiliscus but excluding Zeno. The second period covers the eastern emperors from Zeno to Justinian I and contemporary issues, official or barbaric, in the West. Not included are the two Merovingian coins and the 10 uncertain
imitations. See Table E, p. 111.
|
| 9 |
The chronological division is the same as that made on page 103, n. 8, but these figures are based on the find-list (Table
C, p. 109). The 20 uncertain coins from Mainland Sweden and the 5 coins from Find No. 183, Sweden, provenance unknown, have
been excluded.
|
The Scandinavian solidi have been examined for identical dies. It was believed that such a study would contribute evidence concerning the nature of the activity and whether the coins were introduced over a period of time or en bloc. The absence or presence of identical dies may indicate the extent to which the coins had circulated before arriving in Scandinavia, for presumably coins struck from the same dies arrived together and traveled to Scandinavia soon after being issued.
The earliest die identities appear among the coins of Valentinian III and Theodosius II of whom there are seven and eight coins respectively struck from identical dies (Table F, p. 115). 1 Of Libius Severus with 16 coins and Leo I with 33 coins there are the greatest number of die identities. These numbers do not imply that 16 coins of Severus, for example, bear the same die, but that each of the 16 shares a die with at least one other coin. In the case of Leo, as many as 5 coins may be from the same die, but generally only two coins show identical dies.
For the remaining emperors, there are 2 coins with identical dies of Majorian, 6 of Anthemius, 2 Glycerius, 2 Julius Nepos, 3 Romulus Augustus, 13 Zeno, 18 Anastasius (of which 10 are Ostrogothic and 2 uncertain imitations) and 2 Justinian I. In addition there are 6 imitations of Honorius, 3 of Theodosius II and 2 of uncertain attribution. 2 Only Honorius of the western emperors is not represented by die identities while in the East, Arcadius, Marcian, Leo II/Zeno, Basiliscus/Marcus and Justin I are without them. 3 These 123 coins with identical dies, identified from a total of 726 4 coins available for the die study, give a ratio of ca. 6:1 for the entire series.
The absence of identical dies among the coins of Arcadius and Honorius, together with the small number of coins of these emperors, strengthens the premise that the import began well after their reigns. Their coins would continue to be circulated though in gradually decreasing volume. For Valentinian III and Theodosius II there are a few die identities although the representation of their coins in Scandinavia is not very high considering the length of their reigns. This fact, together with relatively few die identities, suggests the end of their reigns for the beginning of the stream. In support of this is the evidence that six of the eight coins of Theodosius II with identical dies belong to one of his latest datable issues, the IMP XXXXII COS XVII issue of 443. 5 Coins of earlier issues are present too, although there is only one pair of identical dies (the VOT XXX M VLT XXXX issue of ca. 430) and the earlier issues are less numerous, all of which suggests the very end of Theodosius' reign or shortly after his reign for the beginning of the stream. 6
The greatest number of identical dies is found among the coins of Leo I and Libius Severus who also have the highest annual representation of coins in Scandinavia. The reign of Libius Severus (461–465) falls within that of Leo (457–474) and surely indicates that a vast import of solidi occurred at this time.
After Leo, identical dies continue to be common among western issues, notably those of Zeno and Anastasius, but decline among eastern issues. This fact, together with the change in the proportionate representation of eastern issues noted under Anastasius (see p. 105), indicates a different and less productive source of solidi after Zeno.
It is noteworthy that the ratio of coins and identical dies (see Table G, p. 116) roughly parallels the pattern of annual representation (Table B, p. 107). The periods with the greatest number of coins are also the periods with the highest proportion of identical dies. Both patterns reveal the date for the beginning of the stream and the peak of importation as well as a change in the source of the solidi in the declining years of the activity. But the identical dies reveal further factors of importance.
The ratio of identical dies is greater on the whole for the western issues than for the eastern, partly because those issues were less extensive and the chances for die identities among them accordingly greater. Nevertheless, it is perhaps significant that all western emperors after Honorius are represented by identical dies, while of the eastern emperors, some of whom had equally short reigns and limited issues, several are without them. The western emperors from Majorian to Romulus Augustus are roughly contemporary with Leo I who, of the eastern emperors, has the highest annual representation and also the highest proportion of identical dies. The reigns of Leo II/Zeno and Basiliscus, however, are also within this period and they are not represented by identical dies. Leo of the eastern emperors represents a special case as does Theodosius. Both had long reigns with extensive coinages and die identities among these coins are particularly significant. After Leo the official eastern coins decrease in number and die identities are scarce; western imitations or official western issues are also less numerous but the ratio of identical dies among these is much higher proportionately than among contemporary eastern issues in comparison with the ratio evident from 457–476, and beginning in the reign of Anastasius eastern issues are decreasingly represented in proportion to the earlier ratio.
It is apparent, therefore, that up to about 476 the bulk of the solidi consists of official issues of Theodosius II and Leo I and the great number of die identities, particularly of Leo, indicates direct payments. These were supplemented by a steady flow of solidi from the West which perhaps also indicates payments, but in any event, direct contact with Italy. Zeno's reign represents a transitional stage, for the annual representation declines but the decline in the ratio of identical dies is noticeably sharper among the eastern issues than the western. Starting with Anastasius, western issues, for the first time since the import began, are about equal in number to the eastern issues.
That the die identities are found predominantly among western issues indicates direct contact with Italy from the time the import began until it ended, while contact with the East is evident for only the first part of this period. It is very much apparent under Leo but starting in the reign of Zeno it becomes less and less the case. And though the intensity of the stream is in decline at the same time, the West is clearly the primary source of the solidi after 491 while before that time both East and West are involved.
| No. coins | No. ID | Ratio Coins: ID | ||||
| E | W | E | W | E | W | |
| Honorius * | 4 | 17 | ||||
| Valentinian III* | 2 | 57 | 7 | 8:1 | ||
| Majorian * | 16 | 2 | 8:1 | |||
| Libius Severus * | 31 | 16 | 2:1 | |||
| Anthemius | 23 | 6 | 4:1 | |||
| Glycerius | 3 | 2 | 1.5:1 | |||
| Julius Nepos * | 8 | 2 | 4:1 | |||
| Romulus Augustus | 4 | 3 | 1.3:1 |
| Arcadius | 1 | 4 | ||||
| Theodosius II* | 98 | 44 | 6 | 2 | 16:1 | 22:1 |
| Marcian * | 26 | |||||
| Leo I* | 154 | 7 | 31 | 2 | 5:1 | 3.5:1 |
| Leo II/Zeno | 5 | |||||
| Zeno | 58 | 16 | 5 | 8 | 11.5:1 | 2:1 |
| Basiliscus (B/Marcus) | 7 | 2 | ||||
| Leontius | 1 | |||||
| Anastasius | 47 | 45 | 6 | 12 | 8:1 | 3.75:1 |
| Justin I | 5 | 4 | ||||
| Justinian I | 11 | 6 | 2 | 5.5:1 |
| * |
Imitations not included since they are not known to be contemporary.
|
| 7 |
Figures based on catalogue (Table E, p. 111).
|
| No. coins | No. ID | Ratio Coins: ID | |||||
| E | W | E | W | E | W | ||
| I | 395–455/7 | 131 | 122 | 6 | 9 | 22:1 | 14:1 |
| II | 457–476 | 166 | 94 | 31 | 33 | 5:1 | 2.8:1 |
| III | 476–491 | 59 | 16 | 5 | 8 | 12:1 | 2:1 |
| IV | 491–518 | 47 | 45 | 6 | 12 | 8:1 | 3.75:1 |
| V | 518–527 | 5 | 4 | ||||
| VI | 527–565 | II | 6 | 2 | 5.5:1 |
Thus, the solidi in Scandinavia seem to fall into three different categories: (a) direct payments from the emperors, particularly Leo I, (b) coinage issued by Italian mints from the 450s to the time of Justinian I and (c) coinage in general circulation during this period—coins of Honorius, Arcadius, early coins of Valentinian and Theodosius as well as later eastern coins which do not reflect direct payments. Such a composition is of importance for determining the carriers of the solidi and the nature of the activity.
In addition to the statistical data provided by the identical dies, their distribution in the Scandinavian finds is informative. Chart A (p. 125) shows the distribution for the entire period, the circles representing the geographical areas (Mainland Sweden, Öland, Gotland, Bornholm and Fyen), the numbers within the circles indicating the number of die links 8 which occur there, and the numbers on the lines drawn between the circles indicating the number of die links between the two areas. 9
The prominence of Öland is immediately apparent. Not only do the greatest number of links by far occur within this island but also the greatest number of contacts between any two areas involves Öland. Only Gotland is at all comparable with 16 links within the island and contact with Mainland Sweden and Bornholm as well as with Öland. The conclusion that the solidi arrived at Öland first and from there were distributed to the other areas is highly probable.
Further information is revealed by breaking the chart down, reign by reign (see Chart B, p. 126). The pattern of öland's prominence continues to the reign of Zeno. From Valentinian III through Romulus Augustus of the western emperors and from Theodosius II through Leo I of the eastern emperors, the die links are within Öland or between Öland and another of these areas. Beginning with Zeno die links are found within Gotland and the contact is with Mainland Sweden in one instance and with Bornholm in three. In the reign of Leo there is a precedent for this change and one link between Gotland and Bornholm is found. This pattern merely confirms the information already to be had from the table on page 109 which shows a drop from 80 coins of Leo to 7 of Zeno on Öland. Three single finds of Anastasius, Justin I and Justinian I also occur on Öland but the hoard evidence indicates that the import ended about 476/77. 10 Up till that time Öland was the receiving station for the solidi and from Öland the coins found their way to Gotland, Bornholm and the other areas. The total number of coins from this period (up to Zeno) supports this, for Öland has 293 compared with 119 from Gotland, 110 from Bornholm, 74 from the Swedish mainland and 22 from the remaining Danish territory.
When destructive forces overcame Öland, 11 the stream was directed to Gotland which then became the receiving and distributing center. This is evident from the distribution of the die links and also from the total number of coins for the period. From 476–565 Gotland's finds total 133, Öland has 10, Bornholm 40, Mainland Sweden 48 and Denmark, west of the Sound 9. 12
Öland's primacy is firmly established by the pattern of die links and by the number of coins for the period up to about 476 and Gotland's primacy is equally evident after this, but it would also appear that the coins in each period were received and dispersed from one or more centers on Öland and Gotland. In Find No. 99 on Öland (Åby, total 80 coins) there are 20 coins bearing identical dies which reveal 10 links with other Öland finds, 3 with Gotland, 2 with Mainland Sweden and 14 within the hoard. The latter are particularly significant for they surely indicate that the coins on Öland were cleared through Åby. The hoard also includes one set of five coins of Leo from the same obverse die, all in fine condition, which probably represents one of the latest shipments which had not yet been dispersed at the time of the deposit of the hoard.
Another hoard on Öland, No. 115 from Björnhovda (total, 36coins), has revealed 6 die links with Öland finds and is perhaps a secondary distributing center. Although the number of die links can be attributed to the size of the hoard, there are two coins of Libius Severus, from a set of four coins with the same obverse and reverse dies, in the hoard. Outside of Öland, No. 115 has one die link with Mainland Sweden and one with Bornholm.
On Gotland, Find No. 137b from Botes with 82 coins is of comparable size to No. 99 on Öland. There are 9 links between this hoard and other Gotland finds and 2 within the hoard which account for all but 5 of the die links within Gotland. Here, too, the number of die links could be attributed merely to the size of the hoard were it not for the two sets of die links within the hoard. Of these, one set of two coins is linked with two other Gotland finds and the second is linked with one other Gotland find. The evidence that Botes was a distribution center on Gotland is less apparent than that for Åby on Öland. In the period of Gotland's supremacy, however, the ratio of identical dies had fallen sharply and although the process of distribution was probably the same in both periods, the relationship of No. 137b to the other Gotland finds is not as apparent.
Bornholm clearly played a secondary rôle in the solidi activity during the entire period. Nine of the ten die links which occur on Bornholm are with Öland or Gotland. The only example of a Bornholm find die-linked with another Bornholm find is No. 205 with No. 203 by a coin of Zeno. Find No. 212 with 29 coins has three die links with Öland and two with Gotland and No. 205 is linked with Öland and with another Bornholm find, the case mentioned above. The other die links are single occurrences for a particular hoard or find. Thus the evidence is overwhelming that this island received its coins from Öland up to the reign of Zeno and from Gotland after that.
The distribution of the identical dies indicates that Öland was the main receiving and distributing center of the solidi up to about 476. Within Öland it is also evident that Åby was a major clearing center for the solidi. Furthermore, die links not involving the Åby hoard do occur on Öland but no die links, independent of both Åby and Öland, occur within Gotland, Bornholm or elsewhere or between these areas during the period of Öland's primacy. If the coins arrived at Åby and from there were dispersed simultaneously in several directions, i.e., within Ölaiid and also to Gotland, Bornholm and elsewhere, we should expect some die links to occur within these other areas or between these areas also. That they do not occur outside of Öland can only indicate that the bulk of the shipments were dispersed and circulated on Öland before reaching these other areas. 13 This is supported by the observation that although the majority of the die links within Öland involve Åby (24 of the 42 instances), the outside contacts are in only 5 of the 17 instances with Åby.
The process would seem to have been the same under Gotland's supremacy with Botes (No. 137b) most probably a major clearing center. With one exception, die links outside of Gotland do not occur in this period and if the coins had been dispersed from Botes to Bornholm at the same time as they were around Gotland, most certainly die links within Bornholm should also be expected. This hoard also accounts for 11 of the 16 die links within Gotland but for only one of the four foreign contacts of this period, indicating that the Bornholm coins are further removed from Botes than are the Gotland coins. Thus, the bulk of the solidi must have been dispersed on Öland and Gotland in their respective periods before being exported and if two coins with the same die were sent to the other areas after this distribution it was only by chance.
This was the apparent order of things until a newly discovered hoard from the Swedish mainland, Find No. 6 with 47 coins from Lillön, Ekerö parish, was examined for identical dies and a rather erratic pattern emerged. The Lillön hoard revealed 14 new die links from 11 coins of Theodosius II, Leo I, Zeno and Anastasius, die-linked within the hoard and with Öland, Gotland and Bornholm, and producing the scheme shown on Chart C (compare with Chart B). Such links were not apparent before from the 40 coins available from the Swedish mainland. The two other sizable hoards from that area, however, are not available for die study. If this hoard was one which was formed on the Mainland, a disconcerting pattern of die links emerges but in no way does it invalidate the earlier conclusions regarding öland's and Gotland's respective primacies.
The new hoard has revealed no die links with other Mainland finds from which 40 coins were available for die study. In this respect it is comparable to the Bornholm coins where die links occur only between Bornholm and an outside area (with one exception), thus reflecting a similar, subordinate rôle in the solidi activity. However, the pattern of these 14 new links does not fit in with the previous one established by some 82 instances. Previously, all die links up to ca. 476 occurred on Öland or between Öland and another area, and after that date the die links are on Gotland or between Gotland and another area. Exceptions are noted with a link between Gotland and Bornholm under Leo, one between Öland and Fyen under Zeno, and one within Bornholm under Zeno. There is also a link between Öland and Bornholm under Anastasius but this transfer clearly occurred after öland's activity had ended and is of no significance. The links involving Leo and one of the Zenos, on the other hand, occurred during the transitional period between the end of öland's primacy and the beginning of Gotland's. The Zeno link between Öland and Fyen could date from the period of öland's primacy and the Leo link between Gotland and Bornholm could be from Gotland's primacy. But if not they are merely occurrences of the "chance" export mentioned above, as is undoubtedly the case with the pair of Zeno found on Bornholm.
From the Lillön hoard, die links of the time of öland's primacy are found within Mainland Sweden, between the Mainland and Gotland, and between the Mainland and Bornholm with only one link with Öland when presumably all coins were cleared through that island and non-öland die links do not occur. From the period of Gotland's primacy, five links occur between Mainland Sweden and Bornholm and one within Mainland Sweden. It is possible that sets of die identities from Öland in the early period, and from Gotland later, were dispersed to Mainland Sweden before they became separated on their respective islands. This did not happen before, however, with the exception of those cases discussed above and thus, the addition of 9 new instances, all involving one hoard requires some other explanation.
It is more likely that this hoard was originally formed on Gotland and was transferred to Uppland. If coins of Justin and Justinian had been included this would most certainly have been evident. As it is, five of Gotland's 10 hoards close with Anastasius and 4 are later (2 with Justin I and 2 with Justinian I).
The die links of the Lillön hoard are with Gotland in 5 instances and Bornholm 6; one other is with Öland and two are within the hoard. Three of the Gotland links are with Find No. 137b which is the most prominent Gotland hoard both in size and number of die links and, also, most of its links are within Gotland.
Adding Lillön's die links to the chart as a Gotland hoard, the pattern shown on Charts D and E emerges. In most cases the previous pattern is strengthened. An exception is noted in the two sets of die identities of Theodosius II which are found on Gotland and without apparent connection with Öland. There is also an additional example of a link between Gotland and Bornholm in the reign of Leo but this has little significance since it is during the transitional period between the primacy of Öland and that of Gotland.
Reviewing the facts: The size of the Lillön hoard is unique for Mainland Sweden; 14 die identities are numerous yet have no links with any of the 40 Mainland Sweden coins available for the die study; the distribution of the die links is erratic in view of the pattern established by 82 die links of the other coins. None of these factors by themselves warrants a revision of earlier conclusions regarding Öland's primacy, followed by that of Gotland's, but all elements fit precisely into the pattern of the Gotland coins and it seems most probable to me that this hoard was originally formed on that island and was transferred to Mainland Sweden.
Still other aspects of the identical dies are of interest. With the pattern evident from Chart B showing that die links between Gotland and Bornholm or within either of these two islands do not occur during the period of Öland's primacy (up to ca. 476) it is evident that the imitations of Honorius, Theodosius II and those of uncertain attribution which appear die-linked on Gotland or between Gotland and Bornholm, must have been introduced during the period of Gotland's primacy. The date can be restricted further. Two of the sets of die links (Nos. 22–23 and 750–751) are associated with hoards from Bornholm where the import seems to have ended in the reign of Anastasius, 15 while the two remaining sets (Nos. 24–27 and 340–342) can in no case be later than the reign of Justin because of hoard evidence. 16 Moreover, most of these imitations are worn which would indicate an even earlier date. Thus their introduction to Scandinavia can be roughly estimated as between 480 and 510. The date of their manufacture is more flexible. In the catalogue these imitations of Honorius and Theodosius were shown to have been manufactured later than those reigns 17 and the uncertain imitations occurring with identical dies, after 430. 18 Since they could not have been introduced to Scandinavia before ca. 480, however, the date of their manufacture must be considered closer to this period.
Some comment may be made also on the coins die-linked by the obverse but bearing different officinae on the reverse. One example on the coins of Theodosius II (IMP XXXXII COS XVII/COMOB) is noted in which Cat. No. 296 without officina is die-linked with No. 330 of officina △. For Leo, the combinations from the same obverse die are: A/Γ/∊, △/S, and H/I; for Zeno △/Z, and for Anastasius △/I. This phenomenon has been discussed on several occasions 19 and Grierson has commented on certain fifth century solidi with various combinations of officinae noted on coins struck from the same obverse dies. His study was limited to coins of Basiliscus and Marcus, Zeno and Leo Caesar, and Leo II and Zeno. A few more examples are evident in the Scandinavian material on the coins of Theodosius II, Leo I, Zeno and Anastasius. A complete list of the identical dies in the Scandinavian material is given on pp. 130–36 but extracted from this is the list below of obverse die links of issues with officinae. The phenomenon is clearly more common than previously believed and a thorough study of such die links would contribute toward the understanding of the officinae and the organization of the mint of Constantinople. Grierson also commented on the fact that when an obverse die is combined with two different reverse dies, rarely are they of the same officina; that when the officina was the same on two coins with identical obverses, in most cases the reverse die was the same also. This tendency would seem to be borne out by the Scandinavian material on the coins of Leo I 20 in which there are four instances of reverse die identities as opposed to three instances in which the reverse dies are different. On the western issues of Zeno, on the other hand, there is one set of four coins from the same obverse die and all are with the same officinae but are from four different reverse dies. These are western issues, however, and like the imitations of Anastasius which are included in the list, must be considered apart from the issues of Constantinople.
| 8 |
The term die link is used here to refer to two coins bearing the same die, obverse or reverse and, in some cases, both. On
Charts A—E (pp. 125–29), the number of links, not the number of coins involved, has been illustrated. They have been computed as follows: 2 coins from the same die or
dies—1 link; 3 coins from the same die(s)—3 links; 4 coins from the same die(s)—6 links; 5 coins from the same die(s)—10 links.
