Late Roman and Byzantine solidi found in Sweden and Denmark

Author
Fagerlie, Joan M.
Series
Numismatic Notes and Monographs
Publisher
American Numismatic Society
Place
New York
Date
Source
Donum
Source
Worldcat
Source
Worldcat Works

License

CC BY-NC

Acknowledgement

Open access edition funded by the National Endowment for the Humanities/Andrew W. Mellon Foundation Humanities Open Book Program.

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Table of Contents

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BODY

INTRODUCTION

The solidi found in Sweden and Denmark cover the century and a half from the death of Theodosius I in 395 down to the latter part of the reign of Justinian I (ca. 550). This roughly corresponds with the period known as the Migration Age. 6 The movement of peoples began before this and continued after Justinian, but the brunt of the invasions, resulting in the loss of the West, was felt in the fifth century.

At the beginning of the fifth century, the throne was occupied by Arcadius and Honorius, the two sons of Theodosius I. Just before his death in 395, Theodosius expressed his desire that the two brothers share the throne and Arcadius, already acting as regent in Constantinople, assumed control of the East and Honorius became emperor of the West.

Almost immediately the Germanic threat, which was to plague both East and West for most of the following century, made itself felt. This threat came from within and from without. Pressing on the frontiers were the masses of barbarian tribes who wanted living space within the empire; within were the Germanic soldiers who had taken service in the imperial armies and who had, in some instances, achieved positions of prominence. They provided energy and leadership but their loyalty when tested was as often as not to their own people who were now the enemies of Rome.

In 395 the Visigoths, who had been settled in Lower Moesia by Theodosius I, revolted and under the leadership of Alaric began a devastating march through Macedonia and Thrace. Virtually unopposed, they ravaged Greece before turning westward. In the early years of the fifth century Alaric and his forces carried out two invasions of Italy which resulted in the sack of Rome in 410. Under Athaulf, successor to Alaric, they entered Gaul in 412. Elsewhere other tribes were crossing the frontiers. In 406, the Vandals, Suevi and Alani crossed the Rhine and began marching through Gaul and Spain. The Burgundians, too, had established a kingdom around Worms by 414. Sporadic and ineffectual attempts to regain the western provinces were made by the Romans, but eventually the Vandals were firmly settled in Africa, the Visigoths and Suevi in Spain, the Burgundians in the Rhone valley and the Franks in Gaul. For all practical purposes the western provinces were lost and Italy itself under attack. In the years between the death of Theodosius I in 395 and the conquest of Odovacar in 476, Italy suffered invasions and attacks by Visigoths, Vandals, Ostrogoths and Huns. In none of these did the invaders attempt to establish control over Italy but they plundered the cities, ravaged the countryside, and were able to force payments and concessions of other territories from the Romans. In 476, however, the barbarians were given land grants in Italy after Odovacar had deposed Romulus Augustus, the last Roman emperor of the West.

In the East, the initial threat of Germanic pressure had been temporarily averted by 400. The next great danger came from the Huns who forced Theodosius II to begin tribute payments in 424. This tribe of Asiatic nomads occasionally fought for the empire but only when it served their purpose and they remained a threat to both East and West until 454. In 451, the Huns and their allies were defeated in the battle of Maurica in Gaul. With the death of Attila shortly thereafter the subject tribes began revolting and the Hunnic empire collapsed.

Chief among the tribes subject to the Huns were the Ostrogoths who obtained their independence in 454 and were then settled as foederati in Pannonia with a promise of annual payments from Marcian. Discontented with conditions there, they harried the nearby provinces until 488 when Zeno persuaded Theodoric, king of the Ostrogoths, to lead his forces westward and replace Odovacar as his viceroy in Italy. This was accomplished by 493 and Italy remained in the hands of the Ostrogoths until the reconquest by Belisarius and Narsesin the reign of Justinian I.

The East survived this movement of peoples but it was a costly survival for the state. It suffered not only the loss of the West, in- cluding Italy, but also a financial depletion as thousands of pounds of gold poured out of the imperial treasury to pacify the barbarians. In 424 Theodosius II began paying 350 pounds of gold annually to Rugila, king of the Huns. When Attila and Bleda succeeded Rugila about 433, the payment was doubled to 700 pounds, but even this sum did not safeguard the imperial provinces against attack. After an encounter with the imperial armies who were decisively defeated in 443, Attila secured an immediate payment of 6000 pounds of gold plus an annual payment of 2100 pounds. The payments came from Theodosius II and also from Valentinian III in the West.

The tribute to the Huns continued through the reign of Theodosius, but his successor Marcian refused to meet the demands. The collapse of the Hunnic empire in 454, however, resulted in the independence of the Ostrogoths who were able to exact annual payments of 100 pounds of gold from Marcian. Leo was more reluctant to make these payments and as a result the Ostrogoths revolted in 461, forcing Leo to continue the annual stipend and to make up the payments in arrears.

These Ostrogoths—ruled by the three brothers, Walamir, Theodemir and Widemir—represented one branch of the tribe; a second branch had taken service in the imperial armies after 454. This latter group, under the command of Strabo, revolted after the death of Aspar, a Roman general of Germanic origin, and forced from Leo an annual stipend of 2000 pounds of gold in addition to territorial concessions and the titles, Master of Soldiers and King of the Ostrogoths, for Strabo. In the struggle for the throne between Basiliscus and Zeno which followed the death of Leo, Strabo supported Basiliscus and Theodoric, Zeno. When Zeno was restored to power, the alliances fluctuated; the title of Master of Soldiers was passed from one Goth to the other and each in turn was recognized as King of the Ostrogoths. The death of Strabo in 481 left Theodoric's Goths as the sole threat to the empire until 488 when Zeno induced them to attack Odovacar and establish themselves in Italy. Although other barbaric tribes soon took their place, they were less formidable and were dealt with in the traditional manner by playing one tribe against another and by payments.

The payments exacted by the barbarians were presumably made in solidi, the coinage represented in the Scandinavian hoards and the basic coinage of the fifth and sixth centuries. 7 Coins were struck in three metals during this period but the bronze was debased and the silver so negligible that the burden of the economy rested upon the gold. Its basic unit was the solidus of 1/72nd of a pound, weighing 4.54 grams and introduced by Constantine I who lowered the weight of the aureus which had been minted at 60 to the pound since the reform of Diocletian. In addition to the solidus, a semis or half-solidus of 2.27 grams and a 1 1/2 scripulum piece of 1.70 grams were introduced. The latter was not easily exchanged for the solidus, however, and was replaced in 383 under Theodosius I by the triens, a third of the solidus, weighing 1.51 grams. Thus, at the beginning of the fifth century the gold currency consisted of the solidus, the semis and the triens. The solidus was by far the most common coin while the triens and in particular the semis were quite rare.

In addition to the official currency issued by the emperors in the fifth and sixth centuries there were barbaric coinages, also represented in the Scandinavian finds, which replaced the imperial coinage in the West. 8 Even before the fall of Italy in 476 the various Germanic tribes began to experiment with coinage. The first attempts took place in the western provinces as they slipped from imperial hands and were undoubtedly inspired by the need to fill the gap left by the closing of the imperial mints. These earliest coinages were imitations with no indication of the new issuing authority. Their legends were often unintelligible and the details of the type so misrendered as to be meaningless. Later, some silver and bronze issues were struck with the name and portrait of the Germanic chief and it is only these issues that can be identified with certainty. For the rest, and this is particularly true of the gold, there are numerous problems involved. It is often difficult to determine whether they are official or barbaric issues and if the latter, to what particular tribe they should be assigned. Issues have been attributed to the Suevi, Vandals, Visigoths, Ostrogoths, Burgundians and Franks, but not always on firm grounds. The criteria for their identification are style, provenance and the monograms which appear on the later issues. Style alone is often an elusive factor and must be checked against other evidence. For example, the huge class of "Vandalic" bronze is now considered to be imperial coinage since its wide distribution outside of Vandalic territory is convincing proof that it was not Vandalic in origin. 9

Although meaningless legends and types are an indication of barbaric manufacture, it is also true that the Italian mints of the fifth century, notably Milan, issued coinage that is characterized by a very crude style and occasional legend irregularities. Furthermore, not all imitative coinages are of crude workmanship. The Ostrogothic issues, identified by the monogram of Theodoric, are often extremely fine specimens.

Many of these imitations are to be found in the catalogue. Some, like the Ostrogothic issues, are identifiable series; others are published varieties but their specific attribution is still uncertain. There are also solidi which are obviously barbaric but which bear no comparison to published specimens. With three exceptions these varieties have been found exclusively in Scandinavia.

End Notes

6
General works for the period: J. B. Bury, History of the Later Roman Empire from the Death of Theodosius I. to the Death of Justinian (2 vols., London, 1931); Cambridge Medieval History, vol. I (Cambridge, Eng., New York, 1924); Alfons Dopsch, The Economic and Social Foundations of European Civilization (London, 1937); Ernest Stein, op. cit.
7
Introductory material and catalogues: R. A. G. Carson, P. V. Hill and J. P. C. Kent, Late Roman Bronze Coinage, a.d. 324–498 (London, 1960); Henry Cohen, Description historique des monnaies frappées sous l'empire romain (8 vols., 2nd ed., Paris, London, 1880–92); J. W. E. Pearce, The Roman Coinage from. a.d. 364 to 423 (London, 1933); RIC IX Valentinian ITheodosius I (London, 1951); R. Ratto, Monnaies byzantines (Lugano, 1930); J. Sabatier, Description générale des monnaies byzantines (Paris, London, 1862); Jean Tolstoi, Monnaies byzantines (St. Petersburg, 1912–14); O. Ulrich-Bansa, Moneta. Mediolanensis (Venice, 1949); Warwick Wroth, Catalogue of the Imperial Byzantine Coins in the British Museum (London, 1908).
8
See Julius Friedländer, Die Münzen der Ostgothen (Berlin, 1844); Die Münzen der Vandalen (Leipzig, 1849); C. F. Keary, "The Coinages of Western Europe: From the Fall of the Western Empire till the Accession of Charlemagne," NC 1878, 49–72, 132–65, 216–58; Warwick Wroth, Catalogue of the Coins of the Vandals, Ostrogoths and Lombards and of the Empires of Thessalonica, Nicaea and Trebizond in the British Museum (London, 1911); F. F. Kraus, Die Münzen Odovacars und des Ostgotenreiches in Italien (Halle, 1928); P. Le Gentilhomme, "Le monnayage et la circulation monétaire dans les royaumes barbares en occident (Ve-VIIIe siècle)," RN 1943, 45–112; Wilhelm Reinhart, "Die Münzen des tolosanischen Reiches der Westgoten," DJN I, 1938, 107–35; "Die Münzen des westgotischen Reiches von Toledo," D JN III, 1940, 69–101; "Die Münzen des Swebenreiches," Mitteilungen der bayerischen numismati-schen Gesellschaft LV, 1937, 151–98.
9
Margaret Thompson, The Athenian Agora II: Coins from the Roman through the Venetian Period (Princeton, 1954), 3, 101 f.

PART I: CATALOGUE AND COMMENTARY

ARRANGEMENT OF THE CATALOGUE

A total of 883 late Roman and Byzantine solidi are known to have been found in Sweden and Denmark. 1 Of these 726 are currently identifiable in Scandinavian collections and complete descriptions of 33 others can be found in the records, making a total of 759 coins which are incorporated in the catalogue. The remaining 124 coins were either dispersed or deposited in the collections at an early date without identifying labels regarding the find place. 2 Thus the material for this study consists of the 883 coins recorded as finds in the archives and literature, but the catalogue is restricted to the 759 coins for which complete descriptions are available while the study of the dies and the condition of the coins are further limited to those 726 coins which are still accessible.

The catalogue of 759 coins is arranged by emperors: first, western rulers from Honorius to Romulus Augustus, followed by eastern rulers from Arcadius to Justinian I. Under each emperor the coins are arranged by mint; eastern mints precede western mints. No at- tempt has been made to arrange the coins of a given emperor in their chronological order as issued. Imitations which can be assigned to a definite reign are placed after the regular issues; those which cannot be attributed to a particular emperor are listed at the end of the catalogue.

Much new material is provided by the Scandinavian finds. For the imperial coinage, many gaps in the officinae record have been closed and a number of hitherto unknown issues have been recovered. The barbaric imitations are of special interest in that they include many new or unpublished specimens.