No special consideration has been given to those instances in which both obverse and reverse dies are the same, although these
cases are more significant.
|
| 9 |
The recently discovered hoard of Lillön, Ekerö sn. (Find No. 6) is not included in the discussion of Charts A and B; however,
it is dealt with below, pp. 120–22.
|
| 10 |
See discussion of hoards, pp. 151 ff.
|
| 11 |
See discussions of the literature, hoards and the conclusions.
|
| 12 |
Even though Gotland was receiving coins during the reigns of Justin I and Justinian I, and the other areas were not, the number of coins from this later period is very insignificant.
|
| 13 |
The supposition is that during circulation of these coins, sets of die identities were broken up and it would be only by
chance that two coins from the same die were exported from Öland.
|
| 14 |
Two other hoards of 21 and 24 coins are recorded but only 3 coins of the first (Find No. 5) and one coin of the second (Find
No. 26) are available.
|
| 15 |
See section on hoards, pp. 158 ff.
|
| 16 |
Specimens from both sets are found in Find No. 137b (Botes) which was deposited most probably late in the reign of Justin I; see p. 157.
|
| 17 | |
| 18 |
See p. 79.
|
| 19 |
Pierre Bastien, "Folles de l'atelier de Lyon frappés avec le même coin d'effigie," SM 10 (Nov. 1960), 75–77; Philip Grierson, "Coins monétaires et officines à l'époque du bas-empire," SM 11 (July 1961), 1–8; C. H. V. Sutherland, "Coins monétaires et officines à l'époque du bas-empire: note supplémentaire,"
SM 11 (Apr. 1962), 73–75. See also D. M. Metcalf, "Organization of the Constantinople Mint for the Follis of the Anastasius Reforms," NC 1961, 131–43.
|
| 20 |
Nos. 422–423 have certain irregularities and Nos. 486–487 are probably of a mint other than Constantinople. See discussion in catalogue, p. 52.
|
[ ] Brackets indicate obverse and reverse die links, respectively.
| Cat. No. | Off. | Issue |
| 296 | — | Theodosius II/COMOB |
| 330 | Δ | |
| 378 | A | Leo I/CONOB |
| 420 | Γ | |
| 441 | ∊ | |
| 442 | ∊ | |
| 443 | ∊ | |
| 406 | B | Leo I/CONOB |
| 407 | B | |
| 408 | B | Leo I/CONOB |
| 409 | B | |
| 410 | B | |
| 422 | Γ | Leo I/CONOB |
| 423 | Γ | |
| 429 | Δ | Leo I/CONOB |
| 464 | S | |
| 485 | H | Leo I/CONOB |
| 511 | I | |
| 486 | H | Leo I/CONOB |
| 487 | H | |
| 557 | Γ | Zeno/CONOB |
| 558 | Γ | |
| 564 | Γ | |
| 567 | Δ | Zeno/CONOB |
| 574 | Z | |
| 603 | A | Zeno/COMOB |
| 604 | A | |
| 606 | Γ | Zeno/COMOB |
| 607 | Γ | |
| 608 | Γ | Zeno/COMOB |
| 609 | Γ | |
| 610 | Γ | |
| 611 | Γ | |
| 636 | Δ | Anastasius/CONOB |
| 656 | I | |
| 681 | A | Anastasius/Ostrogothic |
| 686 | A | |
| 689 | A | Anastasius/Ostrogothic |
| 690 | A | |
| 737 | I | Justinian I/CONOB |
| 738 | I |
[ ] Brackets indicate obverse and reverse die links, respectively.
| Cat. No. | Area | Find No. | Mint | Condition | Remarks | |
| Valentinian III | ||||||
| 36 | MS | 19b | Rome | fair | Plate XIX | |
| 37 | Ö | 115 | Rome | worn | Plate XIX | |
| 40 | Ö | 99 | Rome | worn | Plate XIX | |
| 41 | Ö | 115 | Rome | fair | Plate XIX | |
| 44 | Ö | 39 | Rome | worn | ||
| 45 | Ö | 108b | Rome | worn | ||
| 46 | Ö | 99 | Rome | good | ||
| Majorian | ||||||
| 104 | Ö | 86 | Milan | worn | ||
| 106 | G | 128a | Milan | v. worn | ||
| Libius Severus | ||||||
| 115 | Ö | 99 | Milan | worn | ||
| 116 | G | 170a | Milan | fair | ||
| 117 | Ö | 63 | Milan | fair | ||
| 119 | B | 212 | Milan | worn | ||
| 120 | Ö | 89 | Milan | worn |
| 121 | Ö | 115 | Rome | fair | ||
| 122 | Ö | 110c | Rome | good | ||
| 123 | Ö | 40a | Rome | fair | ||
| 124 | Ö | 40 c | Rome | fine | Plate XIX | |
| 125 | Ö | 80a | Rome | fine | Plate XIX | |
| 126 | Ö | 115 | Rome | fine | Plate XIX | |
| 127 | Ö | 115 | Rome | fine | Plate XIX | |
| 138 | Ö | 96a | Ravenna | good | Plate XIX | |
| 139 | Ö | 70b | Ravenna | worn | Plate XIX | |
| 140 | Ö | 60 | Ravenna | good | Plate XIX | |
| 141 | Ö | 118a | Ravenna | fair | Plate XIX | |
| Anthemius | ||||||
| 149 | B | 205 | Milan | fair | ||
| 150 | Ö | 90b | Milan | fair | ||
| 154 | Ö | 99 | Milan | good | ||
| 155 | Ö | 121c | Milan | worn | ||
| 168 | G | 135 | Ravenna | fair | ||
| 169 | Ö | 99 | Ravenna | v. fine | ||
| Glycerius | ||||||
| 173 | Ö | 90b | Ravenna | good | ||
| 174 | B | 212 | Ravenna | worn |
| Julius Nepos | ||||||
| 175 | G | 137b | Milan | worn | ||
| 176 | Ö | 85 | Milan | fair | ||
| Romulus Augustus | ||||||
| 185 | Ö | 84 | Milan | v. fine | ||
| 186 | MS | 16 | Milan | fair | ||
| 187 | Ö | 99 | Milan | v. fine | ||
| Theodosius II | ||||||
| 249 | G | 137b | CONOB | worn | Vot 30, off. S | |
| 252 | MS | 6 | CONOB | worn | Vot 30, off. S | |
| 271 | MS | 18 | CONOB | worn | Imp 42 | Plate XX |
| 272 | Ö | 99 | CONOB | fine | Imp 42 | Plate XX |
| 280 | MS | 6 | CONOB | worn | Imp 42 | |
| 281 | MS | 6 | CONOB | worn | Imp 42 | |
| 296 | Ö | 62 | COMOB | worn | Imp 42, off. — (Δ) | Plate XX |
| 330 | Ö | 112 | COMOB | worn | Imp 42, off. Δ (—) | Plate XX |
| Leo I | ||||||
| 378 | Ö | 99 | CONOB | fine | off. A (Γ, ∊) | Plate XXV |
| 406 | Ö | 55a | CONOB | fair | off. B | |
| 407 | Ö | 99 | CONOB | fair | off. B |
| 408 | Ö | 99 | CONOB | v. fine | off. B | Plate XXV |
| 409 | Ö | 99 | CONOB | v. fine | off. B | Plate XXV |
| 410 | Ö | 99 | CONOB | fine | off. B | Plate XXV |
| 412 | B | 205 | CONOB | worn | off. Γ | |
| 420 | Ö | 99 | CONOB | v. fine | off. Γ (A, ∊) | Plate XXV |
| 421 | MS | 6 | CONOB | fair | off. Γ | |
| 422 | Ö | 90b | CONOB | fair | off. Γ | Plate XX |
| 423 | Ö | 113b | CONOB | v. fine | off. Γ | Plate XX |
| 427 | G | 164a | CONOB | fine | off. Δ | Plate IX |
| 428 | B | 218 | CONOB | fair | off. Δ | Plate IX |
| 429 | Ö | 99 | CONOB | worn | off. Δ (S) | Plate XX |
| 432 | Ö | 92d | CONOB | fair | off. Δ | |
| 438 | MS | 6 | CONOB | fair | off. Δ | |
| 441 | Ö | 99 | CONOB | v. fine | off. ∊ (A, Γ) | Plate XXV |
| 442 | Ö | 99 | CONOB | fine | off. ∊ (A, Γ) | Plate XXV |
| 443 | ö | 99 | CONOB | fine | off. ∊ (A, Γ) | Plate XXV |
| 444 | ö | 99 | CONOB | worn | off. ∊ | |
| 445 | G | 137b | CONOB | worn | off. ∊ | |
| 464 | Ö | 78b | CONOB | good | off. S (Δ) | Plate XX |
| 469 | Ö | 49 | CONOB | fine | off. S | |
| 470 | Ö | 99 | CONOB | fine | off. S | |
| 471 | Ö | 99 | CONOB | good | off. S | |
| 472 | Ö | 86 | CONOB | good | off. S | |
| 473 | G | 182g | CONOB | fair | off. S |
| 485 | Ö | 93a | CONOB | worn | off. H (I) | Plate XIX |
| 486 | D | 193 | CONOB | good | off. H | Plate XXV |
| 487 | Ö | 78a | CONOB | v. fine | off. H | Plate XIX |
| 511 | Ö | 42 | CONOB | v. fine | off. I (H) | Plate XIX |
| 536 | B | 215a | Ravenna | worn | Plate XIX | |
| 537 | Ö | 115 | Ravenna | fair | Plate XIII | |
| Zeno | ||||||
| 557 | G | 182k | CONOB | fair | off. Γ | |
| 558 | B | 122 | CONOB | fair | off. Γ | |
| 564 | MS | 6 | CONOB | worn | off. Γ | |
| 567 | G | 137b | CONOB | worn | off. Δ(Z) | Plate XXV |
| 574 | MS | 6 | CONOB | worn | off. Z (Δ) | Plate XXV |
| 603 | Ö | 66 | COMOB | fair | off. A | |
| 604 | D | 194 | COMOB | worn | off. A | |
| 606 | G | 137b | COMOB | worn | off. Γ | Plate XIX |
| 607 | G | 151 | COMOB | v. worn | off. Γ | Plate XIX |
| 608 | B | 205 | COMOB | worn | off. Γ | |
| 609 | B | 203 | COMOB | worn | off. Γ | |
| 610 | MS | 6 | COMOB | good | off. Γ | Plate XIX |
| 611 | MS | 6 | COMOB | worn | off. Γ | Plate XIX |
| Anastasius | ||||||
| 630 | G | 122 | COMOB | worn | off. A | 1st issue |
| 631 | G | 180 | CONOB | good | off. A | 1st issue |
| 636 | G | 135 | CONOB | fair | off. Δ (I) | 1st issue |
| 650 | Ö | 47c | CONOB | fair | off. I | 1st issue |
| 651 | B | 212 | CONOB | fair | off. I | 1st issue |
| 656 | MS | 21 | CONOB | worn | off. I (Δ) | 1st issue |
| 681 | G | 179a | Rome | fair | off. A, Ostro. | |
| 686 | G | 144 | Rome | good | off. A, Ostro. | |
| 687 | G | 137b | Rome | v. fine | off. A, Ostro. | |
| 688 | G | 122 | Rome | worn | off. A, Ostro. | |
| 689 | G | 179a | Rome | fair | off. A, Ostro. | |
| 690 | G | 153b | Rome | good | off. A, Ostro. | |
| 692 | G | 174 | Rome | v. worn | off. ⊖, Ostro. | |
| 695 | G | 137b | Rome | fair | off. ⊖, Ostro. | |
| 696 | MS | 6 | Rome | fair | off. ⊖, Ostro. | |
| 697 | MS | 6 | Rome | fine | off. ⊖, Ostro. | |
| 716 | G | 137b | Rome | worn | Uncer, imit. | |
| 717 | G | 122 | v. worn | Uncer, imit. | ||
| Justinian I | ||||||
| 737 | G | 170b | CONOB | fine | off. I | Plate XII |
| 738 | G | 162 c | CONOB | v. good | off. I | Plate XII |
| Cat. No. | Area | Find No. | Mint | Condition | Remarks | |
| Imitations of Honorius | ||||||
| 22 | G | 137b | fair | Plate XIII | ||
| 23 | B | 212 | fair | Plate XIII | ||
| 24 | G | 182a | fair | Plate XIII | ||
| 25 | G | 127 | v. worn | Plate XIII | ||
| 26 | G | 137b | good | Plate XIII | ||
| 27 | G | 137b | worn | Plate XIII | ||
| Imitations of Theodosius II | ||||||
| 340 | G | 122 | worn | Plate XV | ||
| 341 | G | 137b | fair | Plate XV | ||
| 342 | G | 137b | worn | Plate XV | ||
| Uncertain Imitations | ||||||
| 750 | B | 203 | worn | Plate XVIII | ||
| 751 | G | 159 | worn | Plate XVIII |
| 1 |
Imitations of Honorius also include some die identities but they are considered later than his reign for the reasons noted above, p. 9, and below,
p. 122.
|
| 2 |
The imitations of Anastasius are known to be contemporary with that emperor and thus are included with the official issues of Anastasius. Those of Honorius and Theodosius II, however, are known to be later than the respective reigns and have to be considered separately.
|
| 3 |
The empresses and Leontius, also, are without die identities but most of these are represented by one coin only.
|
| 4 |
The catalogue consists of 759 coins but of these, 33 are known by description only.
|
| 5 |
Only one issue is later; Boyce, op. cit., 135 notes a very rare solidus of Theodosius with the legend IMP XXXXIII COS XVIII (a.d. 445–446).
|
| 6 |
See conclusions, pp. 163 ff.
|
A number of the solidi in the Scandinavian finds had been made into jewelry, either by piercing the coin or by attaching a loop which made it possible to use the coin as a necklace or bracelet. The nature of the alteration varies from a very crudely pierced hole on the flan of the coin to a delicate and intricate border and loop attached to the coin. In most cases the loop was attached in such a way that the portrait of the coin would hang upright but there are several examples where the placing of the alteration indicates that the reverse type was of greater interest. The piercing was more carelessly done and most often neither obverse nor reverse is upright.
The pierced coins number 116 and are distributed on Öland (43), Gotland (43), the Swedish mainland (18), Bornholm (11) and Denmark, west of the Sound (1). Curiously, 21 of the pierced coins have been refilled and they are found on Gotland (10), Öland (6), Bornholm (2) and there are three specimens from Mainland Sweden, two of which also have borders and loops attached.
Coins with loops are less numerous than the pierced coins and are found almost exclusively outside of Öland, Gotland and Bornholm, the main depositories of the solidi. Three of the 27 looped, and thus permanently jeweled, coins are found on Gotland whereas 19 are from Denmark, west of the Sound and 5 are from the Swedish mainland.
Among the looped coins there are three types of alterations. The first is a group of five coins with more elaborate borders and loops. Three from Denmark are identical (Cat. Nos. 136, 147 and 541), each with a beaded border and a large, ornamental loop with high relief. They were found on Jutland, two at Jordrup and the third, close by, at Ejstrup.
At Skottgård, Timrå parish, in Medelpad were found two coins whose border and loop attachments are very similar to each other. The border of one of these coins (No. 317) has a herring-bone pattern while the other (No. 566) has an inner beaded border around which is a braided border. The loops are large and have parallel rows of spirals with a raised edge in the center. Both also have been pierced and refilled.
Very similar to these two Swedish finds are several specimens from the Continent. A solidus of Valentinian I from a grave find at Soest in Westfalen is almost identical to No. 566 and a coin of Justinian I from the same find has a similar but more elaborately worked spiral loop and braided border. 1 A third specimen from a barbaric grave in Italy shows a loop, very much like that on the Soest Justinian coin, attached to a barbaric triens of Justinian I. 2 Many of the Wieuwerd coins and objects also have similar loop and border arrangements. 3
A sixth coin should perhaps be placed with this group; No. 274 found on Zealand with a double beaded border and small gap where clearly a loop had once been attached.
The second type of jewelry alteration consists of a simple beaded border and a loop of varying degrees of craftsmanship. No. 460 is without a loop but traces of one are evident on the coin. There are no parallel cases with this type among the coins I have seen from Continental finds.
Finally, the third and most common type has no border at all but only a loop which is generally of better craftmanship than the loops of the second type above. Nos. 531 and 748 are more similar to the loops of the second group. The loops of the third type are characterized by several divisions marked by different levels of relief. Of particular interest in this class are the six coins of Elsehoved (Find No. 194) which, together with Nos. 93 and 458 of the second group, were found on Fyen with 9 gold spirals and other gold objects. The gold spirals are undoubtedly part of a necklace comprised of these eight solidi. From the differences in the loops and in the dates of the coins one suspects that the coins were obtained and added to the necklace at several intervals. Two coins of Majorian (457–461) and Leo I (457–474) have identical loops (Cat. Nos. 108 and 448). The Majorian piece is slightly more worn than the Leo but dates from the early part of Leo's reign; they were probably the first to be acquired, to judge from their date and condition. Later, four more coins were obtained: one of Zeno (474–491) slightly worn and three of Anastasius (491–518) in good condition, all with identical loops (Cat. Nos. 604, 655, 677 and 703). The two remaining pieces of Valentinian III (an imitation) and Leo I (Cat. Nos. 93 and 458) are different from the six just described for they have a beaded edge and a crudely worked loop of the second type discussed above. These two coins are very worn, particularly the Valentinian solidus, and for this reason were probably the last to be added to the necklace. Perhaps at this time the spirals, which are all identical, were made and the necklace created in its final form (Plate XXII).
Similar loops are noted among the many varieties of jeweled pieces in the Wieuwerd hoard 4 and on a solidus of Arcadius, also from Frisia. 5 Cruder loops are found on a coin from Frisia, 6 two from Niederselters 7 and two from Weimar. 8 The last are of Basiliscus and Marcus, Anastasius, Justin I (Ostrogothic), Zeno and Valentinian III, respectively.