The problem of the imitations is a disturbing one since little progress has been made in identifying and attributing these series but the additional comparative material presented here should be useful in the definitive study of these imitative coinages. In the catalogue that follows only those coins that are obviously barbaric, those with Germanic monograms or other distinguishing features which are without question products of non-imperial mints, have been included under the "imitations" heading. Among the official issues there may be other less easily detected imitations but because of the uncertainty involved it seemed prudent to refrain from making any barbaric attributions which cannot be firmly supported. All doubtful cases are discussed in the commentary.

The arrangement is not consistent throughout, but a strict consistency is impossible when a variety of official and non-official issues are involved. Nevertheless, the general pattern has been modified as little as possible.

Keys to the types and legends are given at the beginning of each emperor's coinage. For each coin, obverse and reverse types and legends, weight, die position, 3 condition, find-list number and catalogue references can be obtained.

Typical of the arrangement is the initial section under Honorius:

Constantinople

A1 a1 image Cohen 3

  • off. image, 4.42 ↓ good. 113e
  • off. Z 4.41 ↓ worn. 219

A1 is the obverse legend and type found in the key which appears at the beginning of Honorius' list while ai denotes the reverse. The mint mark image listed on the same line as A1 a1 indicates that all coins under that heading bear the same mark. If a reference is given here also, it serves for all the coins under the heading, but where catalogues are more detailed and separate entries exist for variants, the reference is given with each coin. 4

For No. I, the officina is image, weight is 4.42 grams, die-position is ↓, condition is good, and the coin belongs to Find No. 113e which is Stenåsa, Öland. No. 2 is of the same type but has officina Z, its weight is 4.41 grams, die-position is ↓, condition is worn and it is from Find No. 219, Soldatergård, Bornholm.

This arrangement is modified for the coinages of the empresses, for the single specimen of Leontius where keys are not necessary and for the imitations which usually do not lend themselves to the established form. When the imitations are comparable to the official coinage, the keys to the official issues are used. Some of the imitations, however, are of different types and in such cases, obverse and reverse have to be described separately. Furthermore, new keys were made for the imitations of Anastasius, Justin I and Justinian I since these imitations differ from the official issues, are numerous and form a consistent series.

The coins are listed under the emperor identified in the legendi even though this is not always the issuing authority. Theodosius, for example, struck certain series in the name of Valentinian. Coins of the empresses are placed with those of the issuing emperor whenever the relationship can be determined. Thus, coins of Galla Placidia, Eudocia and Pulcheria are listed under Theodosius because it is known that these particular issues were made under his authority.

End Notes

1
The catalogue and find-list were compiled on the basis of material available in 1959. In 1961 the 47 solidi of the Lillön hoard were incorporated but no finds since then have been added. The bulk of the coins are in the Royal Coin Cabinets at the Statens Historiska Museum in Stockholm and the National Museum in Copenhagen. A few are held by the museums of Visby, Kalmar and Lund in Sweden and the Thorvaldsen Museum in Copenhagen. The locations are noted in the find-list.
The coins were incorporated in the Royal collections as a result of the regality systems in Denmark and Sweden which gave the Danish king possession of all gold and silver found in the realm and the Swedish king two-thirds of all antiquities found, with no compensation to either the finder or the owner of the property on which the find was made. Subsequent legislation in both countries granted compensation for all finds which, however, must be offered to the crown for purchase. Cf. Georg Galster, "Treasure-trove in Denmark," Transactions of the International Numismatic Congress, London , 1936 (London, 1938) 299–304; Bengt Thordeman, "Coin-finds in Sweden: Legislation and Organization," in the same work, 320–23; Sir George Hill, Treasure Trove in Law and Practice (Oxford, 1936), 173–84.
2
It is possible that some of these finds can be identified. N. L. Rasmusson has begun the reconstruction of the eighteenth century Ekerö hoard (Find No. 5).
3
The die positions tend toward a ↑ or ↓ axis and minor deviations from a strictly vertical axis have not been noted.
4
This is true of the Milan series throughout which is covered in Ulrich-Bansa's volume. References to series which were struck at different officinae, however, are given inclusively with the heading of each issue. For example, under Theodosius II, Nos. 201–207 of type A1 d3 are identified as Sabatier 13 and Tolstoi 47 f. with a note on which officinae represented in the Scandinavian finds are not listed in either of these publications. This arrangement was not possible with Zeno's coins since both Sabatier and Tolstoi treat as one issue at least two separate issues. In this case, a reference to Tolstoi is given with each officina.

THE CATALOGUE

HONORIUS

Obverse legends Reverse legends
A DNHONORI VSPFAVG a CONCORDI AAVGG
b CONCORDI AAVGGG
c VICTORI AAVGGG
Obverse types Reverse types
1 Bust of emperor, three-quarters facing, helmeted, diademed and cuirassed; holding lance and shield which portrays emperor on horse. 1 Constantinople seated facing, head r., holding sceptre in r. hand and Victory on globe in l.; r. foot on prow.
2 Bust of emperor r., diademed, draped and cuirassed. 2 Emperor in military dress, standing r., holding standard in r. hand and Victory on globe in l.; l. foot on captive.

Constantinople

A1 a1 5 image Cohen 3

  • off. image 4.42 ↓ good. 113e Plate VII
  • off. Z 4.41 ↓ worn. 219

A1 b1 6 image Cohen not

  • off. B 4.43 ↓ fair. 115 Plate VII

Thessalonica

A1 a1 image Cohen 3

  • 4.44 ↓ good. 115 Plate VII

Milan

A2 c2 image Cohen 44; Ulrich-Bansa 61–61η.

  • 4.42 ↓ worn. 122 Plate I
  • 4.38 ↓ very worn. 137b Plate I

Ravenna

A2 c2 image Cohen 44

  • 4.48 ↓ fine. 99
  • 4.47 ↓ good. 110a Plate I
  • 4.38 ↓ pierced; fair. 86
  • 4.45 ↑ very worn. 183
  • 4.39 ↓ very worn. 17
  • 4.38 ↓ very worn. 182b
  • 7 4.32 ↓ pierced; very worn. 87 Plate I
  • 4.39 ↓ very worn. 122 Plate I
  • 8 4.40 ↑ very worn. 182c

rev.: ∊ V l. and r. in field Plate I

  • 4.36 ↑ worn. 135 Plate I
  • 4.32 ↑ pierced; very worn. 18
  • 4.38 ↑ very worn. 137b
  • 4.44 ↓ fine. 99 Plate I
  • 4.42 ↓ good. 99
  • 4.42 ↓ worn. 135

Twenty-one solidi of Honorius have been attributed to official mints. Most are clearly regular issues but the following are to some degree questionable: Nos. 5–6 from the mint of Milan and Nos. 10–18 from Ravenna. The first, however, are not noticeably different from the illustrations of Ulrich-Bansa's catalogue 9 and the Ravenna pieces show stylistic parallels with Nos. 7–9 and 19–21 which are indubitably genuine products of the Ravenna mint. Many of the questionable coins are well worn and this may account to some extent for their crude appearance. It should be remembered also that die-cutters in the official mints were sometimes guilty of erroneous lettering and careless workmanship.

In classifying these twenty-one coins as official, certain factors were considered. First of all, the epigraphy is accurate and normal. 10 The weights are all normal. Furthermore, there is no comparison between these specimens and published imitations. At this period the Suevian and Visigothic imitations were uniformly crude in portraiture and epigraphy, and the weights of the former were often below standard.

End Notes
5
Nos. 194–195 (Constantinople) and 283 (Thessalonica) of Theodosius II are parallel issues to Nos. 1–2 and 4, respectively. See page 38.
6
Nos. 196–198 of Theodosius are parallel issues to No. 3. See page 38.
7
The pierced hole looks as though it may have obliterated a wreath which is characteristic of one imitative series (Visigothic?), but it is merely an illusion created by the neat piercing and looks the same from the reverse.
8
The mint mark seems to read ∊ V but it is a very tarnished specimen and one cannot be certain.

IMITATIONS OF HONORIUS

Obv.: (DN HONORIVS PF AVG) Bust of emperor r., diademed, draped and cuirassed. Rev.: (VICTORIA AVGGG) Emperor in military dress, standing facing, holding long cross in r. hand and Victory on globe in l.; r. foot on serpent.
  • 4.35 ↓ fair. 137b Plate XIII

obv.: SNNSOΛЯimage GSNOΛVᒋ image

rev.: Я∃ΛHOO ΛVSNNC

  • 4.39 ↓ fair 212 Plate XIII

same dies as above

  • 4.50 fair. 182a Plate XIII

obv.: ↃNHONOPI VimagePHHTGG image

rev.: ↃICTORI VVVGG

  • 4.21 ↓ very worn. 127 Plate XIII

same dies as above

Obv.: As above Rev.: (VICTORIA AVGGG) Emperor in military dress, standing r., holding standard in r. hand and Victory on globe in l.; l. foot on captive.
  • 4.50 ↓ good. 137b Plate XIII

obv.: same die as above

rev.: ↃↃↃVΛVT IIOTↃΛII image

  • 4.44 ↓ pierced; worn. 137b Plate XIII

same dies as above

  • 4.42 ↑ fair. 209 Plate XIII

obv.: imageHOimageЯI VꙅimageAVↃ (retrograde) image reversed

rev.: VIↃTOЯl ΛΛVↃↃↃ (retrograde) image reversed

image

The coins listed under Nos. 22–28 are obviously barbaric. Nos. 2225 are imitations of the type introduced by Valentinian III but the obverse legend is clearly meant to be that of Honorius and thus they have been classified with his coins in the catalogue. 11 At the same time it is certain that they were manufactured at the earliest in the reign of Valentinian III and probably well after his reign (see section on identical dies, p. 122). 12 Nos. 26–27 are of the customary type of Honorius but are from the same obverse die as Nos. 24–25. These two coins also must post-date Honorius.

The marks in the field of these imitations, where normally the mint mark appears, are unusual. On Nos. 22–23 there is a single N in the right field which can be read as N or H. Nos. 24–25 have V/ N left and right in the field and Nos. 26–27, || \\. These marks are not readily identifiable as a copy of any of the regular mint marks but whether they have some other meaning cannot, at the present, be determined. The legends indicate that the Roman letters were not clearly understood by the die-cutters. Nos. 24–27 do not distinguish between N and H for example and many other letters are incorrectly formed although it is evident that the name of Honorius was being copied. The most correct form of the legend appears on No. 28 which, except for being retrograde, is fairly accurate. Here the mint mark is undoubtedly meant to be MD.

That these pieces are barbaric cannot be disputed but a more perplexing question concerns their origin. 13 The only published imitations of Honorius are identified as Suevian or Visigothic. 14 The Scandinavian specimens are not comparable to either group and, furthermore, in contrast to many of the Suevian pieces, the weights of the Scandinavian solidi are normal.

End Notes

9
Moneta Mediolanensis, pl. VI, 61–61η (for coins of irregular style see pl. VI, A–B and for imitations, C–D.
10
The only possible exception is No. 15 with an uncertain mint mark.
11
The obverse legend of Nos. 22–23 (which are of the same dies) is more blundered than those of Nos. 24–27 but still, I believe, was taken from a coin of Honorius. Moreover, the reverse is very similar to Nos. 24–25.
12
According to Philip Grierson, such hybrid imitations, sometimes of emperors of different centuries, are quite common.

VALENTINIAN III

Obverse legends Reverse legends
A DNVALENTIN IANVSPFAVG a VOTXXX MVLTXXXX
B DNPLAVALENTI NIANVSPFAVG b VICTORI AAVGGG
c IMP.XXXXII˙COS XVII˙P˙P˙
d VOTX MVLTXX
Obverse types Reverse types
1 Bust of emperor, three-quarters facing, helmeted, diademed and cuirassed; holding lance and shield which portrays emperor on horse. 1 Constantinople seated l., holding globus cruciger in r. hand and sceptre in l.; shield to r.; l. foot on prow.
2 Bust of emperor r., diademed, draped and cuirassed. 2 Victory standing l., holding long cross in r. hand.
3 Bust of emperor l., diademed and in consular dress; holding mappa in r. hand and cross in l. 3 Emperor in military dress, standing facing, holding long cross in r. hand and Victory on globe in l.; r. foot on serpent with human head.
4 Emperor in military dress, standing r., holding standard in r. hand and Victory on globe in l.; l. foot on captive.
5 Emperor in consular dress, seated facing, holding mappa in r. hand and cross in l.

Constantinople

A1 a1 image Cohen 42

  • 15 off. Z 4.39 ↓ good. 115

obv.: ... VSPAVGG Plate VIII

A1 b2 image Cohen 17

  • 16 4.46 ↓ fine. 115 Plate IX

West COMOB

A1 c1 image Cohen 4 var. (CONOB)

  • 17 4.44 ↓ fair. 6 Plate VIII

Milan

B2 b3 image Cohen 19; Ulrich-Bansa 90–90.

  • 4.43 ↓ worn. 137b

rev.: И D l. and r. in field

  • 4.45 ↓ fair. 219
  • 4.32 ↓ fair. 116b Plate II
  • 4.44 ↓ worn, 110c

rev.: CONOB in ex.; N D l. and r. in field

Rome

B2 b3 image Cohen 19

  • 4.36 ↓ fair. 19b Plate XIX
  • 4.36 ↓ worn. 115 Plate XIX
  • 4.39 ↓ very worn. 122
  • 4.42 ↓ fair. 137b Plate II

obv.: . in r. field

  • 4.40 ↓ worn. 99 Plate XIX
  • 4.02 ↑ fair. 115 Plate XIX
  • 4.44 ↑ fine. 115 Plate II
  • 4.40 ↑ fine. 63
  • 18 3.58 ↘ worn. 39
  • 4.46 ↓ worn. 108b
  • 4.38 ↓ pierced; good. 99 Plate II
  • 4.17 ↓ pierced but refilled; worn. 72 Plate XXIII
  • 4.36 ↑ worn. 18 Plate II
  • 4.47 ↓ good. 99 Plate II
  • 4.39 ↓. good. 99 Plate II

rev.: R N l. and r. in field

  • 4.48 ↓ worn. 205 Plate II

rev.: R N 1. and r. in field

Ravenna

B2 b3 image Cohen 19

  • 4.44 ↓ good. 115
  • 4.42 ↓ worn. 137b
  • 4.33 ↑ remains of attachment for loop; worn. 137b
  • 4.44 ↑ worn. 109a
  • 4.49 ↑ fine. 99 Plate II
  • 4.40 ↓ worn. 99
  • 4.31 ↓ fair. 99
  • 4.42 ↓ worn. 99
  • 4.40 ↓ good. 99
  • 4.42 ↓ fine. 115
  • 4.40 ↓ fair. 122
  • 4.35 ↑ very worn. 120
  • 4.47 ↓ worn. 92 c
  • 4.36 ↓ worn. 108b
  • 4.40 ↑ folded over; very worn. 122
  • 4.40 ↑ good. 63
  • 4.35 ↑ worn. 92 c
  • 4.43 ↑ very worn. 220
  • 4.48 ↑ worn 94
  • 4.37 ↑ very worn. 90a
  • 4.36 ↑ pierced but refilled; fair. 51b
  • 4.36 ↑ fair. 121a
  • 4.38 ↑ fair. 6
  • 19 4.41 ↓ pierced; worn. 212

obv..: DИPLΛVΛLEИTI NIΛNVSPFAVG

  • 4.38 ↓ worn. 219 Plate II

obv.: DИPLΛVΛLEИTI NINVSPFΛVG

  • 4.49 ↓ fine. 193 Plate II
  • 4.39 ↓ worn. 64 Plate II
  • 2.25 ↓ only one half of coin remains. 56b

rev.: R [ ]; attribution to Ravenna uncertain.

  • known through literature only. 219

NNÅ 1944, 46, no. 21.2

  • known through literature only. 219

NNÅ 1944, 46, no. 21.3

  • known through literature only. 219

NNÅ 1944, 46, no. 21.4

  • known through literature only. 203

NNÅ 1944, 58, no. 23.1

B2 b4 image Cohen 23

  • 4.50 ↓ fair. 99

obv.: DNPIΛVΛLENTI N1ΛNVꙅPFΛVG

  • 5.49 ↓ with loop and border; worn. 199 Plate XXI

B3 d5 image Cohen 41

  • 4.48 ↓ very worn. 118c Plate II

The bulk of Valentinian's coins are western and, like those of Honorius, include some questionable official issues. The four coins of Milan are very crude in appearance but not unlike a particular series in Ulrich-Bansa which he considers an emergency issue and associates with payments to Attila. 20 The Rome coins (Nos. 36–51) lack uniformity and of the entire group only Nos. 42–43 seem wholly regular. A pellet in the obverse field of No. 39 is curious and often appears on barbaric issues (see below, n. 23). Similarly, a mint mark of R N on Nos. 50–51 is the usual rendering of R M on the barbaric series in Reinhart (Reinhart 22–26). Most doubtful are Nos. 48–51. The Ravenna issues (Nos. 52–86), on the other hand, are more homogeneous and the only dubious specimens are Nos. 77–78. Irregular as many of the above seem, however, they compare favorably with those which are certainly imitations as seen in Reinhart and in this-catalogue, Nos. 88–97.

End Notes

13
Some of the bungled letters on these and other imitations resemble Runic characters and, because of the close die linkage and their provenance, a Scandinavian origin must be considered. I hope eventually to pursue this possibility in greater detail.
14
See studies of Keary, Reinhart and Le Gentilhomme cited above, p. xxiv, n. 8; also, Antonio M. de Guadan and Láscaris Comneno, "Las copias Suevas de los solidos de Honorio," Nummus V, no. 17 (Sept. 1958), 11–23.
15
Issued by Theodosius II in commemoration of his tricennalia celebrated ca. 430. Identical types exist for Theodosius (see his list), Pulcheria, Eudoxia and Eudocia. This reverse was also used by Leo I (Cat. No. 532).
16
Marcian introduced this type and struck these coins for Valentinian, perhaps in hopes of recognition from him which, however, was not forth-coming for more than a year and a half. The coin can be dated to the early part of Marcian's reign. See A. A. Boyce, "Eudoxia, Eudocia, Eudoxia: Dated Solidi of the Fifth Century," ANSMN VI, 1954, 141.
17
Issued by Theodosius II in commemoration of his forty-second imperium and seventeenth consulship in 443. The type is also known for Theodosius, Eudocia, Eudoxia, Placidia and Pulcheria (see under Theodosius). This one example of Valentinian and 54 of Theodosius are included in the Scandinavian finds.
18
Underweight but it has been clipped; the coin is die-linked with Nos. 45–46 which are of normal weight.
19
Nos. 75–76 are of unusual style but cf. Ulrich-Bansa, pl. L, h (Valentinian) and 1 (Marcian).
20
Moneta Mediolanensis, p. 239 and pl. X, 90 α—η.

HONORIA

Obv.: DN IVST GRAT HONORIA PF AVG Rev.: BONO REIPVBLICAE
Bust of empress r., diademed. Victory standing l., holding long cross in r. hand. image

Ravenna

  • known through literature only. 224 e. Cohen 1 NNÅ 1944, 81, no. I

IMITATIONS OF VALENTINIAN III 21

B2 b3 image

  • 4.35 ↓ worn. 203 Plate XIII

B2 b3 image

  • 22 4.31 ↓ pierced over wreath; worn. 137b Plate XIII

obv.: DNPIΛVΛIENTI NIΛNVSPFΛVG

  • 23 4.38 ↓ fine. 99 Plate XIII

obv.: . in r. field

  • 4.37 ↓ pierced; worn. 55b Plate XIII

obv.: . in l. field; ↃNPIΛVΛIENTI ITΛNVSTF[ ]

  • 4.41 ↑ pierced but refilled; very worn. 205 Plate XIII

obv.: . in l. field

  • 5.57 ↓ with loop and border; very worn. 194 Plate XXII

obv.: DNLΛVΛLNITI NIΛNVS[ ]ΛVG

  • 4.42 ↓ fine. 76 Plate XIV

obv.: DΔVALEIITI IIIΛNVSPFC

  • 24 4.42 ↓ good. 115 Plate XIV

obv.: wreath in legend break

  • 25 4.37 ↘ fine. 184 Plate XIV

obv.: . in l. field; DNPIAVAIENTIHIANVSPFAVG

  • 26 4.45 ↓ very worn. 207 Plate XIV

End Notes

21
Much use has been made of Reinhart's study of the Visigothic coinage for these attributions of the imitations of Valentinian and most of the coins listed below have counterparts in Reinhart. With one or two exceptions (Reinhart 27–28 are certainly official issues of Milan) his series on Valentinian is undoubtedly barbaric but it is not certain that they all are Visigothic. The imitations in this catalogue and in Reinhart are predominantly of Ravenna issues.
22
A wreath in the obverse legend break identifies this coin as a Visigothic (?) imitation; cf. Reinhart 10.
23
A pellet in the obverse field is found on Reinhart 17–20 which are of similar style to this coin. It also appears on Nos. 39 (considered official), 91, 92 and 96 in this catalogue. With the exception of No. 39 all the coins bearing such a pellet are of a definite barbaric character.

MAJORIAN

Obverse legends Reverse legends
A DNIVLIVSMAIORI ANVSPFAVG a VICTORI AAVGGG
B DNIVLIVSMAIORIA NVSPEAVG
Obverse types Reverse types
1 Bust of emperor r., helmeted, diademed, draped and cuirassed; holding lance and shield inscribed image. 1 Emperor in military dress, standing facing, holding long cross in r. hand and Victory on globe in l.; r. foot on serpent with human head.

Arelate

A1 a1 image Cohen 1

  • 4.42 ↓ fair. 135 Plate III
  • 4.45 ↓ pierced; fair. 176 Plate III

rev.: COMOB* in ex.

  • 4.32 ↓ fair. 99 Plate III

obv.: . in upper and lower l. field

rev.: COMOB* in ex.

Milan

A1 a1 image Cohen 1

  • 4.30 ↑ worn. 40b. Ulrich-Bansa 102
  • 4.44 ↓ good. 48. Ulrich-Bansa 102 Plate III
  • 4.42 ↑ worn. 205. Ulrich-Bansa not Plate III

obv.: legend break, ... A – N VSPFAVG

B1 a1 image Cohen 1 var.

  • 4.18 ↓ worn. 86. Ulrich-Bansa 104 27 Plate XXIV

rev.: legend break, ... A – AVGGG

  • 4.44 ↑ pierced (?); very worn. 137b. Ulrich-Bansa 104

rev.: legend break, ... A – AVGGG

  • 4.20 ↑ very worn. 128 a. Ulrich-Bansa 104 Plate III

rev.: legend break, ... A – AVGGG

  • 4.42 ↑ fair. 80 a. Ulrich-Bansa not Plate XXIV

obv.: legend break, ... I – ANVSPEAVG

rev.: legend break, ... A – AVGGG

Ravenna

A1 a1 image Cohen 1

  • 4.87 ↓ with loop; worn. 194 Plate XXII

obv.: legend break, ... R – IANVSPFAVG

rev.: legend break, ... A – AVGGG

  • 4.35 ↓ fair. 99
  • 4.44 ↓ fine. 62 Plate III
  • 4.38 ↓ worn. 137b Plate III
  • 4.36 ↑ worn. 102 Plate III

obv.: .inr. field; legend break,.. .O–RIANVSPFAVG

  • 4.46 ↑ fair. 99 Plate III

obv.: DNIVLIVSMEIORI...

The coins of Majorian present an assortment of crude portraits and legend varieties; one rarely finds a clean striking or a well-cut die. Such workmanship has come to be characteristic of western mints in the fifth century, however, and only one coin can be clearly recognized as an imitation.

A uniformity of style is evident on the coins of Arelate and on those of Milan. The coins of the latter occasionally have PE in place of PF in the obverse legend and all resemble Reinhart 62 but in this case Reinhart's attribution to a barbaric mint is incorrect. 28 Less uniformity is apparent on the coins of Ravenna but there is little reason for considering any one of them an imitation.

End Notes

24
Has "Visigothic" wreath; cf. Reinhart 10.
25
Same coin as Reinhart 50.
26
Similar to Reinhart 8 which, however, has a wreath in the obverse legend break.
27
Ulrich-Bansa 104; text (p. 265) reads PFAVG but the plate clearly shows PEAVG.