Of particular significance in this examination of the jeweled coins is the distribution of the pierced but refilled coins as opposed to that of the permanently jeweled coins with loops. The refilled coins can only be the result of one intention—to restore the coin's original function as currency. 9 They are concentrated on Öland and Gotland while the permanently jeweled coins are found in the peripheral areas outside the Baltic islands where 85 per cent of the solidi finds occur. This distribution certainly suggests that the coins were circulated on Öland, Gotland and perhaps Bornholm. It would appear also that the two refilled and also looped coins found on Mainland Sweden probably arrived there already pierced and refilled and subsequently the loops and borders were attached. The third refilled coin from Mainland Sweden is from the Lillön hoard (Find No. 6). 10
| 1 |
P. Berghaus, "Die merowingischen Trienten von Altenwalde," Die Kunde 12, 1961, 46, no. 4.
|
| 2 |
A. Alföldi, "Le monete delle necropoli barbariche di Nocera Umbra e di Castel Trosino," Atti e Memorie dell'Istituto Italiano di numismatica V, 1925, 73.
|
| 3 |
J. Lafaurie, B. Jansen, A. N. Zadoks-Josephus Jitta, "Le trésor de Wieuwerd," Oudheidkundige mededelingen uit het Rijksmuseum van Oudheden te Leiden XLII, 1961, 78–107. For a discussion of other jeweled coins, see N. L. Rasmusson, "Were Medals of Merit Used and Worn in
Antiquity?" A A XVI, 1945, 211–22.
|
| 4 |
Ibid.
|
| 5 |
P. C. J. A. Boeles, Friesland tot de elfde eeuw, Zijn vóór- en vroege geschiedenis (2nd ed., 's-Gravenhage, 1951), Bijlage VIII, no. 5.
|
| 6 |
Ibid., no. 26.
|
| 7 |
Joachim
Werner, Münzdatierte austrasische Grabfunde (Berlin, Leipzig, 1935), Münzkatalog I, M 8 and 13.
|
| 8 |
Ibid., M 3 and 7.
|
| 9 |
Hauberg commented on these repairs and drew the same inference from them: that the coins were circulated in Scandinavia (see
p. 85). His work was overlooked by later writers, however, and T. J. Arne, in discussing a few of these coins in the Smiss
and Botes hoards, stated that the repairs must have been made in the country of origin, but in any case, not on Gotland where
one would expect rather that the piercing was done. Arne, A A 1931, 15.
|
Type I Elaborate border and loop
| Cat. No. | Issue | Find No., Area | |
| 136 | Libius Severus | 190, Jutland | Plate XXI |
| 147 | Libius Severus, imitation | 188, Jutland | Plate XXI |
| 274* | Theodosius II | 198, Zealand | Plate XXI |
| 317 | Theodosius II | 2, Medelpad | Plate XXI |
| 541 | Leo II/Zeno | 188, Jutland | Plate XXI |
| 566 | Zeno | 2, Medelpad | Plate XXI |
Type II Simple border and loop
| 85 | Valentinian III | 199, Zealand | Plate XXI |
| 93 | Valentinian III, imitation | 194, Fyen | Plate XXII |
| 184 | Julius Nepos, imitation | 186, Jutland | Plate XIV |
| 210 | Theodosius II | 195, Fyen | Plate XXI |
| 297 | Theodosius II | 14, Västergötland | Plate XXI |
| 324 | Theodosius II | 23, Skåne | Plate XXI |
| 458 | Leo I | 194, Fyen | Plate XXII |
| 460* | Leo I | 187, Jutland | |
| 639 | Anastasius | 176, Gotland | Plate XXVI |
Type III Loop only
| Cat. No. | Issue | Find No., Area | |
| 54* | Valentinian III | 137b, Gotland | |
| 108 | Majorian | 194, Fyen | Plate XXII |
| 262 | Theodosius II | 28, Skåne | |
| 448 | Leo I | 194, Fyen | Plate XXII |
| 493 | Leo I | 193, Fyen | Plate XXII |
| 531 | Leo I | 152, Gotland | Plate XXII |
| 604 | Zeno | 194, Fyen | Plate XXII |
| 655 | Anastasius | 194, Fyen | Plate XXII |
| 677 | Anastasius, imitation | 194, Fyen | Plate XXII |
| 703 | Anastasius, imitation | 194, Fyen | Plate XXII |
| 747 | Justinian I, imitation | 189, Jutland | Plate XXII |
| 748 | Justinian I, imitation (triens) | 201, Zealand |
| * |
loop missing.
|
| * |
loop missing.
|
| 10 |
See above, pp. 120–22, for a discussion of the origin of this hoard.
|
| 9 | Honorius | 86, Öland | |
| 13 | Honorius | 87, Öland | Plate I |
| 17 | Honorius | 18, Mainland Sweden | |
| 27 | Honorius, imitation | 137b, Gotland | Plate XIII |
| 46 | Valentinian III | 99, Öland | Plate II |
| 47* | Valentinian III | 72, Öland | Plate XXIII |
| 72* | Valentinian III | 51b, Öland | |
| 75 | Valentinian III | 212, Bornholm | |
| 89 | Valentinian III, imitation | 137b, Gotland | Plate XIII |
| 91 | Valentinian III, imitation | 55b, Öland | Plate XIII |
| 92* | Valentinian III, imitation | 205, Bornholm | Plate XIII |
| 99 | Majorian | 176, Gotland | Plate III |
| 105 (?) | Majorian | 137b, Gotland | |
| 121 | Libius Severus | 115, Öland | |
| 150 | Anthemius | 90b, Öland | |
| 158 | Anthemius | 100b, Öland | Plate V |
| 162 | Anthemius | 19c, Mainland Sweden | |
| 173 | Glycerius | 90b, Öland | Plate XXV |
| 174 | Glycerius | 212, Bornholm | Plate VI |
| 175* | Julius Nepos | 137b, Gotland | Plate VI |
| 183 | Julius Nepos, imitation | 192, Fyen | Plate XIV |
| 186 | Romulus Augustus | 16, Mainland Sweden | |
| 190 | Arcadius | 73, Öland | Plate I |
| 198 | Theodosius II | 214b, Bornholm | |
| 204 | Theodosius II | 203, Bornholm | |
| 206 | Theodosius II | 137b, Gotland | |
| 212 | Theodosius II | 80a, Öland | Plate VIII |
| 215 | Theodosius II | 61, Öland | |
| 220 | Theodosius II | 99, Öland | |
| 241* | Theodosius II | 70c, Öland | Plate XXIII |
| 245 | Theodosius II | 212, Bornholm | |
| 247 | Theodosius II | 18, Mainland Sweden | |
| 250 | Theodosius II | 179 c, Gotland | |
| 259 | Theodosius II | 68, Öland | |
| 267 | Theodosius II | 18, Mainland Sweden | |
| 268 | Theodosius II | 86, Öland | |
| 269* | Theodosius II | 121f, Öland | |
| 271 | Theodosius II | 18, Mainland Sweden | Plate XX |
| 275 | Theodosius II | 212, Bornholm | |
| 283 | Theodosius II | 62, Öland | Plate VII |
| 285*(?) | Theodosius II | 99, Öland | |
| 290 | Theodosius II | 54, Öland | Plate VIII |
| 291 | Theodosius II | 44, Öland | |
| 293 | Theodosius II | 212, Bornholm | |
| 298 | Theodosius II | 5, Mainland Sweden | |
| 314 | Theodosius II | 86, Öland | |
| 317* | Theodosius II | 2, Mainland Sweden | Plate XXI |
| 322 | Theodosius II | 15, Mainland Sweden | |
| 323 | Theodosius II | 72, Öland | |
| 325*(?) | Theodosius II | 6, Mainland Sweden | |
| 329 | Theodosius II | 86, Öland | Plate VIII |
| 333 | Eudocia | 62, Öland | |
| 334 | Pulcheria | 87, Öland | Plate VII |
| 340 | Theodosius II, imitation | 122, Gotland | Plate XV |
| 342 | Theodosius II, imitation | 137b, Gotland | Plate XV |
| 355 | Marcian | 99, Öland | |
| 384 | Leo I | 99, Öland | |
| 398* | Leo I | 137b, Gotland | Plate XXIII |
| 405 | Leo I | 3, Mainland Sweden | |
| 406 | Leo I | 55a, Öland | |
| 411 | Leo I | 121 g, Öland | |
| 415 | Leo I | 175c, Gotland | |
| 423 | Leo I | 113b, Öland | Plate XX |
| 436 | Leo I | 83, Öland | |
| 437 | Leo I | 18, Mainland Sweden | |
| 439 | Leo I | 115, Öland | |
| 453 | Leo I | 169, Gotland | |
| 456* | Leo I | 137b, Gotland | Plate XXIII |
| 462* | Leo I | 67, Öland | Plate XXIII |
| 464 | Leo I | 78b, Öland | Plate XX |
| 471 | Leo I | 99, Öland | |
| 474 | Leo I | 137 c, Gotland | |
| 476 | Leo I | 104, Öland | |
| 485 | Leo I | 93a, Öland | Plate XX |
| 489 | Leo I | 18, Mainland Sweden | |
| 508 | Leo I | 148, Gotland | |
| 517* | Leo I | 162a, Gotland | Plate XXIII |
| 527 | Leo I | 175b, Gotland | |
| 530 | Leo I | 80a, Öland | Plate XXIV |
| 546 | Zeno | 169, Gotland | |
| 550 | Zeno | 169, Gotland | |
| 556 | Zeno | 169, Gotland | |
| 561 | Zeno | 13, Mainland Sweden | |
| 566* | Zeno | 2, Mainland Sweden | Plate XXI |
| 568 | Zeno | 137b, Gotland | Plate X |
| 573 | Zeno | 137b, Gotland | |
| 581 | Zeno | 71, Öland | |
| 589 | Zeno | 6, Mainland Sweden |
| 592* | Zeno | 181, Gotland | Plate XXIII |
| 615 | Zeno | 212, Bornholm | Plate XXXII |
| 616 | Zeno | 182j, Gotland | Plate XVI |
| 620 | Basiliscus | 8, Mainland Sweden | |
| 630* | Anastasius | 122, Gotland | Plate XXIX |
| 634 | Anastasius | 171, Gotland | |
| 639* | Anastasius | 176, Gotland | Plate XXVI |
| 650 | Anastasius | 47c, Öland | Plate XI |
| 653 | Anastasius | 1820, Gotland | Plate XI |
| 659 | Anastasius | 143, Gotland | |
| 660 | Anastasius | 122, Gotland | Plate XXIX |
| 664 | Anastasius | 179a, Gotland | Plate XXIX |
| 683 | Anastasius | 177, Gotland | Plate XVII |
| 685 | Anastasius | 179a, Gotland | Plate XXIX |
| 692* | Anastasius | 174, Gotland | Plate XXIII |
| 693* | Anastasius | 220, Bornholm | Plate XXXII |
| 708 | Anastasius | 163, Gotland | Plate XVII |
| 717* | Anastasius | 122, Gotland | Plate XXX |
| 719 | Anastasius | 219, Bornholm | Plate XXXIII |
| 722 | Justin I | 88b, Öland | Plate XII |
| 731 | Justinian I | 140, Gotland | Plate XII |
| 732 | Justinian I | 172, Gotland | Plate XII |
| 736 | Justinian I | 122, Gotland | Plate XXX |
| 739 | Justinian I | 122, Gotland | Plate XXX |
| 741 | Justinian I | 122, Gotland | Plate XXX |
| 749* | Theodebert | 122, Gotland | Plate XXX |
| 754 | Uncertain imitation | 18, Mainland Sweden | Plate XVIII |
| 758 | Uncertain imitation | 138, Gotland | Plate XVIII |
| Öland | 43, 6 refilled | ||
| Gotland | 43, 10 refilled | ||
| Bornholm | 11, 2 refilled | ||
| Mainland Sweden | 18, 3 refilled | ||
| Fyen | 1 |
| * |
refilled.
|
A number of the solidi in the Scandinavian finds have been mutilated by a mark on the face of the emperor's portrait. Thirty-six
coins effaced in this way have been identified and undoubtedly there are others which cannot be determined with certainty
because of the degree of wear of the coins. Some disfiguration is also visible on the reverse exactly opposite the obverse
mark that must have been made with the same blow that was struck the obverse. The marks are always the same (
) and seem to be deliberate.
The mutilated solidi are all of eastern emperors and all with facing portraits. They are of Theodosius II (11), Marcian (2), Leo I (15), Zeno (2), Basiliscus and Marcus (1), Anastasius (3) and Justinian I (2).
Mutilations of a different type, found on other coinages, have been interpreted as test marks. The Viking coins, for example, often bear notches or fine incisions on or near the edge of the coin. 11 In a hoard of Alexanders from North Serbia, most of the coins have a gash on the flan. 12
That the mutilations on the solidi are test marks is at first the reasonable explanation but there are other considerations. First, the marks are unlike any of the usual type of test mark. Second, the mutilations are invariably on the face of the emperor. Also, they are found only on eastern emperors' coins, those issues with facing portraits. The western emperors escaped unscathed.
Solidi from Continental finds have revealed a few similar specimens. Two coins of Leo I and Theodosius II from Caseburg in Poland are mutilated, one Basiliscus in the Lyon collection, one Leo I in Trier and one Theodosius II in the Budapest collection. Only the Caseburg coins have verified find places. Still other coins in the Scandinavian finds and from Continental collections appear to have been deliberate- ly effaced in other ways, by filing or rubbing, the result being the same—obliteration of the portrait. If this also was the intention, it may have political implications. 13 The facts do not suggest that the mutilations were made in Scandinavia; they are common among the Scandinavian material but a few coins from Continental collections are known also. Whether they are test marks or deliberate mutilations, it would seem more probable that they were made by peoples living close to the empire and perhaps by those who were the intermediaries in the contact between Scandinavia and the South.
In addition to these mutilations, graffiti of various kinds are often found on the coins. They have not been noted in the
catalogue for the record is undoubtedly incomplete. Some were apparent from the photographs but the coins themselves should
be examined, preferably under a microscope. Examples of these graffiti are N, H, +, X, P, N, Z, 
, ⋈, 
, ⏥. In some cases there is a resemblance to Runic characters.
14
| 11 |
See Ulla S. Linder Welin, "Graffiti on Oriental Coins in Swedish Viking Age Hoards," Meddelanden från Lunds universitets historiska museum 1955–1956, 149–71.
|
| 12 |
Virginia Joyce Hunter, "A Third Century Hoard from Serbia and its Significance for Celtic History," ANSMN 13 (in press). The gashes, which are rather wide and deep, are always on the obverse. Similar gashes appear on Roman aurei
found in India. See Sir Mortimer Wheeler, Rome Beyond the Imperial Frontiers (New York, 1955), p. 139.
|
| Cat. No. | Issue | Find No. | |
| 203 | Theodosius II, Vot 20, CONOB | 115 | |
| 232 | Theodosius II, Vot 30, CONOB | 137b | |
| 241 | Theodosius II, Vot 30, CONOB | 70c | Plate XXIII |
| 250 | Theodosius II, Vot 30, CONOB | 179c | |
| 252 | Theodosius II, Vot 30, CONOB | 6 | |
| 258 | Theodosius II, Vot 30, CONOB | 212 | |
| 260 | Theodosius II, Vot 30, CONOB | 58 | |
| 266 | Theodosius II, Vot 30, CONOB | 212 | |
| 307 | Theodosius II, Imp 42, COMOB | 220 | Plate XXIII |
| 310 | Theodosius II, Imp 42, COMOB | 215a | |
| 316 | Theodosius II, Imp 42, COMOB | 156a | |
| 371 | Marcian, CONOB | 115 | |
| 374 | Marcian, CONOB | 6 |
| Cat. No. | Issue | Find No. | |
| 382 | Leo I, CONOB | 137b | |
| 383 | Leo I, CONOB | 137b | |
| 396 | Leo I, CONOB | 212 | |
| 401 | Leo I, CONOB | 137b | |
| 414 | Leo I, CONOB | 193 | Plate XXIII |
| 417 | Leo I, CONOB | 137b | |
| 431 | Leo I, CONOB | 212 | |
| 433 | Leo I, CONOB | 115 | |
| 461 | Leo I, CONOB | 26 | |
| 462 | Leo I, CONOB | 67 | Plate XXIII |
| 484 | Leo I, CONOB | 137b | |
| 488 | Leo I, CONOB | 137b | Plate XXIII |
| 502 | Leo I, CONOB | 130b | Plate XXIII |
| 510 | Leo I, CONOB | 137b | |
| 513 | Leo I, CONOB | 6 | |
| 564 | Zeno, CONOB | 6 | |
| 578 | Zeno, CONOB | 137b | |
| 628 | Basiliscus/Marcus, CONOB | 154 | Plate XI |
| 634 | Anastasius, CONOB | 171 | |
| 647 | Anastasius, CONOB | 6 | Plate XXXI |
| 658 | Anastasius, CONOB | 176 | Plate XXVI |
| 732 | Justinian I, CONOB | 172 | Plate XII |
| 736 | Justinian I, CONOB | 122 | Plate XXX |
| 13 |
An example of a political mutilation is discussed by Michael Dolley, "Odium Numismaticum—Two Ultonian Manifestations," in
Numismatic Circular Sept. 1965, 183–84.
|
| 14 |
See p. 10, n. 13.
|
Examining the relative wear of the solidi has yielded information of some importance. The coins were graded very fine, fine, good, fair, worn or very worn. Admittedly, the hazards involved in assigning such ratings—from photographs—are very great, for both profile and facing portraits, a variety of reverse types, poor strikings and defective dies, as well as deliberate mutilations had to be taken into account. Nevertheless, it was felt necessary to undertake the study and although many of the assigned ratings may be debatable, the relative significance of the figures cannot be distorted by any changes.
What was evident, first of all, was a marked geographical distinction in the degree of wear of the coins; the coins found on Öland are much superior as a group to the coins from any of the other areas, particularly Gotland and Bornholm. Öland's coins range from very fine to very worn as do the coins of the other areas but they reveal a higher concentration in the better condition groups with a low precentage rated very worn. The table below illustrates this:
| a.d. 395–565 | v. fine/fine | good | fair | worn | v. worn | good: bad |
| Öland | 19% | 21% | 32% | 24% | 4% | 40:60% |
| Gotland | 4 | 8 | 29 | 45 | 14 | 12:88 |
| Bornholm | 1 | 4 | 21 | 60 | 14 | 5:95 |
| Mainland Sweden 15 | 9 | 12 | 29 | 30 | 20 | 21:79 |
| Denmark, west of the Sound | 10 | 17 | 10 | 35 | 28 | 27:73 |
It is clear, at any rate, that the coins as a whole show signs of wear. About fifty per cent of the total of all the coins have been rated worn or very worn while another forty per cent show signs of wear. Only ten per cent have been rated very fine or fine and come close to being uncirculated.
Thus, at some stage in their history, between the time they left the mint and the time they became buried treasure, most of these coins had been circulated. It becomes apparent, also, that they must have been circulated in Scandinavia and, more precisely, on Öland, Gotland and Bornholm. The evidence allows no other interpretation. First, the existence of die identities among the solidi indicates that some of the coins at least must have arrived soon after being issued, particularly those of Libius Severus and Leo I where four and five coins from the same die are found. Taking the identical dies of Leo as an illustration, 6 are worn, 10 fair, 4 good, and 6 very fine. Thus, most of them are in fairly good condition but a considerable number are worn. The condition of any two die-linked coins also varies and it is unlikely that such variance in condition could occur before the coins arrived in Scandinavia and identical dies still be as numerous as they are. More important, there is the indisputable evidence that the Öland coins as a group are in better condition than the Gotland and Bornholm coins—a distinction that could not have been determined before the coins arrived in Scandinavia. In connection with this, also, is the significant distribution of the jeweled coins in which the permanently jeweled coins with loops are found almost exclusively in areas other than the main depositories of the solidi (Öland, Gotland and Bornholm) whereas the pierced but refilled coins are found, with three exceptions, on Öland, Gotland and Bornholm.
Thus, several factors point to the same conclusion, namely that the coins were circulated on Öland, Gotland and Bornholm. The coins on Öland are less worn undoubtedly because the hoards were deposited on that island before 480 while those of Gotland and Bornholm were not buried until sometime in the sixth century.
One other factor, however, must be considered. The coins on Gotland and Bornholm are most numerous for the period after Leo I, whereas the importation on Öland ceases at this time. Assuming a change in the source of the solidi under Zeno (as was suggested in the study of the identical dies, p. 113), this could possibly account for the geographical distinctions in the degree of wear if, under Zeno and his successors, the imported solidi were obtained from the currency in circulation within the empire and not from direct payments as before. Thus, it is of importance to examine only those coins which date before the reign of Zeno, most of which presumably were introduced contemporaneously. The figures are as follows:
| a.d. 395–476 | v. fine/fine | good | fair | worn | v. worn | good:bad |
| Öland | 19% | 21% | 32% | 24% | 4% | 40:60% |
| Gotland | 1 | 4 | 23 | 56 | 16 | 5:95 |
| Bornholm | 1 | 3 | 17 | 63 | 16 | 4:96 |
| Mainland Sweden 16 | 3 | 12 | 29 | 32 | 24 | 15:85 |
| Denmark, west of the Sound | 15 | 5 | 10 | 35 | 35 | 20:80 |
The geographical distinctions are still apparent and it is of interest that, in this period when Gotland and Bornholm were in the same position in regard to Öland's primacy, the coins reveal a similar distribution in the degree of wear. In contrast, the first table covering all the coins indicated a higher percentage of worn coins on Bornholm even though the activity continued as long if not longer on Gotland than it did on Bornholm. A possible explanation for this is that Bornholm played a secondary rôle in the solidi activity during the entire period and received solidi only after they had already received some circulation—first on Öland during that island's primacy and later on Gotland. No doubt because of this one rarely finds a specimen in very fine or fine condition on Bornholm. This, of course, increases the percentage of the worn coins.
The coins from Mainland Sweden and Denmark, west of the Sound also show a certain amount of wear but this too may be because the coins most probably reached these areas only after having received some circulation on Öland and Gotland and the wear of these coins does not indicate additional circulation in these peripheral areas as well. The prevalence of the permanently jeweled coins in these parts also indicates that the solidi were more often valued as jewelry. 17 The coins from these areas are too few to attach any significance to the figures but it may be noted that the ratio of good coins is slightly higher in these areas than on Gotland and Bornholm perhaps because the coins did not receive additional circulation in these areas.
| 15 |
The Lillön hoard (Find No. 6) is included in these figures although it has been suggested above (pp. 120–22) that it was
originally formed on Gotland. Without the Lillön coins, the ratio of good to bad coins is 13:87%.
|
| 16 |
Without Lillön the ratio is 16:84%.
|
| 17 |
This is particularly true of Denmark, west of the Sound where 19 of the 29 coins are looped and one other is pierced. About
half of the Swedish mainland finds, excluding the Lillön hoard, are looped or pierced.
|
By the fact of their deposit in the earth, most of the finds can be labeled hoards but this term is generally applied to a find consisting of several coins and the exact number which might constitute a hoard is, by necessity, arbitrarily set. For the purpose of this study any find consisting of five or more solidi is considered a hoard. The distinction is necessary for it is only multiple finds whose approximate burial dates can be determined. 1 Needless to say, the larger the hoard the greater the certainty with which the burial date is determined by the latest coin. With five coins as the minimum number for a hoard, the solidi finds include 7 hoards from Öland, 10 from Gotland and 6 from Bornholm, most of which consist of well over five coins.