IMITATIONS OF MAJORIAN 29

A1 a1 image Cohen 1

  • 4.37 ↓ good. 99 Plate XIV

obv.: DNIVIVSMΛIRI ΛNVSPFΛVG image on shield

LIBIUS SEVERUS

Obverse legends Reverse legends
A DNLIBIVSSEV ERVSPEAVG a VICTORI AAVGGG
B DNLIBIVSSEVER VSPERPETVAG
C DNLIBIVSSEVE RVSPFAVG
Obverse types Reverse types
1 Bust of emperor r., diademed, draped and cuirassed. 1 Emperor in military dress, standing facing, holding long cross in r. hand and Victory on globe in l.; r. foot on serpent with human head.

Milan

All Milan coins have reverse legend break, ... A – AVGGG

A1 a1 image Cohen 11

  • 4.44 ↑ worn. 99. Ulrich-Bansa 108
  • 4.45 ↑ fair. 170 a. Ulrich-Bansa 108 Plate III
  • 4.10 ↑ fair. 63. Ulrich-Bansa 109 Plate IV

obv.: legend break, ... E – RVSPEAVG

B1 a1 image Cohen 10

  • 4.43 ↑ worn. 212. Ulrich-Bansa 112 Plate IV
  • 4.30 ↑ worn. 212. Ulrich-Bansa 114 Plate III

obv.: DNLIRIVSSEVERV SPERPETV image

  • 4.23 ↑ worn. 89. Ulrich-Bansa 114

obv.: DNLIRIVSSEVERV SPERPETV image

Rome

C1 a1 image Cohen 8

  • 4.42 ↓ pierced; fair. 115
  • 4.42 ↓ good, 110c
  • 4.49 ↓ fair. 40a

rev.: COMOB* in ex.

  • 4.34 ↓ fine. 40c Plate XIX
  • 4.45 ↓ fine. 80a Plate XIX
  • 4.44 ↓ fine. 115 Plate XIX
  • 4.44 ↓ fine. 115 Plate XIX
  • 4.42 ↑ very worn. 96b

rev.: COMOB* in ex.

  • 4.10 ↓ worn. 212
  • 4.32 ↑ fair. 216

obv.: . in upper l. field

  • 4.44 ↑ good. 119
  • 4.45 ↓ fine. 99 Plate IV

rev.: COMOB* in ex.

  • 4.39 ↑ fair. 90b
  • 4.17 ↓ good. 101
  • 4.44 ↓ fine. 115 Plate IV
  • 7.80 ↓ with loop and border; very worn. 190 Plate XXI

rev.: COMOB* in ex.

Ravenna

Usual obverse legend break, ... E – VERVSPFAVG

C1 a1 image Cohen 8

  • 30 4.38 ↑ good. 115 Plate IV

obv.: legend break, ... E – RVSPFAVG

  • 4.37 ↓ good. 96a Plate XIX
  • 4.34 ↓ worn. 70b Plate XIX
  • 4.38 ↓ good. 60 Plate XIX
  • 31 3.82 ↓ fair. 118a Plate XIX
  • 4.06 ↓ worn. 135
  • 4.42 ↓ good. 41 Plate IV

obv.: legend break, ... V – ERVSPFAVG

  • 4.42 ↓ good. 108a

obv.: legend break, ... V – ERVSPFAVG

  • known through literature only. 219

NNÅ 1944, 48, no. 7

The coins of Libius Severus are generally crude but within a mint group there is a uniformity of style. Portraiture in the Milan series (Nos. 115–120) is coarse but identical in style to the coins of Majorian from that mint. The use of PE in place of PF is carried over from the reign of Majorian and a new legend is also introduced, DN ... PERPETV AVG, which continues into the reign of Anthemius. Rome and Ravenna do not make use of either of these variants except occasionally under Anthemius. All die positions for Milan coins are ↑ which remain consistent for the duration of the imperial control of that mint. 32

The Rome coins (Nos. 121–136) are more numerous and present a homogeneous style. It is quite distinctive and in technique superior to the products of the Milan mint. The normal die position is ↓ but exceptions are noted on Nos. 128, 130, 131 and 133 all of which are of the Rome style but cruder than the other pieces.

The Ravenna coins (Nos. 137–145) present still another style which, with one exception, is uniform. Of particular interest is No. 137 which is clearly of the style of Rome. The obverse portrait is identical to those on Nos. 121–136 and the reverse has stylistic elements in common with the Rome group. 33 The Ravenna mint mark is puzzling, however, and perhaps indicates that a die-cutter was transferred from Rome to Ravenna. Because of the similarities of the reverse also it cannot represent merely a transferred die. 34 The normal die-position for Ravenna is ↓. 35

End Notes

28
Reinhart 62 is clearly part of the official Milan issues of Majorian illustrated in Ulrich-Bansa, pl. XI, 102–104.
29
Ulrich-Bansa (p. 263) considers the R A strikings in the name of Majorian the product of an unknown mint which operated as a subsidiary mint of Ravenna, Milan or Arelate, most probably of Milan. These issues are also known for Valentinian III (Reinhart 51) and Libius Severus (in this catalogue, Nos. 146–148) of whom they are more common. The coins reveal a consistent style and are often from well cut dies, but they contain epigraphical irregularities. They are also similar to many others in Reinhart's series which are certainly barbaric. In addition, Philip Grierson tells me that this series is consistently debased.
30
The obverse legend break is the same as that of the Rome coins; see page 21.
31
Underweight due to clipping; in other respects it is regular and is die-linked with Nos. 138–140.
32
This observation, to my knowledge, has not been made previously and it is important for the attribution of unmarked specimens to that mint (see under Romulus Augustus and Basiliscus). Nos. 617–618 of Zeno, attributed to the imperial mint of Milan, also have die positions of ↑.
33
The portraits and the treatment of the cuirass, diadem tails and lettering are practically identical. On the reverse, similarities with the Rome coins are evident in the lettering, the angle of the right arm and right thigh and in other details. The legend break of this coin (No. 137) is also the same as that of the Rome coins.
34
An obverse die of Galla Placidia was transferred from Rome to Aquileia (J. Lafaurie, "Le trésor de Chécy (Loiret)," in J. Gricourt, G. Fabre and M. Mainjonet, J. Lafaurie, Trésors monétaires et plaques-boucles de la Gaule romaine: Bavai , Montbuoy, Chécy , XIIe supplément à "Gallia" (Paris, 1958), p. 293 and J. P. C. Kent, "Gold Coinage in the Late Roman Empire," in Essays in Roman Coinage Presented to Harold Mattingly , eds. R. A. G. Carson and C. H. V. Sutherland (Oxford, 1956), p. 200n. Kent also points out a Rome reverse die of Valentinian III which was recut for use at Ravenna.
35
The only exception is No. 137.

IMITATIONS OF LIBIUS SEVERUS 36

C1 a1image

  • 4.36 ↓ good. 183 Plate XIV

rev.: VICTOR AAVGGG

  • 7.68 ↘ with loop and border; very worn. 188 Plate XXI

obv.: DNIIBIVSSE RVSPFAVG

  • 4.32 ↓ good. 6 Plate XIV

obv.: DNIIBIVSSEVE RVSPFAVG

ANTHEMIUS

Obverse legends Reverse legends
A DNANTHEMI VSPERPETAVG a SALVS REIPVBLICAE
B DNANTHE MIVSPFAVG (Legend break varies and is noted below.)
C DNANTHEM IVSPEAVG
D DNPROCANTH EMIVSPFAVG
Obverse types Reverse types
1 Bust of emperor, three-quarters facing, helmeted, diademed and cuirassed; holding lance and shield which portrays emperor on horse. 1 Two figures in military dress, standing facing, each with lance and holding globus cruciger between them.
2 Bust of emperor, three-quarters facing, helmeted, diademed, draped and cuirassed; holding lance in r. hand. 2 Two figures in military dress, standing facing; figure on r. holding Victory on globe; between them above image
3 Bust of emperor r., diademed, draped and cuirassed. 3 Two figures draped and wearing nimbus, standing facing, holding long cross between them; each with globe in l. hand.

Milan

A1 a1 image Cohen 9

  • 4.46 ↑ fair. 205. Ulrich-Bansa 121

rev.: I – PV – B

  • 4.42 ↑ pierced; fair. 90b. Ulrich-Bansa 121

rev.: I – PV – B

  • 4.39 ↑ worn. 149. Ulrich-Bansa 123 Plate V

rev.: Ϩ∧LVϨREI PV BLICAE

  • 4.40 ↑ worn. 203. Ulrich-Bansa 122 Plate V

rev.: I – PV – B; image

B1 a2 image Cohen 12 var.

  • 4.24 ↑ fair. 36. Ulrich-Bansa 126 Plate V

obv.: legend break, I – VSPFAVG

rev.: I – PV – B

C2 a1 image Cohen 6

  • 4.36 ↑ good. 99. Ulrich-Bansa 118

rev.: E – IP – V

  • 4.38 ↑ worn. 121 c. Ulrich-Bansa not Plate V

obv.: legend break, E – MIVSPEAVG

rev.: E – IP – V

  • 37 known through literature only. 219

NNÅ 1944, 48, no. 8

Rome

A1 a1 image Cohen not

  • 4.42 ↓ good. 99 Plate V

rev.: I – PV – B

C1 a1 image Cohen 7 var.

  • 4.39 ↓ pierced; good. 100b Plate V

rev.: E – IPV – B

B2 a1 image Cohen 6

  • 4.35 ↓ good. 52 Plate V

rev.: R – EIP – V; * beneath image; ·COMOB·

  • 4.44 ↓ fair. 113c Plate V

rev.: R – EIP – V; ∵ encircling imageCOMOB·

  • 4.30 ↓ very worn. 35a

rev.: R – EIP – V

  • 4.43 ↓ pierced; very worn. 19c

rev.: R – EIP – V

B1 a1 image Cohen 7 or CORMOB (noted)

  • 4.39 ↓ good. 86 Plate XXIV

rev.: R – EIP – V

  • 4.52 ↓ very fine. 224a Plate V

rev.: E – IPV – B; CORMOB

  • 4.49 ↓ fine. 72

rev.: R – EIP – V; CORMOB

Ravenna

B2 a1 image Cohen 8

  • 38 4.37 ↓ worn. 51a Plate V

rev.: R – EIP – V

D1 a3 image Cohen 2

  • 4.37 ↓ worn. 137b Plate V

obv.: DNPROCAИ THEMIVSPFAVG

rev.: SALVSRI PV BLICAE

D3 a3 image Cohen 3

  • 4.30 ↓ fair. 135

rev.: I – P – V – B

  • 4.43 ↓ very fine. 99 Plate V

rev.: I – P – V – B

Mint (?)

B1 a1

  • known through literature only. 224e. Cohen 7

NNÅ 1944, 81, no. 2 has Cohen 6 but description reads "with shield" and is therefore type B1 a1 and Cohen 7

B2 a1

  • known through literature only. 215b. Cohen 6

NNÅ 1944, 63, no. 2

Under Anthemius the facing portrait appears on the western coinage and the traditional reverse with the emperor standing with his foot on a serpent and the legend, VICTORIA AVGGG, 39 is replaced by new types with the legend SALVS REIPVBLICAE. The many variants and combinations of the types and legends make this coinage difficult to arrange and for almost every coin additional notes are required to indicate the legend break, the form of the mint mark, and the like.

The Milan coins (Nos. 149–156) are typical of that mint in that they are the crudest of the lot. Die positions are consistently ↑ for Milan and ↓ for Rome and Ravenna. Nos. 163–165 without the usual form of mint mark are certainly of Rome. In style they are identical to Nos. 157–162 and also, two of the coins bear CORMOB in the exergue. One Ravenna coin, No. 166, has a particularly crude portrait and may not be an official issue.

End Notes

36
Ulrich-Bansa (p. 272, nn. 42 and 45) is not convinced that these coins are imitations; see above p. 18, n. 29.
37
The description of this coin in Breitenstein's article is that of the type B2 a1 which differs from C2 a1 in the use of PFAVG instead of PEAVG in the obverse legend. The coin was not available to Breitenstein, however (NNÅ 1944, 52, n. 49), and presumably the description was obtained from records. The reading of the legend is therefore open to question and the only other recording of this variant for Milan is found in Ulrich-Bansa, no. 116, who quotes the Zeccone hoard published by C. Brambilla (Altre annotazioni numismatiche, Pavia, 1870). This latter publication does not illustrate the coin and the type remains without authority. It seems possible that in both instances the obverse legend is a misreading and should be PEAVG. One of the photographs of the Zeccone coins in the Pavia Museum in my possession is of the type of Ulrich-Bansa 116 and with the same legend break, but reads PEAVG. The same variety is found in No. 155 of this catalogue. At any rate, the type C2 a1 with obverse legend break E – MIVSPEAVG does exist although it is not recorded by Ulrich-Bansa and Ulrich-Bansa 116 is possibly a misreading of this type.
38
Similar to Reinhart 100.
39
The only record of such a reverse for Anthemius known to me is Cohen 18; the legend, DN PROC ANTHIMIVS, suggests that it is barbaric.

GLYCERIUS

Obverse legends Reverse legends
A DNGLVCER IVSFPAVG a VICTORI AAVGG
Obverse types Reverse types
1 Bust of emperor r., diademed, draped and cuirassed. 1 Emperor in military dress, standing facing, holding long cross in r. hand and Victory on globe in l.; r. foot on stool.

Milan

A1 a1 image Cohen 2; Ulrich-Bansa 130

  • 4.41 ↑ good. 72 Plate VI

Ravenna

A1 a1 image Cohen 3

  • 4.44 ↓ pierced; good. 90b Plate XXV
  • 4.47 ↓ pierced; worn. 212 Plate VI

The coinage of Glycerius reverts to earlier types, current before Anthemius, but with some variations. The three coins in this catalogue portray the emperor standing facing and holding a long cross and a Victory on globe but his right foot rests on a stool rather than on a serpent. 40 Also, the obverse legend reads FPAVG (rather than PFAVG) and the reverse legend differs from previous issues in dropping the third G in AVGGG. 41

JULIUS NEPOS

Obverse legends Reverse legends
A DNIVLNE POSPFAVG a VICTORI AAVGGG:
Obverse types Reverse types
1 Bust of emperor, three-quarters facing, helmeted, diademed and cuirassed; holding lance and shield which portrays emperor on horse. 1 Victory standing l., holding long cross in r. hand.

Milan

A1 a1 image Cohen 5

  • 4.37 ↑ pierced but refilled; worn. 137b. Ulrich-Bansa 151 Plate VI
  • 4.40 ↑ fair. 85. Ulrich-Bansa 151 Plate XXIV
  • 4.40 ↑ good. 6. Ulrich-Bansa 151 Plate VI
  • 4.42 ↑ good. 22. Ulrich-Bansa 149 Plate VI

rev.: ... AAVGGG and COMOB without pellets

Rome (?)

A1 a1 image Cohen 5

  • 4.43 ↓ worn. 219 Plate VI

obv.: DNIVLINE POSPFAVG

  • 4.40 ↓ fair. 79

rev.: ... AAVGGG without pellets

Ravenna

A1 a1 image Cohen 6

  • ↓ fair. 182d
  • 4.26 ↓ worn. 19b Plate VI

The standing Victory reverse with the legend VICTORIA AVGGG was the standard reverse type of the eastern coinage from the reign of Marcian. It now appears in the West on the coins of Julius Nepos and Romulus Augustus along with a facing portrait noted earlier in the West on the coins of Anthemius.

The Milan coins of Julius Nepos represent a distinct improvement over the Milan coins of preceding emperors. 42 The stylistic differences between the various mint groups, however, are not as apparent as they were previously. Nos. 179–180, without mint mark other than the exergue inscription of COMOB, have been attributed to Rome on the somewhat tenuous grounds that this mint was still in operation and because they are not entirely analogous with either the Milan or Ravenna specimens.

End Notes

40
This is a variation of the type introduced by Valentinian III. Another type issued by Glycerius is similar to coins of Honorius which show the emperor standing right, holding a standard and a Victory on globe, with his left foot on a captive. The Glycerius type has a long cross in place of a standard and the emperor rests his foot on a stool rather than on a captive (Cohen 1). See Ulrich-Bansa, pp. 290–91 for a discussion of these changes and also, Lafaurie, "Chécy," 282, n. 11.
41
Glycerius reverts to the earlier custom of following the epigraphical rule of abbreviation: AVGG stands for two augusti on the throne, AVGGG for three augusti and so on. Coins of Glycerius with three G's are also known and the issues are dated by Lafaurie in "Chécy," 289.

IMITATIONS OF JULIUS NEPOS

Obv.: DNIVLIVƆ NEPVSIVG Rev.: CALVSR EIPV BLICAE
Bust of emperor, three-quarters facing, helmeted, diademed, draped and cuirassed; holding lance in r. hand. Two figures in military dress, standing facing, each with lance and holding globus cruciger between them. image
  • 4.28 ↓ pierced; very worn. 192 Plate XIV

Obv.: DNIimageINE POSPFAVG

obverse type 1

  • 1.62 with loop and border; fine. 186 Plate XIV

struck on one side only.

Nos. 183–184 are unquestionably barbaric. The first one bears obverse and reverse types characteristic of Anthemius but a legend of Julius Nepos which has many irregularities. This is most unusual. It was noted earlier that an imitation could bear the obverse of one emperor and the reverse of another but here the obverse portrait is clearly copied from coins of Anthemius while the legend reads Julius Nepos. No. 184 is of bracteate form, struck on one side only and the impression can be seen from the reverse. Its weight is very low, 1.62 grams.

End Notes

42
In fact, the portraiture resembles that on the Rome issues of Anthemius. It is of interest also that the Milan coins of Julius Nepos have pellets before and after COMOB which are evident on some of the Rome issues of Anthemius (Nos. 159–160).

ROMULUS AUGUSTUS

Obverse legends Reverse legends
A DNROMVLVSA GVSTVSPFAVG a VICTORI AAVGGG:
Obverse types Reverse types
1 Bust of emperor, three-quarters facing, helmeted, diademed and cuirassed; holding lance and shield which portrays emperor on horse. 1 Victory standing l., holding long cross in r. hand.

Milan (?)

A1 a1 image Cohen 5

  • 4.44 ↑ very fine. 84 Plate VI
  • 4.42 ↑ pierced; fair. 16
  • 4.43 ↑ very fine. 99 Plate XXV
  • 4.44 ↑ fair. 85 Plate XXIV

rev.: COMOB without pellets

The four coins of Romulus Augustus are without mint mark but are closest in style to the Milan coins of Julius Nepos. 43 Other parallels with Milan issues are in the use of pellets before and after COMOB 44 and in the die positions which have been consistently ↑ since the reign of Libius Severus. Furthermore, the obverse legend on all four coins (3 from the same die, however) reads AGVSTVS, whereas coins of Romulus with a Rome mint mark have the conventional spelling AVGVSTVS.

ARCADIUS

Obverse legends Reverse legends
A DNARCADI VSPFAVG a CONCORDI AAVGGG
b VICTORI AAVGGG
Obverse types Reverse types
1 Bust of emperor r., diademed, draped and cuirassed. 1 Constantinople seated facing, head r., holding sceptre in r. hand and shield in l. inscribed VOT V MVL X in four lines.
2 Emperor in military dress, standing r., holding standard in r. hand and Victory on globe in l.; l. foot on captive.

Constantinople

A1 a1 image Sabatier 12 (lacks off. below); Tolstoi 22; RIC 70c

  • off. Δ 4.42 ↓ good. 7

Milan

A1 b2 image Sabatier 18; Tolstoi 29

  • 4.32 ↑ pierced; good. 73. Ulrich-Bansa 51 Plate I
  • 4.40 ↓ worn. 137b. Ulrich-Bansa 60 Plate I

Rome

A1 b2 image Sabatier not; Tolstoi not

  • 4.49 ↑ worn. 115 Plate I

Ravenna

A1 b2 image Sabatier 18; Tolstoi 30

  • 4.44 ↓ fair. 99 Plate I

End Notes

43
Compare also with those of Zeno (Nos. 617–618) with mint mark and particularly with Basiliscus (No. 626), without mint mark (Plate VI).
44
See above, p. 28, n. 42.

THEODOSIUS II

Obverse legends Reverse legends
A DNTHEODO SIVSPFAVG a CONCORDI AAVGG
Av DNTHEODOSI VSPFAVG b CONCORDI AAVGGG
c UIRTEX ERCROM 45
d VOTXX MVLTXXX
e GLORORVI STERRAR
f SALVSREI *PVBLICAE
g VOTXXX MVLTXXXX
h IMPXXXXIICOS XVIIPP
Obverse types Reverse types
1 Bust of emperor, three-quarters facing, helmeted, diademed and cuirassed; holding lance and shield which portrays emperor on horse. 1 Constantinople seated facing, head r., holding sceptre in r. hand and Victory on globe in l.; r. foot on prow.
2 Emperor in military dress, dragging captive by hair and carrying trophy over l. shoulder.
3 Victory standing l., holding long cross in r. hand.
4 Emperor in military dress, standing facing, holding standard in r. hand and globus cruciger in l.
5 Theodosius seated facing on l.; to r., Valentinian standing; each holding mappa in r. hand and cross in l.
6 Theodosius and Valentinian seated facing, each wearing nimbus, holding mappa in r. hand and cross in l.
7 Constantinople seated l., holding globus cruciger in r. hand and sceptre in l.; shield to r.; l. foot on prow.

Constantinople

A1 a1 image Sabatier not; Tolstoi 1 ff.

  • off. A 4.45 ↓ fair. 86 Plate VII
  • off. S 4.39 ↓ fair. 126

A1 b1 image Sabatier 2 (lacks off. below); Tolstoi not

  • off. — 4.38 ↓ worn. 115
  • off. Δ 4.45 ↓ fair. 137b Plate VII
  • off. Z 4.46 ↓ pierced; very worn. 214b

A1 c2 image Sabatier 12; Tolstoi 37

  • 4.39 ↓ fair. 115
  • 4.49 ↓ fair. 115 Plate VII

A1 d3 image Sabatier 13 (lacks off. ∈, ⊝ below); Tolstoi 47f. (lacks off. Γ, ∈, S, H and ⊝ below)

  • off. — 4.44 ↑ fair. 137b
  • off. — 4.42 ↓ fair. 99
  • off. Γ 4.44 ↓ mut.; fair. 115
  • off. ∊ 4.37 ↓ pierced; very worn. 203
  • off. S 4.45 ↓ worn. 219
  • off. H 4.44 ↓ pierced; worn. 137b
  • off. ⊝ 4.30 ↓ fair. 115 Plate VII

A1 d3 image Sabatier 13; Tolstoi 40 ff.

  • off. S 4.42 ↓ good. 117a Plate VII
  • off. H 4.46 ↓ worn. 205
  • off. I 4.57 ↑ with loop and border; very worn. 195 Plate XXI

A1 e4 image Sabatier 3 (lacks off. below); Tolstoi 10 ff. (lacks off. below)

  • off. S 4.28 ↑ worn. 137b Plate VIII

A1 f5 image Sabatier 8; Tolstoi 33 ff.