The hoard material is particularly important for dating the warfare which occurred on the Baltic islands toward the end of the Migration Age. Archaeological excavations on Öland, Gotland and Bornholm have disclosed evidence of the destruction, burning and abandonment of the sites in this period. 2 The exact date or dates of these attacks are determined above all by the coin material which, however, has been interpreted differently by scholars.
It is apparent from the finds that the importation of solidi ceased on Öland before it did on Gotland and Bornholm and the statistics would seem to indicate that this occurred soon after the reign of Leo I (see Table C, p. 109). Eighty coins of Leo are known for Öland but only 7 of his successor Zeno, 1 of Basiliscus, 1 of Anastasius, 1 of Justin I and 1 of Justinian I. Elsewhere in Scandinavia 85 solidi of Zeno are known yet up till this time Öland had revealed the bulk of the solidi (see p. 105). The hoard evidence is more conclusive for none of the late fifth or sixth century coins are included in them. The two latest hoards are also the largest Öland hoards and both have a terminus post quern of 475; Find No. 99 closes with a coin of Romulus Augustus (475–476) and No. 115 with a coin of Basiliscus (475–476). A third hoard, No. 90b, has a terminus post quern of 473 closing with a coin of Glycerius (473–474). Four other hoards close with Leo I (457–474) whose long reign makes it difficult to be precise with dates. Each of these, however, has several coins of Leo accompanied by single specimens usually of other emperors which suggests a time well into Leo's reign for the deposit. Three of these four hoards contain coins of contemporary western emperors as well, Anthemius and Libius Severus, which give a terminus post quem of 467 in two cases and 461 in the other. Thus, two hoards are definitely after 475, one after 473, two after 467, one after 461 and one after 457. 3
Although the largest hoards have to be after 475, others might have been deposited earlier and this fact has led to a controversy concerning the date of the attacks on Öland. Bolin has suggested a period of forty years between 450–490 for the deposit of the hoards and thus for the warfare. 4 Werner, on the other hand, thought it probable that all the Öland hoards, early and late, were deposited on one occasion as a result of a catastrophe which occurred between 480 and 490. 5 Stenberger, in 1933, dated Öland's catastrophe to
| terminus post quem | Find No. | Latest coin |
| 475 | 85 | Romulus Augustus |
| 474 | 46b | Zeno |
| 473 | 72 | Glycerius |
| 461 | 63 | Libius Severus |
| 110C | Libius Severus | |
| 457 | 42 | Leo I |
| 62 | Majorian | |
| 443 | 112 | Theodosius II, Imp 42 Cos 17 |
| 425 | 82 | Valentinian III |
| 408 | 53 | Theodosius II |
Three of the seven hoards close after 473/5, however, and these include the two largest hoards. The earlier hoards cannot be clearly associated with an attack for they are also the smallest ones and a less reliable index of the date of deposit. Furthermore, the four "early" hoards include coins of Leo and can thus be as late as the other three. The two latest hoards, which are also the largest by far, have a terminus post quern of 475 and it must have been after this date that the destruction took place bringing to a close the import of solidi.
How soon after 475 is another problem. Bolin, in dating the warfare on Öland, extended the attacks down to ca. 490. Werner and Stenberger also, noting that 15 coins of the period 474–491 were known on Öland whereas 38 from the same period were known on Gotland, concluded that the coin stream must have ended in the late reign of Zeno and before Anastasius. 7 The present tabulation records 16 coins from Öland for the period 474–491 but of these only 7 are of Zeno which could thus be as late as 491 while the others are of Julius Nepos 2, Romulus Augustus 3, Leo II and Zeno 3, and Basiliscus 1, none of which is later than 476. With only 7 coins of Zeno on Öland (and only one of these in a multiple find) and 85 elsewhere in Scandinavia, including 32 on Gotland, a date rather early in Zeno's reign is indicated.
The condition of the late coins in the latest hoards is of prime importance to this question (see Plate XXV). No. 99 closes with a solidus of Romulus Augustus (a.d. 475–476, Cat. No. 187) in very fine condition and includes one of Leo II/Zeno (a.d. 474, Cat. No. 543) in good condition and 26 of Leo (a.d. 457–474), several of which are in very fine or fine condition. No. 115 closes with a solidus of Basiliscus (a.d. 475–476, Cat. No. 623) in fine condition. Both hoards must have been deposited soon after 476. One other hoard closes slightly earlier but its latest coin shows a little more wear: No. 90b with a coin of Glycerius (a.d. 474, Cat. No. 173) in good condition. This hoard must have been deposited about the same time as Nos. 99 and 115. The actual date of deposit of the other hoards can only be estimated but the degree of wear of some of the coins in the hoards would not preclude a period of circulation for them into the 470s. 8 In addition, many of the smaller multiple finds show sufficient wear to place them in this decade also. Two finds, Nos. 46b and 85, would seem to be somewhat later. 9 Consisting of three and two coins respectively, they are not sufficient evidence for extending the disaster on Öland into the next decade.
Of interest also is the distribution of the short-reigned emperors in the Scandinavian finds. In the study of the identical dies it was shown that Öland was the primary receiving and distributing center through the reign of Leo and had the greatest number of solidi of all the Scandinavian areas for that period, while Gotland held the same position in the period following. The years immediately after the reign of Leo were critical ones for Öland and thus an examination of the distribution of the short-reigned emperors of these years might well reveal a more definite date for the end of the import on Öland.
Three of the Öland hoards close with short-reigned emperors and the distribution of these solidi elsewhere in Scandinavia is as follows:
| Ö | G | B | MS | ||
| No. 90b | Glycerius (473–474) | 2 | 1 | ||
| No. 99 | Leo II/Zeno (474) | 3 | 1 | ||
| Romulus Augustus | 3 | 1 | |||
| (Oct. 475–Sept. 476) | |||||
| No. 115 | Basiliscus, alone | 1 | 2 | 1 | 4 10 |
| (Jan. 475–?) | |||||
| with Marcus | 1 | 1 | |||
| (?–Aug. 476) |
Öland still has the bulk of the solidi of Glycerius, Leo II and Zeno and Romulus Augustus but has only one coin of Basiliscus while seven others are found elsewhere in Scandinavia. From the joint reign of Basiliscus and Marcus, Öland has no solidi. Romulus Augustus and Basiliscus (including Marcus) were contemporary and both reigns ended at the same time, yet the coins of Romulus are concentrated on Öland while most of those of the eastern emperor Basiliscus would seem to have arrived after Öland's hoards had been deposited, at a time when the stream was directed to Gotland. These coins are not numerous but the pattern of their distribution as it now stands also points to 476/77 as the critical period for the solidi activity on Öland.
To sum up, all indications are that the importation of solidi on Öland ceased soon after 476, undoubtedly as a consequence of attacks which forced the coins into the ground and brought to a close the activity on that island. The evidence of Hoards 99 and 115 established a terminus post quem of 475 for the disaster and the condition of the latest coins in the hoards indicated that they must have been deposited soon after this. Comparative statistics for finds of Zeno on Öland and Gotland also revealed that the import of Öland must have ended early in the reign of Zeno. Finally, the pattern of distribution of the short reigned emperors pointed to a critical period in Öland's history at this same time.
A period of warfare on Öland previous to this cannot be determined from the hoard material. Although the terminus post quem of the "early" hoards is 467 in two instances, 461 in one and 457 in one, none of these hoards can be precisely dated and all can be as late as the 470s. Furthermore, they contain coins in various degrees of wear which would preclude a date of deposit as early as the terminus post quem in each case.
Nor can the disaster on Öland be extended down as late as 490. If a few coins, because of their condition, would seem to have been circulated beyond the late 470s they are either (a) survivals of the disaster which were deposited under other circumstances or (b) stray imports such as the three sixth century coins which found their way to Öland long after its activity had ended.
| 1 |
Earlier studies of the solidi often include as hoards, finds of two or more solidi and also finds of gold objects with a
single solidus. Such finds are hoards by the fact of their deposit in the earth but they have little or no value as hoards
when used to date the deposit of the coins.
|
| 2 |
See Stenberger,
Öland; Nerman,
Gotland
; Stenberger, Vallhagar; Klindt-Jensen,
Bornholm
.
|
| 3 |
These are hoards of at least five solidi. Including those deposits of two to four coins, there are six hoards with a terminus post quem of 473/5, two of 467, three of 461, three of 457, one of 443, one of 425 and one of 408. These finds are as follows:
|
| 4 |
Bolin, Fynden av romerska mynt i det fria Germanien, pp. 248–53.
|
| 5 |
Werner, Fornvännen 44, 1949, 260.
|
| 6 |
Stenberger,
Öland, p. 211; Vallhagar, pp. 1171–72.
|
| 7 |
Stenberger, Vallhagar, p. 1162; Werner, Fornvännen 44, 1949, 159–60.
|
| 8 | |
| 9 |
No. 46b, one coin of Zeno, fair: No. 85, one coin of Julius Nepos and one of Romulus Augustus, both fair (Plate XXIV).
|
| 10 |
Three of the four are from the Lillön hoard (Find No. 6) which was shown above (pp. 120–22) to have been most probably a
hoard transferred from Gotland.
|
With the destruction of Öland about 476/77 the solidi stream was directed to Gotland which became the primary receiving center for the solidi. The stream continued to Gotland into the reign of Justinian I and single finds later than this do not occur. 11 However, the activity was very much limited after Anastasius, both in the import of coins and in their circulation on Gotland. Eight coins of Justin I and 14 of Justinian I are known whereas 74 of Anastasius have been recorded for Gotland. Moreover, the coins of Anastasius are found all over the island but those of Justin and Justinian are found only in the southern and central parts where the bulk of the solidi finds occur and there are none in the northern area which has revealed a. few finds from Leo to Anastasius. It is possible that the activity was interrupted by circumstances which affected the northern part earlier than central and southern Gotland but it is more likely that the activity on the island had declined to the extent that these latest coins did not penetrate the north. Coins dating from before Gotland's primacy are not found in the north either and it is only during the peak of the activity on Gotland that they also penetrated this area.
Archaeological remains attest to a period of warfare on the island similar to but evidently less catastrophic than that on Öland earlier. 12 This is reflected in the hoards, for the evidence of a uniform date of deposit is less apparent than it was for Öland. The two latest hoards, close with Justinian I. No. 122 with 25 coins includes 7 of Justinian and one of Theodebert; late issues of Justinian are represented (see Plates XXIX–XXX). Most of the coins in the hoard are worn or very worn including the latest ones and several have been bent or folded over. The existence of late issues of Justinian I gives a terminus post quern of about 540 13 and the degree of wear of these late coins indicates a date of deposit beyond this time and after the import to Scandinavia had ceased. The coin of Theodebert, pierced and refilled, also indicates continued circulation of these coins in Scandinavia. The other late hoard, No. 179a, includes one coin of Justinian (Ostrogothic) in good condition and four of Anastasius: 3 Ostrogothic, all fair, and one second official issue, fair (see Plate XXIX). On the basis of relative wear this hoard would seem to have been deposited much earlier than No. 122. Both hoards are unusual in their composition and reveal the same lacunae: No. 122 has 8 coins from the period 395–457, no coins of Leo or his western contemporaries (the period of greatest import to Scandinavia), 1 of Zeno, 8 of Anastasius, none of Justin I, 7 of Justinian and 1 of Theodebert; No. 179a also has no coins from 457–474 or from 518–527, but it is a much smaller hoard and gaps would not be so unusual.
Two other hoards close with Justin I. One of these, No. 137b (Plates XXVII–XXVIII), is the largest Gotland hoard with 82 solidi and its four coins of Justin are very fine, fine (Ostrogothic issues), and two good (second official issue). The Anastasius pieces range from very fine to worn with a concentration of fair and worn coins. The hoard was probably deposited late in the reign of Justin or early in the reign of Justinian. No. 156a, containing 5 coins, includes an Ostrogothic issue of Justin I in good condition. The two solidi of Anastasius in the hoard, both of the second official issue, are fair (Plate XXVI). Its date of deposit could be approximately the same as that of No. 137b.
Five hoards close with Anastasius but the condition of the latest pieces suggests a period of circulation beyond that time (Plate XXVI): No. 130b with a Frankish imitation of Anastasius in fair condition; No. 135 with 5 coins of Anastasius—1 Ostrogothic issue, good, and 4 of the first imperial issue, fair; No. 147 with one coin of the second official issue, worn. The condition of these coins corresponds to those in No. 137 b. At least the coins of Anastasius in the latter hoard are no more worn than the coins in this group which, accordingly, could have been deposited about the same time. No. 176, also closing with Anastasius, has one worn coin and one very worn coin from the first official issue of that emperor. This hoard too must post-date Anastasius and is perhaps somewhat later than the above group. 14
One other hoard remains to be considered: Find No. 6 from Lillön on the Swedish mainland (Plate XXXI). It was suggested above (pp. 120–22) that this hoard was originally formed on Gotland and was transferred to the Swedish mainland. The hoard contains 10 coins of Anastasius of which 5 are fine to very fine, 1 good, 3 fair and 1 very worn (an imitation of uncertain origin). The last indicates extensive circulation and regardless of the very fine coins in this hoard, it also must be later than Anastasius.
In summary, there would seem to be one period in Gotland's history during which the bulk of the hoards were deposited and which can be identified with attacks on the island. Two later hoards indicate that the import of solidi continued until late in the reign of Justinian I but the coins of one of these, No. 122, must have circulated for some time after the import had ended. With only one other hoard containing a coin of Justinian, it is not possible to state whether further attacks occasioned the deposit of these hoards or whether, having survived the earlier attacks, they were deposited under other circumstances.
At any rate, a period of warfare beginning as early as 500 as suggested by Bolin 15 is not evident nor does it seem possible that all the hoards were deposited after 550 as Werner believed. 16 The majority of the hoards would seem to have been buried about 530 plus or minus a few years, as a result of warfare. That this did not interrupt the import completely is apparent from the existence of later coins, but when the source of supply was cut off late in the reign of Justinian, the activity within Scandinavia, for all practical purposes, came to a close.
| 11 |
A solidus of Phocas has been found in Sweden. See p. ix, n. 2.
|
| 12 |
See Stenberger, Vallhagar, p. 1161.
|
| 13 |
See p. 75, n. 90.
|
| 14 |
The coins of a fifth hoard closing with Anastasius (Find No. 166) are not available. Find No. 136, closing with Basiliscus, is also not available. The smallei multiple finds close with Justin I (Find No. 178), Anastasius (No. 158), Zeno (Nos. 168a and 169) and Theodosius II (No. 179c).
|
Five of the six hoards from Bornholm close with Anastasius and beyond this emperor's reign there is a single find of Justin I recorded. The remaining hoard closes with Zeno. 17 The coins of Anastasius in the hoards account for 8 of the 9 recorded specimens from Bornholm
| 15 |
Bolin, 251.
|
| 16 |
Werner, Fornvännen 44, 1949, 2720.
|
| 17 |
| 87 | 80a | 50 | 86 | 90b | 115 | 99 | ||
| Honorius | 1 | 1 | 2 | 3 | ||||
| Valentinian III | 1 | 8 | 11 | |||||
| Honoria | ||||||||
| Majorian | 1 | 1 | 4 | |||||
| Libius Severus | 1 | 1 | 5 | 2 | ||||
| Anthemius | 1 | 1 | 1 | 3 | ||||
| Glycerius | 1 | |||||||
| Julius Nepos | ||||||||
| Romulus Augustus | 1 | |||||||
| Arcadius | 1 | 1 | ||||||
| Theodosius II | 1 | 1 | 1 | 5 | 9 | 23 | ||
| Eudocia | 1 | |||||||
| Pulcheria | 1 | |||||||
| Placidia | 1 | |||||||
| Marcian | 1 | 1 | 1 | 2 | 4 | |||
| Leo I | 3 | 2 | 7 | 4 | 3 | 7 | 26 | |
| Leo II/Zeno | 1 | |||||||
| Zeno | ||||||||
| Basiliscus | 1 | |||||||
| B/Marcus | ||||||||
| Leontius | ||||||||
| Anastasius | ||||||||
| Justin I | ||||||||
| Justinian I | ||||||||
| Theodebert | ||||||||
| Uncertain Imitations | ||||||||
| total | 6 | 6 | 11 | 13 | 6 | 36 | 80 |
| 136 | 166 | 130b | 135 | 176 | 147 | 6* | 156a | 137b | 179a | 122 | |||
| Honorius | 1 | 2 | 5 | 2 | |||||||||
| Valentinian III | 2 | 5 | 3 | ||||||||||
| Honoria | |||||||||||||
| Majorian | 1 | 1 | 2 | ||||||||||
| Libius Severus | 1 | 1 | |||||||||||
| Anthemius | 1 | 1 | 1 | ||||||||||
| Glycerius | |||||||||||||
| Julius Nepos | 1 | 1 | |||||||||||
| Romulus Augustus | |||||||||||||
| Arcadius | 1 | ||||||||||||
| Theodosius II | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 4 | 1 | 1 | |||
| Eudocia | |||||||||||||
| Pulcheria | |||||||||||||
| Placidia | |||||||||||||
| Marcian | 2 | 4 | 2 | ||||||||||
| Leo I | 1 | 3 | 1 | 1 | 2 | 8 | 18 | ||||||
| Leo II/Zeno | |||||||||||||
| Zeno | 3 | 1 | 1 | 9 | 8 | 2 | 1 | ||||||
| Basiliscus | 1 | 3 | 1 | ||||||||||
| B/Marcus | |||||||||||||
| Leontius | |||||||||||||
| Anastasius | 4 | 1 | 5 | 2 | 1 | 10 | 2 | 18 | 4 | 8 | |||
| Justin I | 1 | 4 | |||||||||||
| Justinian I | 1 | 7 | |||||||||||
| Theodebert | 1 | ||||||||||||
| Uncertain | |||||||||||||
| Imitations | 1 | 1 | |||||||||||
| total | 5 | 7 | 6 | 11 | 5 | 5 | 47 | 5 | 82 | 8 | 25 |
| * |
Lillön, Mainland Sweden.
|
| 203 | 213 | 212 | 220 | 205 | 219 | ||
| Honorius | 1 | 1 | |||||
| Valentinian III | 2 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 2 | 5 | |
| Honoria | |||||||
| Majorian | 1 | ||||||
| Libius Severas | 3 | 1 | |||||
| Anthemius | 1 | 1 | 1 | ||||
| Glycerius | 1 | ||||||
| Julius Nepos | 1 | ||||||
| Romulus Augustus | |||||||
| Arcadius | |||||||
| Theodosius II | 4 | 1 | 9 | 2 | 7 | 8 | |
| Eudocia | |||||||
| Pulcheria | |||||||
| Placidia | |||||||
| Marcian | 1 | ||||||
| Leo I | 4 | 2 | 5 | 1 | 8 | ||
| Leo II/Zeno | |||||||
| Zeno | 2 | 2 | 5 | 4 | 6 | ||
| Basiliscus | 1 | ||||||
| B/Marcus | 1 | ||||||
| Leontius | 1 | ||||||
| Anastasius | 1 | 1 | 2 | 1 | 3 | ||
| Justin I | |||||||
| Justinian I | |||||||
| Theodebert | |||||||
| Uncertain Imitations | 1 | 1 | 1 | ||||
| total | 14 | 7 | 29 | 6 | 17 | 36 |
and of these 6 still exist. Their condition is good (1), fair (3) and worn (2), at any rate, no better than the bulk of the Gotland coins. 18 The coins of Zeno also, as a group, are no less worn than most of the Gotland coins which suggests that the deposit of the hoards occurred about the same time as the bulk of the Gotland hoards. The absence of coins of Justin I in the Bornholm hoards is not necessarily evidence that the hoards were deposited before his reign. It was noted in the discussion of the Gotland hoards that after Anastasius the coins were not as widely distributed on Gotland as they had been earlier and it is probable that the limitations of this circulation also cut off the supply to Bornholm.