  • 4.08 ↓ pierced; good. 80a Plate VIII

rev.: ...*PVB LICAE

  • 4.43 ↓ good. 137b

rev.: ...*PVB LICAE

  • 4.41 ↓ good. 115

rev.: ...*PVB LICAE

  • 4.51 ↓ pierced; fair. 61

A1 f6 image Sabatier not; Tolstoi 25 ff. (lacks off. A below)

  • off. A 4.45 ↓ fair. 99 Plate VIII
  • off. B 4.47 ↓ fine. 99
  • off. B 4.16 ↓ very worn. 183
  • off. H 4.41 ↓ worn. 203

A1 g7 image Sabatier 14 (lacks off. A, S, H, I below); Tolstoi 49 ff. (lacks off. — below)

Officina —

  • 4.45 ↓ pierced; fair. 99
  • 4.43 ↓ fair. 205 Plate VIII

Officina A

  • 4.47 ↓ good. 99
  • 4.47 ↓ fair. 115
  • 4.48 ↓ fair. 115

Officina B

  • 4.44 ↓ fair. 205
  • 4.44 ↓ fair. 6

Officina Γ

  • 4.51 ↓ fine. 114a
  • 4.45 ↓ worn. 219
  • 4.45 ↓ worn. 212
  • 4.22 ↓ fair. 38
  • 4.22 ↓ worn. 46a
  • 4.35 ↓ mut.; fair. 137b
  • 4.44 ↓ fair. 99
  • 4.41 ↓ worn. 57

Officina Δ

  • 4.41 ↓ worn. 137b
  • 4.41 ↓ worn. 137b
  • 4.37 ↓ fair. 99
  • 4.44 ↓ worn. 132
  • 4.45 ↓ worn. 164d
  • 4.44 ↓ worn. 99
  • 4.41 ↓ mut.; pierced but refilled; very worn. 70c Plate XXIII
  • 4.34 ↓ worn. 6

Officina ∊

  • 46 4.40 ↓ worn. 179c Plate VIII

obv.: legend break ...SI – VSPFAVG

  • 4.45 ↓ very worn. 87
  • 4.35 ↓ pierced; very worn. 212
  • 4.30 ↓ worn. 46b
  • 4.34 ↓ pierced; very worn. 18

Officina S

  • 47 4.45 ↓ very worn. 219 Plate VIII

obv.: DNTEODOSI Usual obverse legend break VSPFAVG

  • 4.42 ↓ worn. 137b
  • 4.50 ↓ pierced; mut.; very worn. 179c
  • 4.43 ↓ worn. 137b
  • 4.44 ↓ mut.; worn. 6

Officina Z

  • 4.46 ↓ fair. 99
  • 4.42 ↓ fair. 86

Officina H

  • 4.37 ↓ very worn. 130b
  • 4.36 ↓ worn. 220
  • 4.40 ↓ worn. 33
  • 4.22 ↓ mut.; worn. 212
  • 4.37 ↓ pierced; fine. 68

Officina ⊝

  • 4.44 ↓ mut.; fair. 58
  • 4.45 ↓ fair. 112
  • 5.35 ↓ with loop; very worn. 28

Officina I

  • 4.43 ↓ worn. 99
  • 4.46 ↓ worn. 203
  • 4.44 ↓ worn. 197
  • 4.45 ↓ mut.; worn. 212
  • 4.37 ↓ pierced; fair. 18

Av1 h7 image Sabatier 6; Tolstoi not

  • 4.46 ↓ pierced; fair. 86
  • 4.38 ↓ pierced but refilled; good. 121f
  • 4.47 ↓ fair. 115 Plate VIII
  • 4.36 ↓ pierced; worn. 18 Plate XX
  • 4.45 ↓ fine. 99 Plate XX
  • 4.45 ↓ worn. 137b
  • 5.76 ↓ border and space for loop; worn. 198 Plate XXI
  • 4.30 ↓ pierced; very worn. 212
  • 4.45 ↓ good. 99
  • 4.41 ↓ fair. 99
  • 4.40 ↓ fair. 99
  • 4.35 ↓ worn. 6
  • 4.41 ↓ worn. 6
  • 4.36 ↓ worn. 6
  • known through literature only. 215b

NNÅ 1944, 64, no. 3

Thessalonica

A1 a1 image Sabatier not; Tolstoi not

  • 4.25 ↓ pierced; very worn. 62 Plate VII

A1 e4 image Sabatier 3; Tolstoi 16

  • 4.44 ↓ worn. 219 Plate VIII
  • 4.35 ↓ pierced but refilled (?); fair. 99
  • 4.26 ↓ fair. 99
  • 4.40 ↓ worn. 99
  • known through literature only. 215b

NNÅ 1944, 64, no. 4

West COMOB

A1 g7 image Sabatier not; Tolstoi not

  • off. Γ 4.34 ↓ worn. 212
  • off. ∊ 4.43 ↓ pierced; fair. 54 Plate VIII
  • off. H 4.40 ↓ pierced; worn. 44
  • off. I 4.42 ↓ worn. 46b

Av1 h7 image Sabatier 6f. (lacks off. Δ, ∊ below); Tolstoi 18 ff.

  • 4.40 ↓ pierced; very worn. 212
  • 4.42 ↓ fair. 47b
  • 4.34 ↓ worn. 137b
  • 4.46 ↓ worn. 62 Plate XX
  • 5.88 ↓ with loop and border; very worn. 14 Plate XXI
  • 4.39 ↓ pierced; very worn. 5
  • 4.48 ↓ good. 99 Plate VIII
  • 4.48 ↓ fine. 114c
  • 4.44 ↓ worn. 219
  • known through literature only. 219

NNÅ 1944, 48, no. 12

  • known through literature only. 219

NNÅ 1944, 48, no. 13

  • known through literature only. 219

NNÅ 1944, 48, no. 14

  • known through literature only. 203

NNÅ 1944, 59, no. 4

Nos. 306–331 bear abbreviation marks in the legends; usually ...·P·F AVG and IMP.XXXXII·COS XVII·P·P· but not all stops are visible on all the coins.

  • 4.47 ↓ very fine. 65
  • 4.39 ↓ mut.; very worn. 220 Plate XXIII
  • 4.46 ↓ fair. 99
  • 4.32 ↓ good. 5
  • 4.14 ↓ mut.; worn. 215a
  • 4.43 ↓ worn. 205
  • 4.41 ↓ very worn. 147
  • 4.46 ↓ worn. 205
  • 4.42 ↓ pierced; worn. 86
  • 4.52 ↓ worn. 109b
  • 4.43 ↓ mut.; worn. 156a
  • 6.79 ↓ with loop and border; pierced but refilled; very worn. 2 Plate XXI
  • 4.24 ↓ worn. 153c
  • 4.37 ↓ good. 99
  • 4.50 ↓ very worn. 205
  • 4.42 ↓ worn. 212
  • 4.28 ↓ pierced; very worn. 15
  • 4.45 ↓ pierced; worn. 72
  • 5.86 ↓ with loop and border; very worn. 23 Plate XXI
  • 4.39 ↓ pierced but refilled (?); worn. 6
  • 4.34 ↓ worn. 6
  • 4.36 ↓ worn. 6
  • 4.44 ↓ worn. 6
  • off. Δ 4.35 ↓ pierced; worn. 86 Plate VIII
  • off. Δ 4.48 ↓ worn. 112 Plate XX
  • off. ∊ 4.40 ↓ worn. 179a Plate VIII

Ten separate issues of Theodosius are represented in the Scandinavian finds and most of these are datable. The issue represented by Nos. 194–195 and 283 with CONCORDIA AVGG is dated from ca. 408–ca. 420 48 and CONCORDIA AVGGG, appearing on Nos. 196–198, from 402–408. 49 UIRT EXERC ROM, on Nos. 199–200, to my knowledge has not been dated. 50 VOT XX MVLT XXX with a standing Victory is found in two varieties, one without star in field dated to 422 51 (Nos. 201–207) and a series with star in field (Nos. 208–210 and 332–335) dated 423–424 for Theodosius but 423–430 for the empresses. 52 In 424, CLOR ORVIS TERRAR was struck at Constantinople and Thessalonica for Theodosius (see Nos. 211 and 284–288). 53 SALVS REIPVBLICAE appears with two reverse types, the earlier series with Valentinian III as Caesar standing next to Theodosius, struck before October 23, 425 (Nos. 212–215) and the later series with Valentinian as Augustus seated beside Theodosius, struck from 425–430 (Nos. 216–219). 54 The great majority of the coins, however, are of two issues: VOT XXX MVLT XXXX beginning ca. 430 55 and IMP XXXXII COS XVII in 443. 56 Both were issued with CONOB and COMOB in the exergue. In the Scandinavian finds there are 48 CONOB and 4 COMOB coins of the Vot 30 issue and 15 CONOB and 39 COMOB coins of the Imp 42 issue. 57

The COMOB exergue inscription is usually interpreted as western and does appear on all issues of western mints often accompanied by a mint mark of M D, R M and the like. The CONOB and COMOB series of these two issues are very similar in style, however, and Boyce has suggested that both series were minted in Constantinople but that the COMOB series was intended for the West. 58

End Notes

45
The first letter of the legend is clearly a U and not a V; the latter always has a serif across the bottom.
46
Nos. 243 and 248 have an obverse legend break, SI – VSPFAVG which is normally found only on the Imp 42 issue; in addition, No. 248 has epigraphical irregularities. Possibly both are imitations.
47
See above, p. 34, n. 46.
48
J. P. C. Kent, "Gold Coinage in the Late Roman Empire," 203; Lafaurie, "Chécy," 286 (dated 408–423). Nos. 1–2 and 4 of Honorius are parallel issues.
49
Lafaurie, "Chécy," 286. No. 3 of Honorius is a parallel issue.
50
This issue perhaps belongs to the period of Theodosius' sole reign between the death of Honorius in 423 and the accession of Valentinian in 425.
51
J. P. C. Kent, "'Auream Monetam...Cum Signo Crucis'," NC 1960, 130. Issued also in the names of Honorius and Pulcheria.
52
Ibid.
53
Ibid.

EUDOCIA

Obv.: AELEVDO CIAAVG Bust of empress r., diademed, crowned and draped. Rev.: VOTXX MVLTXXX Victory standing l., holding long cross in r. hand. image

Constantinople Sabatier 1 (lacks off. below); Tolstoi 88 ff. (lacks off. — below)

  • off. — 4.46 ↓ fine. 115 Plate VII
  • off. Z 4.39 ↓ pierced; worn. 62

End Notes

54
Ibid. The latter issue also for Valentinian.
55
Issued also for Eudocia, Pulcheria, Valentinian (Cat. No. 29) and Eudoxia (NC 1959, 16); see No. 532 of Leo which also has this reverse.
56
A. A. Boyce, op. cit., 131–41. Issued also for Eudocia, Eudoxia, Pulcheria, Placidia and Valentinian III (Cat. No. 31).
57
Boyce states that the COMOB series is the more common for both issues (ibid., 139). In checking sales catalogues for these issues, however, I found that the great majority of legible photographs were CONOB for the Vot 30 issue but COMOB for the Imp 42 issue.
58
Ibid. But cf. Kent, "Gold Coinage in the Late Roman Empire," 202–3 who has noted solidi of unusual style in the Imp 42 issue marked COMOB which he attributes to a traveling mint in Asia Minor. However, the solidi in the Scandinavian finds (except for those classified as imitations), in general are of a homogeneous style, but one or two distinctions in the Imp 42 issue are apparent: in the COMOB series there often are abbreviation marks at appropriate places in the legend (see Nos. 306–331). On Nos. 293–301, also COMOB coins, these marks are not apparent and they are not used consistently within each legend even on Nos. 306–331, but they never appear on a CONOB coin. Moreover, the reverse legend on CONOB coins extends into the area of the shield and the shield is rounder and about half complete, sometimes less. No comparable distinctions are apparent on the Vot 30 issue.

PULCHERIA

Obv.: AELPVLCH ERIAAVG Bust of empress r., diademed, crowned and draped. Rev.: VOTXX MVLTXXX Victory standing l., holding long cross in r. hand. image

Constantinople Sabatier not; Tolstoi 35 (lacks off. below)

  • off. Δ 4.38 ↓ pierced; good. 87 Plate VII

GALLA PLACIDIA

Obv.: DNGALLAPLA CIDIAPFAVG Bust of empress r., diademed, crowned and draped; cross on r. shoulder. Rev.: VOTXX MVLTXXX Victory standing l., holding long cross in r. hand. image

Ravenna Cohen 13

  • 4.38 ↓ fair. 99 Plate VII

IMITATIONS OF THEODOSIUS II

Obv.: (DN THEODOSIVS PF AVG) Bust of emperor, three-quarters facing, helmeted, diademed and cuirassed; holding lance and shield which portrays emperor on horse. Rev.: (VICTORIA AVGGG) Victory standing l., holding long cross in r. hand.
  • 4.42 ↓ fair. 182e Plate XIV

obv.: DИTHEODO SIVSPFAVG

rev.: VICTORI ΛΛVGGG image

  • 4.55 ↓ fair. 205 Plate XIV

obv.: NTHEODO SIVSPFAVG

rev.: VICTORI AAVGGGI image

  • 4.40 ↓ fair. 6 Plate XIV

obv.: IITHEODO SIVSPFAVG

rev.: VICTORI ΛΛVGGGB image

  • 4.51 ↓ fair. 99 Plate XV

obv.: OITIIEODOII VSPFAVG

rev.: VICTOPI AAVGGGA image

  • 4.33 ↓ pierced; worn. 122 Plate XV

obv.: ΛCHTNVODO [ ] (retrograde) image reversed

rev.: [ ]VS⅁⅁⅁ TT⅁⅁⅁SSS+++ image

Obv.: As above Rev.: (VOT XXX MVLT XXXX) Constantinople seated l., holding globus cruciger in r. hand and sceptre in l.; shield to r.; l. foot on prow.
  • 4.46 ↓ fair. 137b Plate XV

obv.: same die as above

rev.: VOTXXX HVLTXXXI image

  • 4.40 ↓ pierced; worn. 137b Plate XV

same dies as above

  • 4.53 ↑ fair. 204 Plate XV

obv.: OHTHEODOZI VSPFΛV

rev.: OTXXX HVLXXXX image

  • 4.38 ↓ good. 98 Plate XV

obv.: DNTNEODO Ϩimage⊏ϨVΛG

rev.: VOTXXX HVLTXXXX image

  • 4.42 ↓ worn. 90c Plate XV

obv.: ᗡIITHEODOZ VΛPFAVG

rev.: VOTXXX NVLTXXXXS image

Obv.: As above Rev.: (IMP XXXXII COS XVII) Constantinople seated l. as above.
  • 4.49 ↓ fine. 99 Plate XV
  • obv.: OИTHEODOII VNimageFΛVG
  • rev.: INPXXXXII COS XVII·P·P image
  • 4.46 ↓ good. 99 Plate XV
  • obv.: DHTИEODOII [ ]AVG
  • rev.: INimageXXXXII COϨ XVIIPPO image
  • 4.42 ↓ worn. 212 Plate XV
  • obv.: DNTHNEODO SIVSPFΛVG
  • rev.: I IIPXXXXII COϨ XVIIPP image
  • 4.44 ↓ fine. 117b Plate XV
  • obv.: DИTHEODO VSPEVΛG
  • rev.: IИXXXXCOS· XVIIPP image
  • 4.45 ↓ fair. 218 Plate XV
  • obv.: DNTHEODO SIVSPFΛVG
  • rev.: IMPXXXXIICOS· XVII·P·P· image

Of particular interest among the imitations are Nos. 336–339 with a standing Victory and the legend VICTORIA AVGGG. This type was introduced by Marcian and we have here another example of a hybrid imitation, combining the obverse of one emperor and the reverse of another later emperor, which in this instance must be at least as late as the reign of Marcian. This same practice was noted on imitations of Honorius and, in a more complex form, of Julius Nepos.

With the exception of No. 340 the remaining imitations are of the most common types for Theodosius. Nos. 341–345 are of the Vot 30 issue and Nos. 346–350, 59 the Imp 42 issue. Die-linked by the obverse to Nos. 341–342 is No. 340 which has a standing Victory reverse and a completely confused legend. 60 The repetition of G's and T's suggests that VICTORIA AVGGG was intended, in which case this group also, Nos. 340–342, would postdate Theodosius (see section on identical dies, p. 122).

End Notes

59
No. 346 from the Åby hoard is similar to No. 339 with a Victory reverse, from the same find; possibly this coin also post-dates Theodosius.
60
The obverse legend of Nos. 340–342 is obscure but the presence of ...ODO suggests Theodosius. See under Honorius, page 9, n. 12.

MARCIAN

Obverse legends Reverse legends
A DNMARCIA NVSPFAVG a VICTORI AAVGGG
b GLORORVI STERRAR
Obverse types Reverse types
1 Bust of emperor, three-quarters facing, helmeted, diademed and cuirassed; holding lance and shield which portrays emperor on horse. 1 Victory standing l., holding long cross in r. hand.
2 Emperor in military dress, standing facing, holding standard in r. hand and globus cruc-iger in l.

Constantinople

A1 a1 image Sabatier 4 (lacks off. —, A, Γ below); Tolstoi 2 ff. (lacks off. — below)

Officina —

  • 4.50 ↓ very fine. 114b Plate IX

obv.: ...NVS·P·FAVG

  • 4.37 ↓ fair. 137b

obv.: DNNARCIA NVS·P·F·AVG

Officina A

  • 4.42 ↓ worn. 113d
  • 4.38 ↓ worn. 122
  • 4.47 ↓ pierced; good. 99
  • 4.42 ↓ worn. 6

Officina B

  • 4.30 ↓ fair. 18
  • 4.39 ↓ fair. 115

Officina Γ

  • 4.45 ↓ good. 100a

Officina Δ

  • 4.45 ↓ fair. 99
  • 4.46 ↓ fair. 47a

obv.: DNNARCIA...

Officina ∊

  • 4.44 ↓ good. 86

Officina S

  • 4.44 ↓ fair. 80a
  • 4.44 ↓ worn. 212
  • 4.43 ↓ worn. 45
  • 61 4.43 ↓ very fine. 110c Plate IX
  • 4.44 ↓ 183

Officina Z

  • 4.40 ↓ very worn. 122

rev.: COHOB in ex.

  • 4.19 ↓ fair. 193
  • 4.37 ↓ fair. 137b

off. image?

Officina H

  • 4.48 ↓ mut.; fair. 115
  • 4.40 ↓ worn. 137b
  • 4.39 ↓ worn. 137b
  • 4.40 ↓ mut.; worn. 6

Thessalonica

A1 b2 image Sabatier 3; Tolstoi 1

  • 4.39 ↓ worn. 99 Plate IX
  • 4.37 ↓ worn. 99

The standing Victory with legend VICTORIA AVGGG was introduced by Marcian at the beginning of his reign. It remained the standard type with no changes through the reign of Zeno but under Anastasius, Justin I and Justinian I certain modifications were made.

IMITATIONS OF MARCIAN

A1 a1 image

  • 4.30 ↓ good. 124 Plate XVI

End Notes

61
Of strange style but probably regular.

LEO I

Obverse legends Reverse legends
A DNLEOPE RPETAVG a VICTORI AAVGGG
B DNLEOPE RPETVAVG b SALVSREI *PVBLICAE
C DNLEOPERPE TVVSAVG c VOTXXX MVLTXXXX
Obverse types Reverse types
1 Bust of emperor, three-quarters facing, helmeted, diademed and cuirassed; holding lance and shield which portrays emperor on horse. 1 Victory standing l., holding long cross in r. hand.
2 Bust of emperor l., diademed and in consular dress; holding mappa in r. hand and cross in l. 2 Two figures seated facing, each wearing nimbus; cross between heads.
3 Bust of emperor r., diademed, draped and cuirassed. 3 Emperor in consular dress, seated facing, holding mappa in r. hand and cross in l.
4 Constantinople seated l., holding globus cruciger in r. hand and sceptre in l.; shield to r.; l. foot on prow.
5 Emperor in military dress, standing facing, holding long cross in r. hand and Victory on globe in l.; r. foot on serpent with human head.

Constantinople

A1 a1 image Sabatier 4 (lacks off. A, Γ, S and H below); Tolstoi 3 ff.

Officina A

  • 4.47 ↓ fine. 99 Plate XXV
  • 4.50 ↓ very fine. 99
  • 4.30 ↓ worn. 99
  • 4.46 ↓ fair. 165
  • 4.45 ↓ mut.; worn. 137b
  • 4.22 ↓ mut.; fair. 137b
  • 4.46 ↓ pierced; worn. 99
  • 4.43 ↓ good. 30
  • 4.44 ↓ very worn. 27
  • 4.47 ↓ good. 99
  • 4.44 ↓ fair. 115
  • 4.43 ↓ fair. 99
  • 4.45 ↓ worn. 219
  • 4.46 ↓ worn. 6
  • known through literature only. 218

NNÅ 1944, 69, no. 28.2

  • known through literature only. 224e

NNÅ 1944. 81, no. 3

Officina B

  • 3.39 ↓ fair. 32

rev.: COHOB in ex.

  • 4.35 ↓ worn. 137b
  • 4.48 ↓ mut.; worn. 212
  • 4.42 ↓ worn. 182h
  • 4.35 ↓ pierced but refilled; worn. 137b Plate XXIII
  • 4.30 ↓ worn. 137b
  • 4.32 ↓ worn. 4
  • 4.42 ↓ mut.; worn. 137b
  • 4.47 ↓ fine. 115
  • 4.45 ↓ 183
  • 4.47 ↓ fair. 212
  • 4.00 ↓ pierced; worn. 3
  • 4.45 ↓ pierced; fair. 55a
  • 4.47 ↓ fair. 99
  • 4.49 ↓ very fine. 99 Plate XXV
  • 4.50 ↓ very fine. 99 Plate XXV
  • 4.48 ↓ fine. 99 Plate XXV

Officina Γ

  • 4.45 ↓ pierced; very worn. 121g
  • 4.45 ↓ worn. 205
  • 4.47 ↓ worn. 203
  • 4.39 ↓ mut.; worn. 193 Plate XXIII
  • 4.25 ↓ pierced; very worn. 175c
  • 4.46 ↓ fair. 99
  • 4.45 ↓ mut.; worn. 137b
  • 4.39 ↓ worn. 147
  • 4.46 ↓ worn. 99
  • 4.31 ↓ very fine. 99 Plate XXV
  • 4.46 ↓ fair. 6
  • 4.49 ↓ fair. 90b Plate XX

rev.: IVCTORI...; CNOB in ex.

  • 4.49 ↓ pierced; very fine. 113b Plate XX

rev.: IVCTORI...; CNOB in ex.

  • 4.42 ↓ worn. 80b
  • known through literature only. 219

NNÅ 1944, 49, no. 19

  • known through literature only. 219

NNÅ 1944, 49, no. 20

Officina Δ

  • 4.40 ↓ fine. 164a Plate IX

rev.: VICTRI...

  • 4.58 ↓ fair. 218 Plate IX

rev.: VICTRI...

  • 4.45 ↓ worn. 99 Plate XX
  • 4.26 ↓ worn. 137b
  • 4.47 ↓ mut.; worn. 212
  • 4.25 ↓ fair. 92d
  • 4.46 ↓ mut.; fair. 115.
  • 4.48 ↓ fair. 90b
  • 4.46 ↓ good. 99
  • 62 4.39 ↓ pierced; worn. 83
  • 4.43 ↓ pierced; good. 18
  • 4.25 ↓ fair. 6
  • 4.47 ↓ pierced; fair. 115
  • known through literature only. 196 NNÅ 1946, 26, no. 40

Officina ∊

  • 4.22 ↓ very fine. 99 Plate XXV
  • 4.38 ↓ fine. 99 Plate XXV
  • 4.40 ↓ fine. 99 Plate XXV
  • 4.43 ↓ worn. 99
  • 4.33 ↓ worn. 137b
  • 4.47 ↓ good. 110b
  • 4.36 ↓ fair. 92a

rev.: COHOB in ex.

  • 4.39 ↓ with loop; fair. 194 Plate XXII

∴ on helmet

  • 4.43 ↓ worn. 182i
  • 4.46 ↓ very fine. 99
  • 4.45 ↓ fair. 93b
  • 4.43 ↓ worn. 42
  • 4.39 ↓ pierced; worn. 169
  • 4.48 ↓ worn. 88a
  • 4.41 ↓ worn. 202
  • 4.40 ↓ pierced but refilled; fair. 137b Plate XXIII
  • 4.47 ↓ worn. 211
  • 4.53 ↓ with loop and border; very worn. 194 Plate XXII

Officina S

  • 4.37 ↓ fair. 135
  • 5.65 ↓ with border and traces of loop; worn. 187
  • 4.44 ↓ mut.; fair. 26
  • 4.48 ↓ mut.; pierced but refilled;· worn. 67 Plate XXIII
  • 4.39 ↓ fair. 81
  • 4.50 ↓ pierced; good. 78b Plate XX
  • 4.42 ↓ worn. 212
  • 4.38 ↓ worn. 137b
  • 4.44 ↓ worn. 99
  • 4.37 ↓ good. 87
  • 4.45 ↓ fine. 49
  • 4.50 ↓ fine. 99
  • 4.46 ↓ pierced; good. 99
  • 4.47 ↓ good. 86
  • 4.44 ↓ fair. 182 g
  • 4.44 ↓ pierced; worn. 137c
  • 4.48 ↓ fair. 99
  • 4.24 ↓ pierced; very worn. 104
  • 4.34 ↓ very worn. 6
  • 4.30 ↓ fair. 6

Officina Z

  • 4.50 ↓ worn. 219
  • 4.44 ↓ very worn. 222
  • 4.44 ↓ worn. 168a
  • 4.45 ↓ worn. 6
  • 4.39 ↓ worn. 137b

off. image

Officina H

  • 4.36 ↓ mut.; worn. 137b
  • 4.40 ↓ pierced; worn. 93a Plate XX
  • 4.53 ↓ good. 193 Plate IX

rev.: CONOR in ex.