Bornholm's coins are often believed to have been deposited at an earlier date than the Gotland coins but the condition of the latest pieces makes this difficult to substantiate. 19 Rather, the indications are that they had circulated just as long as the bulk of the Gotland coins, i.e., until late in the reign of Justin or early in the reign of Justinian at which time warfare forced them into the ground. 20
| 18 |
Only Find No. 122 has coins which are clearly more worn.
|
| 19 |
Bolin dates the deposit of the Bornholm hoards between 475–525, the Gotland hoards between 500–560; Klindt-Jensen dates the
Bornholm hoards to the beginning of the sixth century and the Gotland hoards to the latter part of the sixth.
|
| 20 |
Klindt-Jensen,
Bornholm
, pp. 147–62 (English summary, pp. 256–7).
|
From each of the above chapters dealing with the statistical data, the identical dies, the condition of the coins, and the hoards, some facts have emerged. Tentative conclusions from any of these chapters were often substantiated further by other chapters and it is at this point that all the isolated facts can be pieced together in a concluding summary. 1
The solidi were introduced over a period of time beginning in the 450s and continuing until about 550–60, late in the reign of Justinian I. It was a stream in other words, and the contention that all the Öland coins were the result of one mass import, those of Gotland a separate import and so on, as suggested by Arne and others, cannot be substantiated by the evidence. The high percentage of identical dies among the coins of Libius Severus and Leo I must indicate that their import occurred contemporaneous with those reigns and since much later coins appear also, a stream was clearly in operation. 2 Moreover, coins from Öland, which were deposited about 476/77, are often die-linked with Gotland and Bornholm coins which must have arrived with the Öland solidi and which are also associated with later coins. It is quite improbable that Öland's coins are a result of one import and all those of Gotland of another quite distinct import.
That the import first began in the 450s is indicated by the earliest examples of identical dies to appear and by the statistical data as well. From the same sources it is apparent that the peak of the import occurred in the 460s under Leo I and Libius Severus. Through the reign of Zeno die identities reveal direct contact with both East and West; after Zeno, the West is the immediate source of supply. Beginning with Justin the import is very much diminished and it ceases completely under Justinian I.
Chronological parallels between the course of the solidi stream and the movements of the Ostrogoths suggest that the Ostrogoths provided the means of contact between the North and South. Shortly after they moved into Pannonia in 454 and became foederati of the empire, receiving payments from the emperors, the stream of solidi began in Scandinavia. In 461, the Ostrogoths whose tribute money had been in arrears for a few years previously, revolted and, as a result, received a huge sum of gold from Leo I. This event again is paralleled by the period of greatest import in Scandinavia. In 488 the Ostrogoths left Pannonia and began a conquest of Italy which was accomplished by 493. At this time in the Scandinavian finds there is a noticeable drop in the number of solidi imported and a change in the source of the solidi is also apparent. Under Anastasius, for the first time, western issues almost equal eastern issues and die identities among western issues continue to be common. The Italian issues of the Ostrogoths were the most immediate source of the solidi at this time and were supplemented by other western imitations and official eastern issues in circulation in the West. 3
When the Ostrogoths left Pannonia in 488, the payments from the East were cut off and this undoubtedly accounts for the decline in the import. The decline is even more in evidence after Anastasius, perhaps because the Ostrogoths were becoming more involved with affairs in Italy, but disturbances in the Baltic may have played a part also. About 476/77 the import to Öland was cut off as a result of the destruction of that island and in the reign of Justin I similar circumstances affected the activity on Gotland and Bornholm. The stream did continue, however, though much diminished until ca. 550–60, late in the reign of Justinian I, at which time the Ostrogoths were defeated and expelled from Italy.
It would seem, therefore, that the Ostrogoths provided the connecting link in the introduction of the sqlidi to the North and that the main source of their supply of gold was payments: from Marcian beginning only in 454 and interrupted shortly after that; above all, from Leo I who was forced to make up the payments in arrears and to continue them; and more sporadically from Zeno whose relations with Theodoric fluctuated. The payments ceased when the Ostrogoths moved into Italy. Whether the western emperors participated in these payments is not certain, but that a steady supply of gold from the western mints reached the Ostrogoths in Pannonia seems to be indicated by the statistical data and by the identical dies. Presumably coinage in circulation in the empire at the time of the import contributed to the solidi stream.
The presence of a solidus of Leontius in a Bornholm hoard is of particular interest in connection with this association of the solidi with the Ostrogoths. 4 The coins of this usurper are extremely rare and the existence of one in Scandinavia is remarkable. These coins in all likelihood would be available only briefly and only in the East around Antioch where they were minted. It is tempting to suppose that the Scandinavian specimen was obtained by one of the Ostrogothic troops who were commissioned by Zeno in 484 to put down the revolt of Leontius.
The coins of Valentinian III and Theodosius II, not impressive in their annual representation but substantial nevertheless, require some comment. Perhaps they merely represent coinage in circulation at the time the import began, but the existence of even a few identical dies among them suggests something more than this. For Theodosius II, many of whose issues are dated, two issues account for 77 per cent of the total number of coins of that emperor. They are the Vot 30 issue of ca. 430 and following with 52 coins and the Imp 42 issue of 443 with 54 coins. Both are perhaps the largest issues of Theodosius II and thus very common, but the great size of these issues alone requires explanation as well as their ample representation in the Scandinavian activity which began several years after their issue. The parallels between the payments to the Ostrogoths and the solidi in Scandinavia along with all the other factors mentioned above would seem to provide conclusive evidence for associating the Ostrogoths with the Scandinavian solidi. At the same time, the known data on payments to barbarian tribes reveal other parallels, this time in- volving the Huns. The Huns began receiving tribute in 424 from Theodosius II, but about 433, when Attila became king, the tribute was doubled to 700 pounds of gold a year and in 443 he secured an immediate payment of 6000 pounds plus an annual payment of 2100 pounds. Valentinian III participated in these payments also. It is possible that these two issues of Theodosius, the one ca. 430 and following and the other in 443, should be associated with these extraordinarily large payments to the Huns. Furthermore, at the time of these payments the Ostrogoths were subject to the Huns but maintained their own political structure under their Hunnic overlords. The Ostrogothic king, Walamir, and the Gepid king were trusted counsellors of Attila and it is likely that they were rewarded for their services to him even though they were his subjects. This would account both for the sizable representation of these issues in the Scandinavian finds and for the presence of identical dies.
Two mid-fifth century emperors are not represented in the Scandinavian solidi: Petronius Maximus who reigned for two months in 455 and Avitus who had a fifteen-month reign in 455–56. 5 The absence of coins of Petronius Maximus is not surprising for the issues of a two-month reign could very easily have escaped the stream of coins exported from Italy. The fifteen month reign of Avitus is another matter, however, and perhaps the absence of these coins in the Scandinavian finds indicates that the stream began after his reign. The alternative explanation is that the stream was of insufficient momentum at this time to have assimilated even a token representation of these coins. The stream was certainly in operation in the reign of Libius Severus (461–465), in fact at its peak, but undoubtedly it had been in operation for some time before that. The decade of the 450s is indicated as the beginning of the import and the political circumstances of the Ostrogoths suggest a date not earlier than 454, but it is impossible to be more precise than this.
Quite independent of the conclusions drawn from the Scandinavian material, the Continental finds indicate a central European route which can be traced from the mouth of the Vistula or the Oder to the middle Danube and Pannonia, the home of the Ostrogoths. The evidence may be summarized as follows. In western Europe (Netherlands, Belgium, France and West Germany), the finds indicate a hiatus in the import of gold for much of the fifth century. The bulk of the material is either early or late. The early hoards close with Honorius, Arcadius, Constantine III, Johannes or Valentinian III and the late hoards indicate a resumption in the import of gold not before Anastasius and later than Anastasius in some places.
The embarkation point of the solidi from the Continent to the Baltic must originally have been the area around the mouth of the Vistula where more than 400 solidi of this period have been found. In the number of coins, the composition of the hoards and the die links, 6 this material shows a close association with the finds of the Baltic islands. In the reign of Anastasius, however, the Vistula material comes to a close, and coins begin arriving in the region of the Oder. Both areas are die-linked with Scandinavian coins and it is probable that the stream bringing the solidi to the North was diverted from the Vistula to the Oder in the time of Anastasius. In the area of the Oder the hoards are late and continue into the reign of Justinian I.
There are two traditional approaches to the Vistula from the Continent: 7 (a) by way of the Dneister and Bug and (b) from Carnuntum on the Danube via the March, through the Carpathian Pass and over the Moravian Plains to the Vistula. That the first of these was not in use during this period is clearly evident from the coin finds. The Russian finds are either early or late, closing with Valentinian III/Theodosius II or beginning with Justinian I.
The second route, through central Europe, is the only possible route identified by coin finds. Finds of the late western emperors and also those of contemporary eastern emperors in Czechoslovakia, Austria, Hungary and Yugoslavia are not overwhelming in number but they occur with sufficient frequency to identify this area as the one through which the route passed.
Earlier writers have often identified more than one route bringing the solidi to the North and have generally assumed that the western coins traveled over one route and the eastern coins over another more easterly route. 8 The only route in evidence from the finds up to Anastasius, however, is the central European one and it is clear from fthe finds that both eastern and western issues traveled together. No route further to the east or to the west carrying exclusively eastern or western solidi is evident from the coin finds during this period.
Certain changes, however, occurred under Anastasius. The Ostrogoths were settled in Italy by 493 and sometime before the reign of Justin I the northern extremities of this route moved westward from the Vistula to the Oder. There is no apparent connection between the two events. 9 Pannonia continued to be Ostrogothic territory and routes leading to Carnuntum from North Italy could have been utilized. 10 Moreover, there is no indication from the coin finds that this central European route was discontinued after the Ostrogoths were settled in Italy, and the evidence is strong that the Oder was utilized as the outlet to the Baltic. At the same time, however, coins of Anastasius, Justin I and Justinian I began to appear in the West and the possibility of a more westerly route also in operation in the sixth century cannot be ruled out.
Within the Baltic area hitherto unsuspected relationships and facts were discovered. First of all, it was apparent from the distribution of the die-linked coins within Scandinavia, supported by statistical data, that Öland was the primary receiving and distributing center for the solidi up to about 476. Arriving at one or two centers on Öland, the coins were dispersed and circulated on that island, reaching Gotland, Bornholm and the other areas only after they had Jbeen circulated on Öland. About 476/77 a disaster on Öland forced the coins into the ground and prevented the further import of solidi.
The stream was then directed to Gotland which became the primary center, playing much the same rôle as Öland had earlier in receiving and dispersing the solidi. The evidence here too suggests that the coins were distributed on Gotland before reaching the outside areas. Bornholm always had a secondary position in the solidi activity, receiving coins from Öland up to about 476 and from Gotland afterward.
Under Justin and Justinian the distribution of coins on Gotland was restricted to the southern and central parts of the island and this limitation in the activity perhaps cut off the supply to Bornholm also. At any rate, coins of Justin and Justinian did not reach Bornholm, but on the basis of relative wear and a comparison with the Gotland hoards, the hoards would not seem to have been deposited before late in the reign of Justin. The bulk of the Gotland hoards also were deposited at this time and on both islands this was undoubtedly a result of warfare. The stream, very much diminished, continued to Gotland until late in the reign of Justinian, however, and although no imports later than this were made it is evident that the coins continued to circulate there for some time after the import had ended. Evidence for further attacks on Gotland is not apparent from the coin material.
That the coins did circulate on Öland, Gotland and Bornholm is conclusive. There is not only the distribution of the jeweled coins, found almost exclusively outside the Baltic islands, and the distribution of the pierced and refilled coins, found predominantly on Gotland and Öland, but there is also the irrefutable fact that the coins on Öland, deposited about 476/77, show much less wear as a group than the coins of Gotland and Bornholm, deposited several decades later; this is a difference that could not have been produced before the coins arrived in Scandinavia.
If the Öland coins were indeed deposited about 476/77, there is an important implication for the dating of the bracteates. Mackeprang had assumed that the solidi were not imported until just before 500 and that all the hoards, even those on Öland, were deposited in the sixth century. 11 These two assumptions have no basis and since bracteates do appear in the Öland finds it is certain that their manufacture must have begun well before 476. Finally, this dating of the Öland hoards should also contribute to a more accurate dating of all other types of jewelry associated with the solidi finds. 12
Thus far the conclusions have been limited to those made possible by the factual information which the coin material provides. Certain questions regarding the solidi activity have been answered and some unsuspected facts and relationships within the Baltic area revealed. Further interpretations are necessarily speculative but important questions which are unanswered should nevertheless be considered. One important fact seems well established, namely, that the solidi in the Baltic were a result of contact between Scandinavia and the; Ostrogoths who were enriched in their dealings with the empire by tribute payments. 13 The nature of this contact and the identification of the carriers, however, is not established. Nor is it known how the activity within the Baltic islands is connected with the activity which brought the coins to the North. All are interrelated problems and each raises many other questions as well.
The carriers must have been the Scandinavians or the Ostrogoths but there seems to be no way of determining with certainty which group it was. The solidi in Scandinavia were a result of contact between the Ostrogoths and Scandinavia and it seems as possible that the Scandinavians crossed the Continent to reach the Ostrogoths as it does that the Ostrogoths traveled back and forth between Scandinavia and their homelands. 14 If the Scandinavians were the carriers, they must have received the solidi either for goods brought or services rendered. It is possible that the Scandinavians found the Ostrogoths ready customers for their wares; it is also possible that they augmented the Ostrogothic forces and in this way gained a share of the Ostrogothic wealth. If the Ostrogoths were the carriers, the possible explanations are essentially the same—trade or returning warriors who settled in Scandinavia, bringing with them their savings accumulated in the South. The latter explanation is somewhat difficult to associate with the fact of a stream, however, and it raises another question in regard to the dispersal and circulation of the coins in the Baltic. If the solidi represent the savings of Ostrogothic warriors, by some process they must have left the owner's possession and passed into circulation on Öland, Gotland and Bornholm. Moreover, if returning warriors were involved here, they would all seem to have come to Öland until about 476/77 and to Gotland after that. This same difficulty arises if the Scandinavians were the returning warriors also. Trade would seem a more likely answer but it cannot be proved. We may, however, recall the statements of Jordanes 15 about furs which passed through many hands until they reached Rome and of Cassio-dorus 16 about amber in the Ostrogothic court. The frequency of amber finds in graves in the South is evidence that the amber trade was still in operation but there is no conclusive way of relating this to the solidi traffic. 17
Within Scandinavia there are many problems. We have established that the solidi were circulated on Öland, Gotland and Bornholm but not on the Swedish mainland or Denmark, west of the Sound. What is to be inferred from this? Is this activity independent of the activity which brought the solidi to the North? Could it be merely the availability of the solidi which were recognized as a convenient medium of exchange and as such were utilized in local trade? 18 If so, why were they utilized as money only on Öland, Gotland and Bornholm and not on Mainland Sweden or Denmark, west of the Sound? Was it warfare alone, as some writers maintain 19 that caused the deposit of the hoards on Öland, Gotland and Bornholm and thus preserved them for posterity? And can one assume a similar wealth in other areas also where the absence of warfare has not preserved them for us, as these same writers argue?
One does not have to assume a similar wealth in the other areas, however, since it does actually exist, on Mainland Sweden at any rate. 20 But the wealth here is in gold objects and not gold coins. Was there warfare in these parts also? One might infer this from the hundreds of stone forts dating from this period which stretch across Mainland Sweden. 21 Yet, the essential difference is that the wealth on the Mainland is in the form of jewelry and bullion, that on the islands in the form of coins.
The solidi are known to have come from the Ostrogoths but what is the source of the gold on Mainland Sweden? Can the source be the same, that is, can this wealth of gold on Mainland Sweden represent melted down solidi? 22 If so, Mainland Sweden surpasses the islands in importance in the solidi activity. If not, where did it come from?
Öland, Gotland and Bornholm are the major depositories of coin hoards from other periods also. Thousands of imperial denarii from the second century a.d. have been found here and the islands also have the most coin hoards in the Viking Age. Why is this? Was it due merely to warfare again?
In the period of the solidi activity, the primacy of Öland, with all coins being cleared through that island up to 476, has been established and the primacy of Gotland is equally evident after that. Nothing comparable seems to be known about either the earlier or later periods of importation of coins in Scandinavia, other than that Gotland seems to have been the primary depository of coins in both periods. Whether or not all coins were cleared through that island has not been established nor indeed considered.
Thus, many questions remain about events within Scandinavia during this period. The major problems, however, concern the destruction and abandonment of Migration Age settlements on the Baltic islands. 23 The archaeological evidence for warfare is well established, but who were the attackers? Among the early writers, the Svear, Götar, Danes or Slavs were associated with one or more of the attacks. 24 Recent writers are more cautious and, although they acknowledge the fact of war, refrain from identifying the attackers. It has also been suggested that this warfare was in the form of piratical raids undertaken by Scandinavians against each other. 25 The stone forts stretched across central Sweden surely suggest some internal difficulties. Moreover, archaeologists have noted cultural analogies between post-550 Gotland and central Sweden, home of the Svear, the traditional conquerors of Gotland in the sagas. It is evident that Gotland suffered attacks in the mid-sixth century, similar to those of Öland earlier, and also that an influx of the Svear occurred on Gotland after this. Although it is not established, there would seem to be a strong possibility that the Svear were the attackers. It seems almost certain that the Lillön hoard found on Mainland Sweden must have been formed on Gotland and thus represents a transferred hoard from Gotland to Uppland on the Swedish mainland. The transfer could have taken place through any of a number of circumstances, but one immediately thinks of booty since there is evidence of war on Gotland and evidence of Svear occupation or influence after that.
This particular question remains unanswered as do many others mentioned above. The general outline of the activity has emerged, however, and details of certain aspects of it revealed. The solidi import was a result of contact between Scandinavia and the Ostrogoths. This became possible after the break up of the Hunnic empire in 454 which not only gave the Ostrogoths their independence and brought them into a direct and profitable contact with the empire but also reopened ways of communication between the North and South. The Huns had been ravaging Continental Europe since the early fifth century and it was their presence which would seem to have been the leading factor in severing the previous contact between Scandinavia and the South which in the fourth century had also brought some gold into Scandinavia.
The renewed contact with the South resulted in the import of vast numbers of gold solidi and ushered in a veritable Golden Age in Scandinavia. The solidi import continued as long as the Ostrogothic kingdom existed. Its fortunes paralleled those of the Ostrogoths, declining in the late years and ceasing entirely when the Ostrogoths were defeated and expelled from Italy. There is no apparent justification for the recurrent belief that invasions of central Europe by Slavs and Avars in the mid-sixth century severed the contact between the Baltic and the South and brought about the end of the solidi import. 26 The solidi import ended because its source had run dry and internal disturbances in Scandinavia made it impossible to find and exploit alternative sources. It was some centuries later that new profitable contacts laid the foundation for another remarkable period in Scandinavian history, that of the Vikings.
| 1 |
Some of the conclusions were summarized in a short paper read at the International Numismatic Congress in Rome 1961, subsequently published in the Atti ("Contact Between Italy and the Baltic in the Fifth and Sixth Centuries A.D.," Congresso Internazionale di Numismatica, Roma 1961, vol. II Atti, Rome, 1965, pp. 411–20). Since then new material has been incorporated and certain revisions have been made.
|
| 2 |
Actually, the presence alone of coins of the late western emperors in the Scandinavian finds, whether or not there are identical
dies, would strongly suggest that they arrived soon after being issued. These issues have disappeared from practically every
other area on the Continent.
|
| 3 |
Eastern issues are common in the Italian hoards of this period.
|
| 4 |
Cat. No. 629; see p. 62, n. 76.
|
| 5 |
Among the Continental finds, one solidus of Petronius Maximus is included in the hoard of Vedrin (Jacqueline Lallemand, "Vedrin:
sous d'or de Magnus Maximus à Anastase," Études numismatiques 3, 1965, 109–44), and one of Avitus is known, also from a Belgian find (Nimy-Maisières, RN 1959–60, 150).
|
| 6 |
Through the courtesy of Professor Hans Jürgen Eggers I obtained photographs of three Polish finds and 8 Caseburg solidi.
The three Polish solidi (1 Theodosius II, 1 Zeno, 1 uncertain imitation) and two of the Caseburg solidi (1 Theodosius II, 1 uncertain imitation) were die-linked with Scandinavian solidi.
|
| 7 |
M. P. Charlesworth, Trade-Routes and Commerce of the Roman Empire (2nd ed., Cambridge, 1926), 176; Olwen Brogan, "Trade Between the Roman Empire and the Free Germans," JRS XXVI, 1936, 200 ff.; M. Cary, The Geographic Background of Greek and Roman History (Oxford, 1949), 281 ff.
|
| 8 |
See chapter on literature for previous discussions of routes.
|
| 9 |
It is possible that disturbances in the Baltic affected this area as they had the island of Öland earlier and Gotland and
Bornholm in the sixth century.
|
| 10 |
Charlesworth, op. cit., pp. 171 ff.; Cary, op. cit., pp. 281 ff.
|
| 11 |
Mackeprang, op. cit., 24.
|
| 12 |
Discussed recently by B. Jansen and A. N. Zadoks-Josephus Jitta in J. Lafaurie, et. al., "Le trésor de Wieuwerd," 100 ff.
|
| 13 |
Not to exclude payments for military service, ransom for captives, and the like. There were a great many ways by which solidi
reached the Ostrogoths, chief among them the tribute payments. Philip Grierson stresses the importance of payments in his
article, "Commerce in the Dark Ages: A Critique of the Evidence," Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 9, 1959, 123–40. In this particular case the evidence for payments to the Ostrogoths is quite clear. The problem remains,
however, of how the solidi then passed from Ostrogothic hands into Scandinavia.
|
| 14 |
Procopius had conversed with natives of Scandinavia who had come to reside in the South, Procopius, History of the Wars (Loeb Classical Library, tr. H. B. Dewing, 5 vols., London, 1914–28), VI.15.9.
|
| 15 |
Jordanes, The Gothic History (tr. Charles Christopher Mierow, Princeton, 1915), 21.
|
| 16 |
Cassiodorus, Variae (tr. Thomas Hodgkin, London, 1886), v. 2.
|
| 17 |
Herbert Jankuhn, Ein Handelsplatz der Wikingerzeit (Neumünster, 1956), 18.
|
| 18 |
See Klindt-Jensen,
Bornholm, op. cit., pp. 142 ff., 163 ff.
|
| 19 |
Sture Bolin and Joachim Werner; see chapter on literature, pp. 90f. and 94 ff.
|
| 20 |
Janse (op. cit.) lists all gold finds in Sweden up to 1920.
|
| 21 |
Mårten Stenberger,
Sweden (Ancient Peoples and Places, vol. 30, London, n. d.), 137.
|
| 22 |
See p. 101, n. 3. Although the solidi are uniformly of higher purity than the gold objects, this cannot be taken as evidence
that the source of gold was different, for silver could very easily have been alloyed with the gold.
|
| 23 |
The greatest mystery is why these sites (1400 abandoned dwellings on Gotland and 900 on Öland have been identified) were
not reoccupied until modern times. When new settlements appeared they were on the coast but even with the population increase
during the Vendel and Viking periods, these ruins remained undisturbed. See Stenberger, Vallhagar, pp. 1161 ff.
|
| 24 |
See chapter on literature.
|
| 25 |
Stenberger, Vallhagar, 1171.
|
| 26 |
Joachim
Werner, Fornvännen 44, 1949, 277 ff.; A. N. Zadoks-Josephus Jitta, "Looking Back at 'Frisians, Franks and Saxons'," Bulletin van de vereeniging tot bevordering der kennis van de antieke beschaving te 's-Gravenhage XXXVI, 1961, 49.
|
Sweden — mainland sn. = socken (parish)
1. 1 Medelpad, Skön sn.
1 sol. Zeno found in a grave mound, 1807; no longer available. Montelius 117; Hauberg 339; Janse 228; Bolin 131.3.
2. Medelpad, Timrå sn., Skottgård
2 sol.: 1 Theodosius II 2 and 1 Zeno found at different times in same place, in a pile of stones, 1866 and 1906 (SHM 3562, 12934). Montelius 118; Hauberg 336; Janse 229, 230; Bolin 131.2a, b; Enqvist, Medelpad 1949, 101. Cat. Nos. 317 and 566.
3. Gästrikland, Hedesunda sn., Rangsta no. 9
1 sol. Leo I found with 23 gold objects while digging (SHM 14045). Janse 227; Bolin 131.1. Cat. No. 405.
4. Uppland, Alunda sn., Jortslunda
1 sol. Leo I found on surface of ground, 1851 (SHM 1692). Montelius 119; Hauberg 337; Janse 224; Bolin 132.6. Cat. No. 400.
5. Uppland, Ekerö sn., Kaggeholm
21 sol.: 4 Theodosius II, 1 Marcian, 2 Leo 1, 11 Zeno, 2 Anastasius and 1 uncertain found with 2 gold arm bands, 1783. According to Montelius, 18 coins were deposited in the SHM and 3 in the LUHM; only the latter are identified (LUHM 19672 f.). Montelius 120; Hauberg 326; Janse 222; Bolin 132.7; Mosser 44. Cat. Nos. 298, 309 and 585.
6. Uppland, Ekerö sn., Lillön
47 sol.: 2 Valentinian III, 1 Libius Severus, 1 Julius Nepos, 11 Theodosius II, 2 Marcian, 8 Leo I, 9 Zeno, 3 Basiliscus and 10 Anastasius found with a gold ring, 1961 (SHM 26683). SM 11 (Oct. 1961), 49; NNÅ 1962, 281f. Cat. Nos. 31, 74, 148, 177, 226, 242, 252, 279, 280, 281, 325, 326, 327, 328, 338, 356, 374, 391, 421, 438, 477, 478, 482, 513, 518, 564, 574, 575, 589, 590, 601, 610, 611, 618, 621, 622, 626, 641, 647, 678, 696, 697, 701, 702, 705, 720 and 721.
7. Uppland, Norrsunda sn., Viggeby
1 sol. Arcadius found 1909 (SHM 13774). Janse 225; Bolin 132.8. Cat. No. 189.
8. Uppland, Vendel sn., Husby
1 sol. Basiliscus found during excavations at Ottarshögen (SHM 15847). Janse 226; Bolin 132.11. Cat. No. 620.
9. Södermanland, Grödinge sn., Västra Bröta
1 sol. Zeno found in a field, 1849 (SHM 1521). Montelius 121; Hauberg 338; Janse 223; Bolin 132.5. Cat. No. 547.
10. Södermanland, Salem sn., Vitsand
1 sol. Theodosius II; not acquired. Janse 219; Bolin 132.4.
11. Södermanland, Torpa sn., Västra Säby
1 sol. Justinian I (pierced) found while plowing, 1864 (SHM 3507); not among coins examined at SHM. Montelius 236; Hauberg 340; Janse 221; Bolin 132.6.
12. Södermanland, Ytterselö sn., Tuna
1 barbaric sol. Theodosius II (?) 3 found in a grave mound (SHM 9435); not among coins examined at SHM. Salin 63; Janse 220 (fig. 11); Bolin 132.3. Cat. No. 753 (description obtained from illustration in Janse).
13. Västergötland, Fristad sn., Slättäng
1 sol. Zeno found with various gold objects, 1878 (SHM 6266). Salin 47; Janse 218; Bolin 133.4. Cat. No. 561.
14. Västergötland, Hol sn.
1 sol. Theodosius II found 1879 (SHM 6361). Salin 28; Janse 217; Bolin 133.2. Cat. No. 297.
15. Småland, Älmeboda sn., Guleboda
1 sol. Theodosius II found while plowing, 1854 (SHM 2085). Montelius 123; Hauberg335; Janse 216; Bolin 143.2. Cat. No. 322.
16. Småland, Hossmo sn., Rinkaby
1 sol. Romulus Augustus found 1850 (SHM 1606). Montelius 124; Hauberg 332; Janse 207; Bolin 143.7. Cat. No. 186.
17. Småland, Hylletofta sn., Holmåkra Dragontorp
1 sol. Honorius found on surface of ground about 1807 (SHM 1192). Montelius 122; Hauberg 330; Janse 215; Bolin 143.3. Cat. No. 11.
18. Småland, Lofta sn., Hässelstad
9 sol.: 1 Honorius, 1 Valentinian III, 3 Theodosius II, 1 Marcian, 2 Leo I and 1 uncertain imitation found in a gravel pit, 1905 (SHM 12457). Janse 208 (lists 7 coins); Bolin 143.4. Cat. Nos. 17, 48, 247, 267, 271, 357, 437, 489 and 754.
19. Kalmar län
20. Blekinge , Augerum sn., Tjürkö
21. Blekinge, Ramdala sn.
1 sol. Anastasius (SHM 11326). Janse 205; Bolin 145.2. Cat. No. 656.
22. Blekinge, Torhamn sn., Attanäs no. 12
1 sol. Julius Nepos found 1865 (SHM 3377). Montelius 130; Hauberg 150; Janse 206; Bolin 145.1. Cat. No. 178.
23. Skåne, Brunnby sn., Skättekärr
1 sol. Theodosius II found while plowing, 1867 (SHM 3678). Later, a gold bracteate was found in same field (SHM 7752). Montelius 133; Hauberg 153; Janse 189; Bolin 144.22. Cat. No. 324.
24. Skåne, Fjärestad sn., Gantofta
1 sol. Theodosius II, with loop, found with 5 gold bracteates, a gold ring and 2 gold fragments (SHM ?); not among coins examined at SHM. Kindström, Meddelanden från Lunds universitets historiska museum 1952, 176–90; Olsson, Fornvännen 47, 1952, 276–81.
25. Skåne, Hammenhög sn., Hammenhög no. 25
1 sol. Zeno found in a field, 1867 (SHM 3677). Montelius 137; Hauberg 162; Janse 190; Bolin 144.6. Cat. No. 587.
26. Skåne, Hörup sn., Gyllerup
24 sol. of Julius Nepos, Leo I, Zeno and Anastasius, found 1870; only 1 coin of Leo can be identified (LUHM 19672 c). Montelius (1872) 75.19; Janse 192, 202; Bolin 144.9. Cat. No. 461.
27. Skåne, Norrvidinge sn., Norrvidinge
1 sol. Leo I found 1871 (SHM 4565). Montelius (1872) 74.16; Hauberg 160; Janse 194; Bolin 144.18. Cat. No. 386.
28. Skåne, Önnestad sn., Önnestad
1 sol. Theodosius II found before 1833 (LUHM 19672 b). Montelius 132; Hauberg 151; Janse 199; Bolin 144.24. Cat. No. 262.
29. Skåne, Östra Vemmenhög sn., Östra Vemmenhög
1 sol. Zeno found 1824; not acquired. Montelius 135; Hauberg 161; Janse 198; Bolin 144.25.
30. Skåne, Räng sn., Kämpinge
1 sol. Leo I found near sea, 1840 (LUHM 19672 e). Montelius (1872) 75.18; Hauberg 158; Janse 195; Bolin 144.14. Cat. No. 385.
31. Skåne, Rörsjön (near Malmö)
1 sol. Theodosius II (pierced) found 1870; not acquired. Montelius (1872) 74.17; Hauberg 154; Janse 193; Bolin 144.17.
32. Skåne, St. Ibb sn., Ven
1 sol. Leo I found before 1845 (LUHM 19672 d). Montelius 138; Hauberg 159; Janse 191; Bolin 144.7. Cat. No. 394.
33. Skåne, Tottarp sn., Djurslöv no. 7
1 sol. Theodosius II found 1843 (SHM 1083). Montelius 134; Hauberg 152; Janse 196; Bolin 144.3. Cat. No. 257.
34. Skåne, near Ystad
1 barbaric sol. Anastasius; not acquired. Montelius 136; Hauberg 163; Janse 197; Bolin 144.23.
35. Skåne
SWEDEN — ÖLAND
36. Alböke sn., Ormöga no. 1
1 sol. Anthemius found on surface of ground 1857 (SHM 2375). Montelius 181; Hauberg 220; Janse 1; Bolin 139.1; Stenberger 276. Cat. No. 153.
37. Alböke sn., Stora Haglunda
1 sol. Majorian, part of a Viking hoard (SHM 18287); not among coins examined at SHM. Stenberger 276.
38. Algutsrum sn., Alledal
1 sol. Theodosius II found in a field, 1889 (SHM 8639). Salin 33; Hauberg 238; Janse 2; Bolin 139.3; Stenberger 276. Cat. No. 230.
39. Algutsrum sn., Holmetorp
1 sol. Valentinian III found in a field, 1890 (SHM 8797). Salin 9; Janse 3; Bolin 140.4; Stenberger 276. Cat. No. 44.
40. Algutsrum sn., Övetorp
41. Algutsrum sn., Stora Hult
1 sol. Libius Severus found 1946 (SHM 23508). NNÅ 1947, 192. Cat. No. 143.
42. Algutsrum sn., Törnbotten
2 sol. (or 3?) 5 Leo I found at different times but in same place, 1872 (SHM 4783). Salin 43, 44; Hauberg 191; Janse 4; Bolin 140.5; Stenberger 276. Cat. Nos. 452, 511 and 534.
43. Algutsrum sn.
1 sol. Leo II and Zeno found while plowing before 1846 (SHM 1317); Montelius 160; Hauberg 259; Janse 8; Bolin 139.2; Stenberger 276. Cat. No. 545.
44. Böda sn., Fagerum
1 sol. Theodosius II found 1882 (SHM 7102). Salin 32; Hauberg 237; Janse 10; Bolin 140.7; Stenberger 276. Cat. No. 291.
45. Böda sn., Hunderum
1 sol. Marcian found 1919 (SHM 16364). Janse 11; Bolin 140.8; Stenberger 276. Cat. No. 365.
46. Böda sn., Kyrketorp
47. Böda sn., Melböda
48. Böda sn., Norrböda
1 sol. Majorian found in a field, 1877 (SHM 6028). Salin 11; Hauberg 205; Janse 16; Bolin 140.11; Stenberger 276. Cat. No. 102.
49. Böda sn., Svartvik
1 sol. Leo I found with a gold ring, 1900 (SHM 11178). Janse 17; Bolin 140.12; Stenberger 276. Not among coins examined at SHM but a coin of Leo I with this find-place exists in the Kalmar Museum (Kalmar 25.383). Cat. No. 469.
50. Bredsätra sn., Präststommen
11 sol.: 1 Valentinian III, 1 Anthemius, 1 Theodosius II, 1 Marcian and 7 Leo I, found with 2 gold and 2 silver rings in a field under a flat stone, 1814; not acquired. Montelius 171; 7 Montelius (1872) 81.25; Hauberg 187; Janse 9; Bolin 140.6; Stenberger 276.
51. Egby sn., Egby
52. Egby sn., Laxeby
1 sol. Anthemius found in a field, 1893 (SHM 9331). Salin 22; Janse 20; Bolin 140.14; Stenberger 276. Cat. No. 159.
53. Föra sn., Ingelstad
2 sol.: 1 Honorius and 1 Theodosius II found with a gold spiral ring and finger ring. NNÅ 1956, 233; not among coins examined at SHM.
54. Föra sn., östra Greda
1 sol. Theodosius II found while plowing, 1924 (SHM 17679). Bolin 140.15; Stenberger 276. Cat. No. 290.
55. Föra sn., Uggletorp
56. Gårdby sn., Gårdby
57. Gårdby sn., Södra Näsby
1 sol. Theodosius II (SHM 22553). NNÅ 1941, 257. Cat. No. 234.
58. Gärdslösa sn., Högtomta
1 sol. Theodosius II found 1856 (SHM 2253). Montelius 167; Hauberg 230; Janse 25; Bolin 140.23; Stenberger 278. Cat. No. 260.
59. Gärdslösa sn., Norra Bägby
1 sol. Leo I. Stenberger 278 (öl. forngård, Borgholm).
60. Gärdslösa sn., Norra Gärdslösa
1 sol. Libius Severus found in a field, 1913 (SHM 14945). Bolin 140.24; Stenberger 278. Cat. No. 140.
61. Gärdslösa sn., Runsberga no. 6
1 sol. Theodosius II found while plowing, 1853 (SHM 1988). Montelius 166; Hauberg 229; Janse 26; Bolin 140.25; Stenberger 276. Cat. No. 215.
62. Gärdslösa sn., Sörby tall
4 sol.: 1 Majorian, 2 Theodosius II and 1 Eudocia 8 found at different times but in same field, 1864–75 (SHM 3279, 3608, 4971, 5626). Montelius 169, 170; Salin 12, 30; Hauberg 185, 231, 234, 239; Janse 27; Bolin 140.26; Stenberger 278. Cat. Nos. 110, 283, 296 and 333.
63. Gärdslösa sn., Tjusby
3 sol.: 2 Valentinian III and 1 Libius Severus found at different times but in same field (SHM 6239, 7411, 19745). Salin 6, 19; Hauberg 199, 217; Janse 28, 29; Bolin 140.27a, b; Stenberger 278. Cat. Nos. 43, 67 and 117.
64. Glömminge sn., Brostorp no. 4
1 sol. Valentinian III (Kalmar 24.706). Cat. No. 78.
65. Glömminge sn., Isgärde
1 sol. Theodosius II found in a field, 1843 (SHM 1047). Montelius 163; Hauberg 227; Janse 21; Bolin 140.16; Stenberger 278. Cat. No. 306.
66. 9 Glömminge sn., Österskog
1 sol. Zeno found 1856 (SHM 2269). Montelius 162; Hauberg 262; Janse 42; Bolin 141.35; Stenberger 278. Cat. No. 603.
67. Gräsgård sn., Eketorp
1 sol. Leo I found with a gold finger ring and a gold spiral in a field, 1845 (SHM 1227). Montelius 141; Hauberg 246; Janse 22; Bolin 140.18; Stenberger 278, 286. Cat. No. 462.
68. Gräsgård sn., Össby no. 1
1 sol. Theodosius II found near site of prehistoric house foundation, 1925 (SHM 17902); a gold spiral was found in same field 20 years earlier (SHM 8720). Bolin 140.19A; Stenberger 278. Cat. No. 259.
69. Gräsgård sn.
1 sol. Libius Severus; not acquired. Stenberger 278.
70. Högby sn., Dödevi
71. Högby sn., Munketorp no. 4
1 sol. Zeno found in a field, 1870 (SHM 4451). Montelius (1872) 82.27; Hauberg 264; Janse 34; Bolin 141.31; Stenberger 278. Cat. No. 581.
72. Högby sn., Sandby no. 10
4 sol.: 1 Valentinian III, 1 Anthemius, 1 Glycerius and 1 Theodosius II found at different times but in same field, 1879–1900 (SHM 6386, 8856, 10674, 11222). Salin 24, 29; Hauberg 224, 235; Janse 35–38; Bolin 141.32; Stenberger 278. Cat. Nos. 47, 165, 172 and 323.
73. Högby sn., Skriketorp
1 sol. Arcadius found while plowing, 1850 (SHM 1613). Montelius 183; Hauberg 226; Janse 39; Bolin 141.33; Stenberger 280. Cat. No. 190.
74. Högsrum sn., Mossberga
1 sol. Honorius found ca. 1820; not acquired. Montelius 165; Hauberg 194; Janse 40–41; Bolin 141.34; Stenberger 280.
75. Högsrum sn., Rönnerum
1 sol. Leo I found on site of prehistoric house foundation, 1931 (SHM 19779). A gold spiral was found in same place 70 years earlier. Archives state that coin was deposited in the Kalmar museum but it is actually in the SHM. Stenberger 280. Cat. No. 490.
76. Hulterstad sn., Skärlöv
1 sol. Valentinian III found while breaking stone on a mound, 1841 (SHM 976). Montelius 144; Hauberg 195; Janse 30; Bolin 141.29; Stenberger 278. Cat. No. 94.
77. Köping sn., Äsa
1 sol. Leo I (SHM?); not among coins examined at SHM. NNÅ 1944, 265.
78. Köping sn., Källingemöre
79. Köping sn., Kullen
1 sol. Julius Nepos found in a field, 1924 (SHM 17479); a gold object was found earlier in same place (SHM 17478). Bolin 141.36; Stenberger 280 (both list 2 coins of Julius Nepos). Cat. No. 180.
80. Köping sn., Ramsätra
81. Köping sn., Salomonstorp
1 sol. Leo I found 1883 (SHM 7362); a gold spiral found in same place earlier was not acquired. Salin 40; Hauberg 257; Janse 49; Bolin 141.40; Stenberger 280. Cat. No. 463.
82. Köping sn.
2 sol.: 1 Honorius and 1 Valentinian III, found together before 1828 (Kalmar?). 10 Montelius 172; Hauberg 184; Janse 50; Bolin. 141.38; Stenberger 280.
83. Langlöt sn., Ismantorp
1 sol. Leo I found while digging in a field, 1851 (SHM 1671). Montelius 164; Hauberg 247; Janse 53; Bolin 141.41; Stenberger 280. Cat. No. 436.
84. Löt sn., Arbelunda no. 6
1 sol. Romulus Augustus found in a field, 1869 (SHM 3860). Montelius 180; Hauberg 225; Janse 54; Bolin 141.42; Stenberger 280. Cat. No. 185.
85. Löt sn., Hjärpestad
2 sol.: 1 Julius Nepos and 1 Romulus Augustus found in same field at different times, 1893–95 (SHM 9458, 9987). Salin 26; Janse 55, 56; Bolin 141.43a, b; Stenberger 280. Cat. Nos. 176 and 188.
86. Löt sn., Spångebro, Hjärpestad no. 2
13 sol.: 1 Honorius, 1 Majorian, 1 Anthemius, 5 Theodosius II, 1 Marcian and 4 Leo I found with various gold and silver objects at different times but in same field (SHM 18286, 18620, 18621, 18983). Stenberger 280. Cat. Nos. 9, 104, 163, 194, 254, 268, 314, 329, 362, 472, 498, 522 and 526.
87. Löt sn., Valsnäs no. 2
5 (or 6?) 11 sol.: 1 Honorius, 1 Theodosius II, 1 Pulcheria, 2 (or 3) Leo I found in same field under a flat stone, 1854–69 (SHM 2103, 2355, 2843, 2872, 4098 and Kalmar 4098). Montelius 175–179; Hauberg 188, 254; Janse 57; Bolin 141.45; Stenberger 280. Cat. Nos. 13, 244, 334, 468, 495 and 499.
88. Mörbylånga sn., Bårby
89. Norra Möckleby sn., Bläsinge
1 sol. Libius Severus (Kalmar 14.347). Cat. No. 120.
90. Norra Möckleby sn., Bostorp
91. Norra Möckleby sn., Bröttorp
1 sol. Leo I found while plowing, 1886 (SHM 7952). Salin 41; Janse 59; Bolin 141.49; Stenberger 282. Cat. No. 539.
92. 13 Norra Möckleby sn., Gunnarstorp
93. Norra Möckleby sn., Norra Möckleby
94. Persnäs sn., Lundeby
1 sol. Valentinian III found while plowing, 1857 (SHM 2388). Montelius 182; Hauberg 198; Janse 72; Bolin 142.52; Stenberger 282. Cat. No. 70.
95. Räpplinge sn., Räpplinge
1 sol. Zeno found in a field near the church, 1854 (SHM 2075). Montelius 168; Hauberg 261; Janse 73; Bolin 142.53; Stenberger 282. Cat. No. 563.
96. Resmo sn., Gynge
97. Resmo sn., Lilla Frö
1 sol. Justinian I found in a field, 1921 (SHM 16690). Bolin 142.55; Stenberger 282. Cat. No. 744.
98. Runsten sn.
1 sol. Theodosius II found while digging in a field, 1868 (SHM 3842). Montelius 161; Hauberg 232; Janse 76; Bolin 142.57; Stenberger 282. Cat. No. 344.
99. 15 Sandby sn., Åby no. 10
80 sol.: 3 Honorius, 11 Valentinian III, 1 Galla Placidia, 4 Majorian, 2 Libius Severus, 3 Anthemius, 1 Romulus Augustus, 1 Arcadius, 23 Theodosius II, 4 Marcian, 26 Leo I and 1 Leo II and Zeno; bulk of hoard was discovered in 1946 (SHM 11036, 21044, 21045, 21046, 23600, 23664, 24342). Janse 82; Bolin 142.62; Stenberger 282; NNÅ 1936, 233; 1942, 245; 1947, 192; 1948, 167–68. Cat. Nos. 7, 19, 20, 40, 46, 49, 50, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 84, 90, 100, 109, 113, 114, 115, 132, 154, 157, 169, 187, 193, 202, 216, 217, 220, 222, 233, 237, 240, 253, 263, 272, 276, 277, 278, 285, 286, 287, 299, 308, 319, 335, 339, 346, 347, 355, 360, 375, 376, 378, 379, 380, 384, 387, 389, 407, 408, 409, 410, 416, 419, 420, 429, 435, 441, 442, 443, 444, 450, 467, 470, 471, 475, 497, 504 and 543.
100. Sandby sn., Ekelunda
101. Sandby sn., Norra Sandby
1 sol. Libius Severus found on surface of ground, 1845 (SHM 1188). Montelius 154; Hauberg 207; Janse 80; Bolin 142.59; Stenberger 282. Cat. No. 134.
102. Sandby sn., Vællet
1 sol. Majorian found in a field, 1899 (SHM 10771). Janse 81; Bolin 142.61; Stenberger 282. Cat. No. 112.
103. Segerstad sn., Mellby
1 sol. Anthemius; not acquired. Stenberger 282.
104. Segerstad sn., Segerstad no. 1
1 sol. Leo I found in a field, 1873 (SHM 5005). Salin 38; Hauberg 255; Janse 83; Bolin 142.63; Stenberger 282. Cat. No. 476.
105. Segerstad sn.
1 sol. Valentinian III; not acquired. Stenberger 282.
106. Smedby sn., Smedby
1 sol. Pulcheria; not acquired. Montelius 143; Hauberg 243; Janse 84; Bolin 142.64; Stenberger 284.
107. Smedby sn.
1 sol. Honorius; not acquired. Stenberger 282.
108. Södra Möckleby sn., Gettlinge
109. Södra Möckleby sn., Södra Möckleby
110. Stenåsa sn., Fröslunda
111. Stenåsa sn., Lilla Brunneby no. 2
1 sol. Marcian (SHM?). NNÅ 1944, 265; not among coins examined at SHM.
112. Stenåsa sn., Norra Kvinneby
2 sol.: Theodosius II found in same field at different times, 1862 (SHM 2944, 2992). Montelius 148; Hauberg 190; Janse 88; Bolin 142.66; Stenberger 284. Cat. Nos. 261 and 330.
113. Stenåsa sn., Stenåsa
114. Stenåsa sn., Stora Brunneby
115. 18 Torslunda sn., Björnhovda
36 sol.: 2 Honorius, 8 Valentinian III, 5 Libius Severus, 1 Arcadius, 9 Theodosius II, 1 Eudocia, 2 Marcian, 7 Leo I and 1 Basil- iscus, found in same field at different times, 1864–70, with remains of a leather purse (SHM 3247, 3258, 3274, 4449). Montelius 156; Montelius (1872) 75.22; Hauberg 186, 212; Janse 92, 93; Bolin 142.73a, b; Stenberger 284. Cat. Nos. 3, 4, 29, 30, 37, 41, 42, 52, 61, 95, 121, 126, 127, 135, 137, 192, 196, 199, 200, 203, 207, 214, 223, 224, 270, 332, 358, 371, 388, 402, 433, 439, 532, 533, 537 and 623.
116. Torslunda sn., Färjestaden
117. Torslunda sn., Kåtorp
118. Torslunda sn., Skogsby
119. Torslunda sn., Torsborg
1 sol. Libius Severus found in a field, 1878 (SHM 6253). Salin 16; Hauberg 214; Janse 97; Bolin 143.77; Stenberger 284. Cat. No. 131.
120. Vickleby sn., Stora Frö
1 sol. Valentinian III found 1856 (SHM 2267). Montelius 150; Hauberg 197; Janse 99; Bolin 143.78; Stenberger 284. Cat. No. 63.
121. Öland, find-place unknown
Sweden — Gotland (see Nerman, pp. 59–62)
122. 21 Akebäck sn., Smiss
25 sol.: 2 Honorius, 3 Valentinian III, 1 Theodosius II, 2 Marcian, 1 Zeno, 8 Anastasius, 7 Justinian I and 1 Theodebert found with several gold fragments, 2 denarii and one bronze piece in same field, 1929–32 (SHM 19130, 19310, 19536, 19800, 20214). Arne, A A 1931, 1–28; Mosser 1. Cat. Nos. 5, 14, 38, 62, 66, 340, 354, 368, 582, 630, 632, 648, 660, 670, 688, 717, 718, 733, 734, 735, 736, 739, 740, 741 and 749.
123. Ala sn., Lauritze
1 sol. Anastasius found in a field, 1847 (SHM 1367). Montelius 206; Hauberg 304; Janse 105; Bolin 133.3. Cat. No. 680.
124. Alskog sn., Snovalls
1 sol. Marcian found 1862 (SHM 3022). Montelius 209; Hauberg 276; Janse 106; Bolin 133.5. Cat. No. 377.
125. Alva sn., Östres
1 sol. Zeno found 1859 (SHM 2645). Montelius 215; Hauberg 295; Janse 107; Bolin 133.8. Cat. No. 594.
126. Atlingbo sn., Isums
1 sol. Theodosius II found 1862 (SHM 3021). Montelius 203; Hauberg 275; Janse 108; Bolin 133.9. Cat. No. 195.
127. Barlingbo sn., Enbjeme
1 sol. Honorius found in a field, 1928 (SHM 18924). Cat. No. 25.
128. Barlingbo sn., Norrbys
129. Björke sn., Hakuse
1 sol. Leo I found in a field (SHM 6433); not among coins examined at SHM. Salin 46; Hauberg 284; Janse 111; Bolin 133.11.
130. Björke sn., Harkvie
131. Björke sn.
1 sol. Leo I found while plowing in a field, 1916 (SHM 15569). Cat. No. 505.
132. Burs sn., Flors
1 sol. Theodosius II found in a field, 1893 (SHM 9164). Salin 31; Janse 112; Bolin 134.15. Cat. No. 238.
133. Eke sn., Alveskog
1 sol. Justinian I found in a field, 1869 (SHM 4070). Montelius 237; Hauberg 320; Janse 113; Bolin 134.21. Cat No. 745.
134. Endresn., Bäcks
1 sol. Anastasius found in a field, 1924 (SHM 9658). Janse 114; Bolin 134.23. Cat. No. 709.
135. Eskelhem sn., Övede
11 sol.: 2 Honorius, 1 Majorian, 1 Libius Severus, 1 Anthemius, 1 Leo I and 5 Anastasius, found with a gold spiral and gold button by a stone belonging to an old stone-circle (SHM 2747). Montelius 200; Hauberg 269; Janse 116; Bolin 134.30; Mosser 31. Cat. Nos. 16, 21, 98, 142, 168, 459, 635, 636, 652, 654 and 694.
136. Eskelhem sn., Sigvards
5 sol.: 1 Honorius, 1 Anthemius, 1 Theodosius II, 1 Leo I and 1 Basiliscus found with 28 second century denarii by an old stone fence, 1703; no longer available. Montelius 201; Hauberg 268; Janse 115; Bolin 134.28.
137. Etelhem sn., Botes
138. Etelhem sn., Kyrkeby
1 barbaric sol. found in a field, 1870 (SHM 4333). Montelius (1872) 83.33; Hauberg 323; Janse 118; Bolin 134.34. Cat. No. 758.
139. Etelhem sn., Tänglings
1 sol. Anastasius found in a field, 1898 (SHM 10641). Janse 119; Bolin 134.35. Cat. No. 663.
140. Etelhem sn., Vestringen
1 sol. Justinian I found with a gold finger ring in a field (SHM 22374). Cat. No. 731.
141. Etelhem sn.
1 sol. Anastasius (Visby?). Montelius 208; Hauberg 302; Janse 120; Bolin 134.33.
142. Fardhem sn., Burge
1 sol. Anastasius found in a field, 1892 (SHM 9081). Salin 52; Hauberg 319; Janse 121; Bolin 134.36. Cat. No. 643.
143. Fardhem sn., Nederburge
1 sol. Anastasius found 1861 (SHM 2848). Montelius 214; Hauberg 305; Janse 122; Bolin 134.37. Cat. No. 659
144. Fardhem sn., Överburge
1 sol. Anastasius found in a field, 1911 (SHM 12349 but in Visby). Janse 123; Bolin 134.38. Cat. No. 686.
145. Follingbo sn., Lilla Vede
1 sol. Anastasius found while digging, 1870 (SHM 4334). Montelius (1872) 82.30; Hauberg 309; Janse 124; Bolin 135.44. Cat. No. 707.
146. Fröjel sn., Ansarve
1 sol. Anastasius found 1862 (SHM 2999). Montelius 210; Hauberg 306; Janse 125; Bolin 135.45. Cat. No. 640.
147. 24 Fröjel sn., Kaupe
5 sol.: 1 Theodosius II, 2 Leo I, 1 Zeno and 1 Anastasius found in same field, 1901–12 (SHM 11408, 12499, 13092, 14672, 17703). Janse 126–28; Bolin 135.46a–d. Cat. Nos. 312, 418, 512, 579 and 671.
148. 25 Fröjel sn., Rovide
1 sol. Leo I found 1922 (SHM 17043). Bolin 135.46A. Cat. No. 508.
149. Gammelgarn sn., Davide
1 sol. Anthemius (SHM 24992). NNÅ 1954, 158. Cat. No. 151.
150. Gerum sn., Uddvide
1 sol. Zeno found while plowing, 1843 (SHM 1071). Montelius 211; Hauberg 291. Janse 132; Bolin 135.53. Cat. No. 598.
151. Gothem sn., Jusarve
1 sol. Zeno found with a silver spiral in a field, 1875 (SHM 5572). Salin 48; Hauberg 296; Janse 129; Bolin 135.49. Cat. No. 607.
152. Gothem sn. (?)
1 sol. Leo I (SHM 462). Montelius 197; Hauberg 279; Janse 181; Bolin 139.144. Cat. No. 531.
153. Grötlingbo sn., Norrkvie
154. Hablingbo sn., Lilla Burge
1 sol. Basiliscus and Marcus found 1882 (SHM 7001). Usually listed under Gerum sn. Salin 49; Hauberg 298; Janse 131; Bolin 135.52. Cat. No. 628.
155. Hangvar sn., Gullauser
1 sol. Anastasius found while plowing, 1893 (SHM 7060). Salin 50; Hauberg 316; Janse 133; Bolin 135.60. Cat. No. 662.
156. Havdem sn., Rosarve
157. Hejde sn., Skogs
1 sol. Zeno found in a field by a pile of stones (SHM 1868); not among coins examined at SHM. Montelius 207; Hauberg 294; Janse 138; Bolin 136.65.
158. Hejnum sn., Bjärs
2 sol. Anastasius found in same field, 1868–70 (SHM 3854, 4330). Montelius 196; Montelius (1872) 82.29; Hauberg 307–8; Janse 139–40; Bolin 136.66. Cat. Nos. 711 and 715.
159. Hörsne sn., Mallgårds
1 barbaric sol. found while plowing in a field, 1869 (SHM 4218). Montelius (1872) 82.31; Hauberg 322; Janse 141; Bolin 136.72. Cat. No. 751.
160. Hörsne sn., Nybjers
1 sol. Anastasius found while plowing, 1893 (SHM 7061). Salin 54; Hauberg 317; Janse 142; Bolin 136.74. Cat. No. 642.
161. Linde sn., Duckarve
1 sol. Anastasius found in a field, 1875 (SHM 5570). Salin 58; Hauberg 313; Janse 143; Bolin 136.77. Cat. No. 714.
162. Linde sn., Myrungs
163. Martebo sn., Kvie
1 sol. Anastasius found in a field, 1895 (SHM 9938). Janse 145; Bolin 137.86. Cat. No. 708.
164. Mästerby sn., Bander
165. Mästerby sn., Ringome
1 sol. Leo I found 1862 (SHM 2956). Montelius 202; Hauberg 282; Janse 148; Bolin 137.90. Cat. No. 381.
166. 27 När sn., Nixdjup
7 sol.: 3 Zeno and 4 Anastasius found in same field at different times (SHM 724, 1791); only one coin of Zeno can be identified. Montelius 212–13; Hauberg 270, 293; Janse 150, 151; Bolin 137.93a, b; Mosser 58. Cat. No. 596.
167. Norrlanda sn., Ekeskogs
1 sol. Anastasius found in a field, 1870 (SHM 4395). Montelius (1872) 83.32; Hauberg 310; Janse 149; Bolin 137.91. Cat. No. 672.
168. Roma sn., Roma Kungsgård
169. Rute sn., Alvans
4 sol.: 1 Leo I and 3 Zeno found with 3 gold spirals and 1 gold finger ring while plowing (SHM 3308); archives list find as consisting of 2 sol. Leo and 2 sol. Zeno. Montelius 192; Hauberg 266; Janse 154; Bolin 137.95. Cat. Nos. 453, 546, 550 and 556.
170. Silte sn. (often listed as Slite sn.), Snosarve
171. Sjonhem sn., Görvide
1 sol. Anastasius found in a field, 1904 (SHM 12164). Janse 155; Bolin 137.98. Cat. No. 634.
172. Stånga sn., Stånga.
1 sol. Justinian I found in a field (SHM 18823). Cat. No. 732.
173. Stenkyrka sn., Garde
1 sol. Anastasius found in a field, 1874 (SHM 5333). Salin 59; Hauberg 312; Janse 158; Bolin 138.105. Cat. No. 682.
174. Stenkyrka sn., Grausne
1 sol. Anastasius found while plowing, 1936 (SHM 21364). NNÅ 1937, 198. Cat. No. 692.
175. Tingstäde sn., Träskväller
176. Vall sn., Hardings
5 sol.: 29 1 Majorian, 1 Leo I, 2 Anastasius and 1 uncertain imitation found with a gold spiral in same field, 1876–1922 (SHM 5807, 5965, 6422, 8586, 16964). Salin 36, 51, 56, 61; Hauberg 283, 315, 324; Janse 162–65; Bolin 138.111a, b. Cat. Nos. 99, 492, 639, 658 and 757.
177. Vänge sn., Norrbys
1 sol. Anastasius found with a denarius of Antoninus Pius on the site of an old dwelling, 1844 (SHM 1153). Montelius 205; Hauberg 303; Janse 168; Bolin 138.118. Cat. No. 683.
178. Vänge sn., Prästbåtels
2 sol.: 1 Anastasius and 1 Justin I 30 found with 2 bronze objects and a denarius of Faustina in same field (SHM 4985, 15183). Salin 55; Hauberg 311; Janse 166, 167; Bolin 138.119a, b. Cat. Nos. 684 and 724.
179. Vänge sn., Rovalds
180. Väte sn., Juves
1 sol. Anastasius found in a field, 1886 (SHM 8028). Salin 53;. Hauberg 318; Janse 174; Bolin 139.128. Cat. No. 631.
181. Väte sn., Smide
1 sol. Zeno found while plowing, 1843 (SHM 1081). Montelius 204; Hauberg 292; Janse 175; Bolin 139.129. Cat. No. 592.
182. Gotland, find-place unknown
Sweden find-place unknown
183. 5 sol.: 1 Honorius, 1 Libius Severus, 1 Theodosius II, 1 Marcian and 1 Leo I; stray finds (SHM 6236). Salin 4, 18, 34, 35, 37; Janse 231–35. Cat. Nos. 10, 146, 218, 367 and 403.
Denmark — Jutland a = amt (county); h = herred (district)
184. Ålborg a., Års h., Års
2 sol.: 1 Valentinian III and 1 uncertain imitation found in same place with 3 gold spirals and 2 gold bracteates, 1902 (NMC F.P. 853, Inv. C 11369); in 1914 in same place a gold bracteate similar to one of the above was found. Galster, NFM 1924, 189.29; Balling 64.89. Cat. Nos. 96 and 759.
185. Haderslev a., Sønder-Tyrstrup h., Stepping
1 sol. Anastasius found while digging in a field; sent in 1923 (NMC F.P. 1559). Galster, NFM 1924, 189.33; Balling 68.95. Cat. No. 700.
186. Randers a., Galten h., Kinbjerg
1 barbaric sol. Julius Nepos found while plowing, 1670 (NMC); several gold objects reputedly found in same place earlier. Bolin 148.2; Balling 66.93. Cat. No. 184.
187. Randers a., Mols h., Eeg
1 sol. Leo I, sent in 1853 (NMC Inv. 13623). Montelius 233; Hauberg 144; Bolin 148.3; Balling 65.90. Cat. No. 460.
188. Ribe a., Anst h., Jordrup
2 sol.: 1 Libius Severus and 1 Leo II and Zeno found in same place at different times (NMC Inv. C 9536; 19/09). Neergard p. 197; Galster, NFM 1924, 189.31; Bolin 148.7; Balling 65.91. Cat. Nos. 147 and 541.
189. Ribe a., Skast h., Brøndum sogn
1 barbaric sol. Justinian I (?) found while plowing, 1832 (NMC). Balling 68.94. Cat. No. 747.
190. Vejle a., Brusk h., Ejstrup
1 sol. Libius Severus found on surface of ground; sent in 1861 (NMC Inv. 19695). Balling 66.92. Cat. No. 136.
191. Vejle a., Brusk h., Eltang
1 barbaric sol. Justinian I, sent in 1924 (NMC F.P. 1590). Balling 69.97. Cat. No. 746.
denmark — fyen
192. Odense a., Bjerge h., Midskov skov
1 barbaric sol. Julius Nepos, sent in 1909 (NMC F.P. 1166). Neergard p. 198; Galster, NFM 1924, 189.32; Bolin 147.14; Breitenstein, "Fyen" 16.XXVII. Cat. No. 183.
193. Odense a., Bjerge h., Rynkebygård
5 sol.: 1 Valentinian III, 1 Marcian and 3 Leo I found with a gold spiral ring, a gold bracteate with runes and an electrum bar, 1848 (NMC Inv. 10038, F.P. 72). Montelius 231; Hauberg 123; Bolin 147.20; Breitenstein, "Gudme Herred" 89.X. Cat. Nos. 77, 369, 414, 486 and 493.
194. Svendborg a., Gudme h., Elsehoved
8 sol.: 1 Valentinian III, 1 Majorian, 2 Leo I, 1 Zeno and 3 Anastasius found with 9 gold spirals, a gold fibula, a gold spiral ring and a gold bar. Most of hoard was discovered in 1833 and subsequent finds were made in 1849, (NMC Inv. 2700–01, 10575, 22375, C 1532). Montelius 229, 232; Montelius (1872) 74.14; Hauberg 145, 147; Bolin 147.8; Breitenstein, "Gudme Herred" 90.XI. Cat. Nos. 93, 108, 448, 458, 604, 655, 677 and 703.
195. Svendborg a., Salling h., Sallinge
1 sol. Theodosius II found while plowing, 1863 (NMC Inv. 21307). Montelius 230; Hauberg 141; Bolin 147.23; Breitenstein, "Fyen" 16.XXVI. Cat. No. 210.
denmark — zealand
196. Københavns a, Sokkelund h., Hvidore
1 sol. Leo I found near Hvidore, 1869 (NMC F.P. 309); known by description only. Hauberg 143; Bolin 146.10; Breitenstein, "Sjælland" 26.40. Cat. No. 440.
197. Københavns a., Sokkelund h., Slotfruens Vœnge
1 sol. Theodosius II found in a field, 1919 (NMC F.P. 1446). Galster, NFM 1924, 189.27; Breitenstein, "Sjælland" 26.39. Cat. No. 265.
198. Præstø a., Bæverskov h., Herfølge
1 sol. Theodosius II found on "Herfølge Mark," sent in 1859 (NMC Inv. 18617). Montelius 228; Hauberg 140; Bolin 146.8; Breitenstein, "Sjælland" 25.38. Cat. No. 274.
199. Præstø a., Mønbo h., Lille-Damme
1 sol. Valentinian III found while plowing, ca. 1937 (NMC F.P. 2072). NNÅ 1943, 163, fig. 2; Breitenstein, "Sjælland" 24.37. Cat. No. 85.
200. Sorø a., Alsted h., Assentorp
1 sol. Leo I found on "Assentorp Mark," 1868 (NMC F.P. 304); known by description only. Hauberg 142; Bolin 146.1; Breitenstein, "Sjælland" 26.41. Cat. No. 520.
201. Sorø a., Slagelse h., Voldstedt Rollerup
1 barbaric triens Justinian I found at "Valdemarskilde Mark," ca. 1880 (NMC F.P. 1484). Galster, NFM 1924, 189.34; Breitenstein, "Sjælland" 27.42. Cat. No. 748.
denmark — bornholm
202. Nørre h., Hasle byvang
1 sol. Leo I found in a field, sent in 1929 (NMC F.P. 1707). Breitenstein, "Bornholm" 76.41; Klindt-Jensen 234.4. Cat. No. 455.
203. Nørre h., Kåsbygård
14 sol.: 2 Valentinian III, 1 Anthemius, 4 Theodosius II, 4 Leo I, 2 Zeno and 1 uncertain imitation found with several gold items, 1839; 4 are known by description only (NMC F.P. 3). 32 Montelius 221; Hauberg 165; Bolin 145.5. Breitenstein, "Bornholm" 58.23; Klindt-Jensen 233.2. Cat. Nos. 83, 88, 152, 204, 219, 264, 305, 413, 494, 514, 521, 609, 614 and 750.
204. 33 Øster h., Brændesgård
2 sol.: 1 Theodosius II and 1 Leo I found near site of Iron Age house, at different times (NMC F.P. 2345, 2414). 34 Breitenstein, "Bornholm" 75.38; NNÅ 1955, 157; Klindt-Jensen 235.21, 24. Cat. Nos. 343 and 540.
205. Øster h., Dalshøj
17 sol.: 2 Valentinian III, 1 Majorian, 1 Anthemius, 7 Theodosius II, 1 Leo I, 4 Zeno and 1 Anastasius found during excavations at Dalshøj (NMC F.P. 2251, 2273). Breitenstein, Fra Nationalmuseets arbejdsmark 1951, 24 ff.; Klindt-Jensen 185 ff. and 235.22. Cat. Nos. 51, 92, 103, 149, 209, 221, 225, 311, 313, 320, 337, 412, 562, 571, 583, 608 and 637.
206. Øster h., Frennegård
1 sol. Zeno found while plowing, 1925 (NMC F.P. 1623). 35 Breitenstein, "Bornholm" 77.44; Klindt-Jensen 235.28. Cat. No. 588.
207. Øster h., Gudhjem
1 sol. Valentinian III, sent in 1891 (NMC F.P. 591, Inv. C 6661). Hauberg 172; Bolin 145.4; Breitenstein, "Bornholm" 72.31; Klindt-Jensen 234.7. Cat. No. 97.
208. Øster h., Kirseløkkegård
1 fragment of a sol. of Justin I found while digging in ground, sent in 1860 (NMC Inv. 19452, F.P. 220). Montelius 238; Hauberg 183; Bolin 145.7, 146.31; Breitenstein, "Bornholm" 78.46; Klindt-Jensen 234.11, fig. 198.
209. Øster h., Kløvegård
2 sol. Honorius found while plowing 1864; only one was sent in (NMC F.P. 260). Montelius 225; Hauberg 171; Bolin 145.8; Breitenstein, "Bornholm" 71.30; Klindt-Jensen 235.16. Cat. No. 28.
210. Øster h., Lappegård
1 sol. Libius Severus found on site of Iron Age house; sent in 1875 (NMC F.P. 378); no longer available. Hauberg 176; Bolin 145.10; Breitenstein, "Bornholm" 73.33; Klindt-Jensen 235, 25–26.
211. Øster h., Øster-Marie sogn
1 sol. Leo I sent in 1843 (NMC F.P. 22; sold to Thorvaldsen Museum, 1848). Montelius 224; Hauberg 179; Bolin 146.27b; Breitenstein, "Bornholm" 75.39; Klindt-Jensen 237.51a. Cat. No. 457.
212. Øster h., Saltholm
29 sol.: 1 Honorius, 1 Valentinian III, 3 Libius Severus, 1 Glycerius, 9 Theodosius II, 1 Marcian, 5 Leo I, 5 Zeno, 1 Leontius, 1 Anastasius and 1 uncertain imitation; found, along with an electrum bar, while digging in a field, 1882 (NMC Inv. C 4811–13, F.P. 475). Hauberg 169; Bolin 145.14; Breitenstein, "Bornholm" 52.22; Klindt-Jensen 235.30. Cat. Nos. 23, 75, 118, 119, 129, 174, 229, 245, 258, 266, 275, 289, 293, 321, 348, 364, 396, 404, 431, 465, 523, 558, 560, 586, 595, 615, 629, 651 and 756.
213. Øster h., Spagergård
7 sol.: 1 Valentinian III, 1 Theodosius II, 2 Leo I, 2 Zeno and 1 Anastasius; only 1 of Zeno now available; sent in 1860 (NMC F.P. 216). Montelius 222; Hauberg 168; Bolin 146.21; Breitenstein, "Bornholm" 66.25; Klindt-Jensen 234.13. Cat. No. 580.
214. Øster h., near Svaneke
215. Øster h., near Sylten (see Breitenstein, "Bornholm" 62.24)
216. Sønder h., Kattesletsgård
1 sol. Libius Severus found in a field, sent in 1870 (NMC F.P. 321). Hauberg 175; Bolin 145.6; Breitenstein, "Bornholm" 73.32; Klindt-Jensen 236.40. Cat. No. 130.
217. Sønder h., Pedersker sogn
1 sol. Theodosius II found 1763; no longer available. Galster, NNÅ 1937, 63; Breitenstein, "Bornholm" 74.34; Klindt-Jensen 237.52.
218. Sønder h., Sandegård
4 sol.: 1 Theodosius II and 3 Leo 1 found with a fragment of a gold bracteate, a gold spiral ring, a gold bar and other objects on site of Iron Age house; sent in 1869; one coin known by description only (NMC Inv. C 336–344, F.P. 313). Hauberg 164; Bolin 145.15; Breitenstein, "Bornholm" 69.28; Klindt-Jensen 236.37. Cat. Nos. 350, 392, 428 and 528.
219. Sønder h., Soldatergård
36 sol.: 1 Honorius, 5 Valentinian III, 1 Libius Severus, 1 Anthemius, 1 Julius Nepos, 8 Theodosius II, 8 Leo I, 6 Zeno, 1 Basiliscus, 1 Basiliscus and Marcus and 3 Anastasius, found by a stone and sent in, 1850–51 (NMC F.P. 87 and 96); 37 fifteen are known by description only. Montelius 227; Hauberg 170; Bolin 145.19; Breitenstein, "Bornholm" 46.21; Klindt-Jensen 236.36. Cat Nos. 2, 33, 76, 80, 81, 82, 145, 156, 179, 205, 228, 248, 284, 301, 302, 303, 304, 390, 425, 426, 479, 506, 515, 524, 538, 551, 565, 576, 602, 612, 625, 627, 674, 698 and 719.
220. Vester h., Almindingen
6 sol.: 1 Valentinian III, 2 Theodosius II, 2 Anastasius and 1 uncertain imitation found by workmen while digging, 1889 (NMC F.P. 561). Hauberg 167; Bolin 145.1; Breitenstein, "Bornholm" 66.26; Klindt-Jensen 236.31. Cat. Nos. 69, 256, 307, 649, 693 and 752.
221. Vester h., Blemmelyng
1 sol. Zeno sent in 1846 (NMC F.P. 57). Montelius 217; Hauberg 180; Bolin 146.29; Breitenstein, "Bornholm" 77.42; Klindt-Jensen 236.44. Cat. No. 600.
222. Vester h., Nylarsker sogn
1 sol. Leo I found in a field northeast of Nylarsker Kirke, sent in 1920 (NMC F.P. 1477). Galster, NFM 1924, 189.30; Breitenstein "Bornholm" 76.40; Klindt-Jensen 236.33. Cat. No. 480.
223. Vester h., near Sose
1 sol. Anastasius found while plowing; sent in 1850; no longer available (NMC F.P. 91). Montelius 226; Hauberg 182; Bolin 145.20; Breitenstein, "Bornholm" 78.45; Klindt-Jensen 236.35.
224. Bornholm, find-place unknown
| 1 |
Perhaps another gold coin was found in this parish also (Montelius 117 ½).
|
| 2 |
Cat. No. 317 (Theodosius II) is labelled "Okänd f. ort. Utan inv. nr." but it is most certainly the coin described in the
archives under Inv. No. 3562 and illustrated in Montelius, pl. I, no. 2.
|
| 3 |
The coin cannot be attributed definitely as an imitation of Theodosius II and is listed under Uncertain Imitations in the
catalogue.
|
| 4 |
Janse places it in the National Museum, Copenhagen, but it cannot be identified there.
|
| 5 |
Archives list only 2 solidi of Leo and the descriptions fit Nos. 534 (MD) and 511 (off. I); No. 452 (off. ∊), however, is
also identified in the trays of the coin cabinet as Inv. 4783.
|
| 6 |
Archives list find-place as Norrböda.
|
| 7 |
Montelius reports x coins of Petronius Maximus and omits coin of Marcian, but this attribution is corrected in Montelius (1872),
p. 81.
|
| 8 |
Eudocia usually listed as Eudoxia.
|
| 9 |
Sometimes listed as Högsrum sn.
|
| 10 |
Montelius et. al. give the Kalmar Museum as the location but it was not among coins I examined from Kalmar.
|
| 11 |
The archives for Inv. No. 4098 state that the coin was deposited in the Kalmar Museum and the description of the coin (off.
H) agrees with the coin in Kalmar (Kalmar 4098), No. 495 in this catalogue; the origin of the coin in the SHM, also identified
as Inv. 4098 but of off. S (Cat. No. 468) is therefore uncertain.
|
| 12 |
Janse and Bolin erroneously list the coin as Justinian I.
|
| 13 |
Stenberger states that Nos. 92 a-e are possibly from one hoard but the archives indicate that Nos. 92b and e at least are
from two different fields.
|
| 14 |
Archives list only one coin but there are two coins in the SHM identified as Inv. 6826; Cat. No. 64 is from a box in the
trays of the coin cabinet and bears this inventory number while No. 68 is from the display case and has the number written
in ink on the coin.
|
| 15 |
The coins from these seven separate finds have been mixed together and there is no way of distinguishing them except in those
instances where only one coin of a particular emperor is represented. The bulk of the hoard, however, belongs to one find,
SHM 23664, and consists of 72 solidi: 2 Honorius, 10 Valentinian III, 1 Galla Placidia, 4 Majorian, 1 Libius Severus, 3 Anthemius,
1 Romulus Augustus, 22 Theodosius II, 4 Marcian, 23 Leo I and 1 Leo II and Zeno.
There is a discrepancy in the tabulation in the archives which accounts for 10 solidi of Valentinian III and 24 of Theodosius
II when in fact there are 11 solidi of Valentinian and 23 of Theodosius.
The archives record that SHM 24342 (Theodosius II) was found at Åby no. 1 and thus this coin perhaps does not belong with
this hoard.
|
| 16 |
Archives record only one coin but two coins in the cabinet have "6665" written in ink on them. No. 45 with a mint mark of
R M agrees with the description in the archives; No. 65 has a Ravenna mint mark.
|
| 17 |
Janse and Bolin erroneously list Arcadius for Marcian.
|
| 18 |
The coins from SHM 3247, 3258 and 3274 have been mixed together but the bulk of the hoard is from one find, SHM 3247, with
21 coins: 1 Honorius, 7 Valentinian III, 2 Libius Severus, 1 Arcadius, 6 Theodosius II, 3 Leo I and 1 Basiliscus. Cat. No.
126 (SHM 4449) has not been placed with the others in the SHM but the archives record that it is from the same field. The
coin of Eudocia is usually listed as Eudoxia.
|
| 19 |
The inventory number on this coin is not legible.
|
| 20 |
Janse et. al. list find-place as "Le Landborg."
|
| 21 |
Cat. Nos. 670 (SHM 19800), 718 and 734 (SHM 20214) were discovered subsequent to the publication of the hoard by Arne. Nos.
368 and 740—SHM 19130; Nos. 38, 340, 582, 630, 632, 660, 736 and 737—SHM 19536; the remaining 12 coins—SHM 19310.
|
| 22 |
Arne and Nerman suggest the possibility that this is part of the hoard, No. 137b; however, this cannot be known for certain.
|
| 23 |
Cat. Nos. 382, 573 and 668 (SHM 20802) are separated from the other coins of this hoard in the SHM but the archives state
that they were found in the same place. Nos. 342, 516, 661 and 727 (SHM 19788) were discovered subsequent to the publication
of the hoard by Arne; Nos. 191, 249, 399, 466, 483, 606 and 676—SHM 19523; the remaining 68 coins—SHM 19155.
|
| 24 |
Cat. No. 312 (SHM 17703) is separated from the others in the SHM but Nerman (p. 61) states that they are all from the same
field. No. 418—SHM 12499; No. 512—SHM 13092; No. 570—SHM 14672; No. 671—SHM 11408.
|
| 25 |
This coin is from the display case and its identification with SHM 17043 is not certain.
|
| 26 |
Cat. No. 669 (SHM 20357) is separated from the others in the SHM but the archives have cross references to the other finds.
|
| 27 |
Two solidi of Zeno and 4 of Anastasius found in 1836 (SHM 724) cannot be identified in the SHM.
|
| 28 |
The find-place is sometimes listed as Myrväller.
|
| 29 |
A third solidus of Anastasius perhaps belongs with this find (NNÅ 1944, 265) which was not among coins examined at the SHM.
|
| 30 |
Janse and Bolin erroneously list Justinian I for Justin I.
|
| 31 |
Archives state that they were all from the same field, but see Nerman, p. 61.
|
| 32 |
Nos. 264 and 609 are in the Thorvaldsen Museum, Copenhagen.
|
| 33 |
Klindt-Jensen lists the find-place of the coin of Theodosius II as Sorte Mulde.
|
| 34 |
No. 540 in Bornholm Museum at Rønne (?).
|
| 35 |
In Bornholm Museum, Rønne (?).
|
| 36 |
The description of the coin of Honorius was too vague to be included in the catalogue.
|
| 37 |
No. 565 in SHM (?) and No. 674 in Thorvaldsen Museum, Copenhagen.
|
Plates I–XII illustrate issues from the catalogue. In the catalogue, however, the division between eastern and western emperors is strictly observed whereas on the plates parallel or contemporary issues of eastern and western emperors are brought together. Plate I, for example, illustrates the western issues of Honorius and Arcadius. On Plate IV, the western issues of Leo I which are clearly contemporary with Libius Severus are shown with coins of that emperor, arranged by mint. The catalogue numbers will readily identify the two emperors. Similarly, western issues of Zeno and Basiliscus have been shown with issues of Julius Nepos and Romulus Augustus on Plate VI. Plates VII–VIII are devoted to the various issues of Theodosius II; included with them in juxtaposition are parallel issues of Honorius and the empresses on Plate VII and of Valentinian III on Plate VIII. A solidus of Valentinian III issued by Marcian is shown on Plate IX next to coins of Marcian.
The other plates are self-explanatory. Plates XIII–XVIII are of the imitations. 38 These are followed by two plates with examples of identical dies (Plates XIX–XX), two of jeweled coins (Plates XXI–XXII) and one of repaired coins and mutilated coins (Plate XXIII). Since some coins could be illustrated in more than one place, additional examples in each category can be found elsewhere, e.g., several imitations are illustrated on the plates of jeweled coins and also on the hoard plates. All plate references are given in the catalogue, however, so that any coin can be easily found. Priority was given to the hoards and the latest coins of each hoard are illustrated in that section, Plates XXIV–XXXIII.
| 38 |
The die link indicated on Plate XIII, Nos. 23–24, is a typographical error. See page 136.
|
WESTERN ISSUES
WESTERN ISSUES
WESTERN ISSUES
WESTERN ISSUES
WESTERN ISSUES
WESTERN ISSUES
IMPERIAL ISSUES UNDER THEODOSIUS II
IMPERIAL ISSUES UNDER THEODOSIUS II
IMPERIAL ISSUES UNDER MARCIAN, LEO I
IMPERIAL ISSUES
IMPERIAL ISSUES
IMPERIAL ISSUES
IMITATIONS
IMITATIONS
IMITATIONS
IMITATIONS
IMITATIONS
IMITATIONS
IDENTICAL DIES
IDENTICAL DIES
COINS AS JEWELRY
COINS AS JEWELRY
MUTILATED COINS
ÖLAND HOARDS
ÖLAND HOARDS
GOTLAND HOARDS
GOTLAND HOARDS
GOTLAND HOARDS
GOTLAND HOARDS
GOTLAND HOARDS
LILLÖN HOARD
BORNHOLM HOARDS
BORN HOLM HOARDS