  • 4.37 ↓ very fine. 78a Plate IX

rev.: CONOR in ex.

  • 4.40 ↓ mut.; worn. 137b Plate XXIII
  • 4.40 ↓ pierced; fair. 18
  • 4.45 ↓ fair. 75

obv.: DNLEORE...

  • 4.42 ↓ good. 130b
  • 4.43 ↓ worn. 176
  • 4.86 ↓ with loop; worn. 193 Plate XXII
  • 4.43 ↓ worn. 203
  • 4.46 ↓ worn. 87 Plate XXIV
  • 4.47 ↓ fine, 100c
  • 4.47 ↓ fair. 99
  • 4.40 ↓ good. 86
  • 4.48 ↓ fair. 87 Plate XXIV

Officina ⊝

  • 4.48 ↓ worn. 90b
  • 4.40 ↓ worn. 128b
  • 4.38 ↓ mut.; very worn. 130b Plate XXIII
  • 4.43 ↓ worn. 137b
  • 4.18 ↓ fair. 99
  • 3.46 ↓ worn. 131
  • known through literature only. 219 NNÅ 1944, 49, no. 22

Officina I

  • 4.26 ↓ worn. 156b
  • 4.40 ↓ pierced; worn. 148
  • 4.45 ↓ very worn. 130b
  • 4.45 ↓ mut.; worn. 137b
  • 4.45 ↓ fair. 42 Plate XX
  • 4.33 ↓ worn. 147
  • 4.44 ↓ mut.; fair. 6
  • known through literature only. 203 NNÅ 1944, 60, no. 12
  • known through literature only. 219 NNÅ 1944, 49, no. 23

Officina uncertain

  • 4.48 ↓ worn. 137b
  • 4.36 ↓ pierced but refilled; very worn. 162a Plate XXIII
  • 4.48 ↓ fair. 6
  • known through literature only. 224a

NNÅ 1944, 68, no. 27

  • known through literature only. 200

NNÅ 1946, 26, no. 41

A1 b2 image Sabatier 3; Tolstoi 2

  • 4.47 ↓ fair. 203 Plate IX

rev.: SALVSREI *RVBLICAEC

Thessalonica

A1 a1 image Sabatier 4 (lacks off. — below); Tolstoi not

  • 4.44 ↓ worn. 86 Plate XXIV
  • 4.40 ↓ worn. 212
  • 4.35 ↓ worn. 219 Plate IX

obv.: ...RPETVAVG

A1 a1 image Sabatier not; Tolstoi 14

  • 4.46 ↓ fair. 137b Plate IX
  • 4.44 ↓ good. 86
  • 4.44 ↓ pierced; fair. 175b
  • 4.29 ↓ very worn. 218
  • 4.43 ↓ fair. 80a Plate XXIV
  • 4.47 ↓ pierced; fair. 80a Plate XXIV

A2 a3 image Sabatier 5; Tolstoi 15

  • 5.22 ↓ with loop; fair. 152 Plate XXII

obv.: DNLEOPERPETAVG

West COMOB

A1 c4 image Sabatier not; Tolstoi not

  • 4.36 ↓ very fine. 115 Plate IX

Milan

A3 a5 image Sabatier 6; Tolstoi 43 (barbaric); Ulrich-Bansa 133 var.

  • 4.42 ↑ fair. 115 Plate IV

B3 a5 image Sabatier 6; Tolstoi not; Ulrich-Bansa 131

  • 4.41 ↑ fair. 42 Plate IV

Rome

C3 a5 image Sabatier 6; Tolstoi not

  • 4.46 ↓ good. 70a Plate IV

rev.: R N l. and r. in field

Ravenna

B3 a5 image Sabatier 6; Tolstoi 44 (barbaric)

  • 4.37 ↑ worn. 215a Plate IV

obv.: legend break ... PER Usual obverse legend break PETVAVG

  • 4.34 ↓ fair. 115 Plate IV

obv.: legend break ... PER – PETVAVG

C3 a5 image Sabatier 6; Tolstoi not

  • 4.40 ↓ worn. 219 Plate IV

obv.: legend break ... PER – PETVVSAVG

The great majority of Leo's coins have the standing Victory reverse and the legend VICTORIA AVGGG. Of the other types, especially rare is No. 532 with the legend VOT XXX MVLT XXXX, which is a reverse of Theodosius.

Only two of the standing Victory series can be attributed to barbaric mints but there are a few official strikings with irregularities. 63 Nos. 422–423, 64 from the same pair of dies, read IVCTORI... with CNOB in the exergue and Nos. 427–428, sharing the same reverse die, read VICTRI... In both cases, however, the coins are similar to many others in the catalogue and these irregularities must be attributed to careless workmanship. On the other hand, No. 448, with a somewhat barbaric portrait and the unusual marks (∴) on the helmet, is more doubtful. Of unusual style also are Nos. 486–487 from the same obverse die. The reverse dies are different but both have CONOR in the exergue and are of officina H. Possibly they are of a western mint for they do not seem barbaric although neither legends nor portraits are regular. The western coins from Milan, Rome and Ravenna (Nos. 533–538) correspond stylistically to the coins of Libius Severus from those mints and are undoubtedly contemporary official issues. 65

End Notes

62
No. 436 is pierced over the officina which is identified as off. I in the archives; however, it is of the same reverse die as one of the Midlum coins which is off. Δ (A. N. Zadoks-Josephus Jitta, "Midlum (Fr.) 1925," JMP 47, 1960, 94–96).
63
Nos. 394, 405 and 505 are underweight but otherwise regular; possibly they have been clipped.
64
Portrait similar to Reinhart 108.
65
A specimen similar to Nos. 533–534 was attributed to the Visigoths by Reinhart (Reinhart 107) and one similar to the Ravenna pieces, Nos. 536–538, to the Suevians by Keary (NC 1878, pl. I, 4).

IMITATIONS OF LEO I

A1 a1 image

  • 4.48 ↓ fair. 91 Plate XVI

off. Ϩ

  • 4.34 ↓ good. 204 Plate XVI

rev.: VICTO[ ] IVGGGИ

Nos. 539 and 540 are clearly imitations but no similar pieces are known in the literature.

LEO II/ZENO

Obverse legends Reverse legends
A DNLEOETZ ENOPPAVG a SALVSREI*PVBLICAE
Obverse types Reverse types
1 Bust of emperor, three-quarters facing, helmeted, diademed and cuirassed; holding lance and shield which portrays emperor on horse. 1 Two figures seated facing, each wearing nimbus; cross between heads.

Constantinople

A1 a1 image Sabatier 1 (lacks off. Γ below); Tolstoi 1 ff, (lacks. off. Γ below)

  • off. — 7.57 ↓ with loop and border; very worn. 188 Plate XXI
  • off. — 4.47 ↓ fine. 56a
  • off. — 4.47 ↓ good. 99 Plate XXV
  • off. Γ 4.43 ↓ worn. 182n Plate X
  • off. ⊝ 4.49 ↓ good. 43

ZENO

Obverse legends Reverse legends
A DNZENO PERPAVG a VICTORI AAVGGG
B DNZENOP ERPFAVG
Obverse types Reverse types
1 Bust of emperor, three-quarters facing, helmeted, diademed and cuirassed; holding lance and shield which portrays emperor on horse. 1 Victory standing l., holding long cross in r. hand.

Constantinople

A1 a1 image Sabatier not 66

Officina A Tolstoi 11

  • 4.37 ↓ pierced; fair. 169
  • 4.40 ↓ fair. 9
  • 4.47 ↓ worn. 137b Plate X

Officina B Tolstoi 13

  • 4.45 ↓ worn. 182l
  • 4.41 ↓ pierced; worn. 169
  • 4.50 ↓ worn. 219 Plate XXXIII
  • 4.42 ↓ worn. 153a
  • known through literature only. 215b

NNÅ 1944, 64, no. 5

  • known through literature only. 215b

NNÅ 1944, 64, no. 6

Officina Γ Tolstoi 14

  • 4.47 ↓ fair. 137b Plate X
  • 4.35 ↓ pierced; fair. 169
  • 4.49 ↓ fair. 182k
  • 4.42 ↓ fair. 212 Plate XXXII
  • 4.37 ↓ fair. 168a
  • 4.33 ↓ worn. 212 Plate XXXII
  • 4.40 ↓ pierced; very worn. 13
  • 4.48 ↓ worn. 205 Plate XXXIII

obv.: DNimageENO...

  • 4.49 ↓ fair. 95
  • 4.33 ↓ mut.; worn. 6

Officina Δ Tolstoi 16

  • worn. 219 Plate XXXIII
  • 6.63 ↓ pierced but refilled; with loop and border; very worn. 2 Plate XXI
  • 4.45 ↓ worn. 137b Plate XX
  • 4.36 ↓ pierced; very worn. 137b Plate X

Officina S Tolstoi 18

  • 4.47 ↓ worn. 92b
  • 4.47 ↓ fair. 219 Plate XXXIII
  • 4.46 ↓ worn. 205 Plate XXXIII
  • 4.44 ↓ fair. 130b

off. ᔕ

Officina Z Tolstoi 19

  • 4.45 ↓ pierced; very worn. 137b

rev.: CONOR in ex.

  • 4.47 ↓ worn. 6 Plate XX
  • 4.43 ↓ fair. 6 Plate X

Officina H Tolstoi 21

  • 4.41 ↓ worn. 219 Plate XXXIII
  • 4.38 ↓ very worn. 137b

Officina ⊖ Tolstoi 22

  • 4.40 ↓ mut.; fair. 137b

obv.: DNimageENO...

  • 4.32 ↓ worn. 147
  • 4.49 ↓ very worn. 213 Plate XXXII
  • 4.49 ↓ pierced; worn. 71

Officina | Tolstoi 24

  • 4.36 ↓ worn. 122
  • 4.46 ↓ fair. 205 Plate XXXIII
  • 4.51 ↓ good. 224d
  • 4.45 ↓ fair. 5
  • 4.42 ↓ fair. 212 Plate XXXII

obv.: DNimageENO...

  • 4.44 ↓ worn. 25
  • worn. 206
  • 4.44 ↓ pierced; fair. 6
  • 4.46 ↓ good. 6 Plate X
  • known through literature only. 224e

NNÅ 1944, 81, no. 4

Officina uncertain

  • 4.30 ↓ pierced but refilled; worn. 181 Plate XXIII

Constantinople (?)

A1 a1 image

  • off. ᔕ 4.37 ↓ worn. 179a Plate X
  • off. ᔕ 4.39 ↓ fair. 125 Plate X
  • off. Λ 4.44 ↓ fair. 212 Plate XXXII

obv.: DNZEIIO PEՈPΛVG

rev.: CONOimage in ex.

  • off. (image 4.40 ↓ worn. 166 Plate X
  • off. image 4.38 ↓ very worn. 179a Plate X
  • off. image 4.39 ↓ fair. 150 Plate X
  • off. c 4.44 ↓ fair. 46b Plate XXIV

Thessalonica (?)

A1 a1 image Sabatier not; Tolstoi 42 (barbaric)

  • 4.43 ↓ fair. 221
  • 4.38 ↓ fair. 6 Plate X
  • known through literature only. 219

NNÅ 1944, 50, no. 31

West COMOB

B1 a1 imageSabatier not

Officina Ä Tolstoi 12

  • 4.39 ↓ fair. 66 Plate XVI
  • 5.19 ↓ with loop; worn. 194 Plate XXII
  • 4.37 ↓ very worn. 162b Plate XVI

Officina Γ· Tolstoi 15; Ulrich-Bansa, pl. O, o

  • 4.35 ↓ worn. 137b Plate XVI

obv.: DNimageENO...

  • 4.30 ↓ very worn. 151 Plate XVI

obv.: DNimageENO...

  • 4.42 ↓ worn. 205 Plate XXXIII

obv.: DNimageENO...

  • 4.39 ↓ worn. 203 Plate XXXII

obv.: DNimageENO...

  • 4.45 ↓ good. 6 Plate XVI

obv.: DNimageENO...

  • 4.47 ↓ worn. 6 Plate XVI

obv.: DNimageENO...

  • known through literature only. 219

NNÅ 1944, 50, no. 26

Officina Δ Tolstoi not

  • 4.44 ↓ good. 113a Plate XVI

obv.: DNZENOP ERP[FAVG]

  • known through literature only. 203

NNÅ 1944, 60, no. 14

Officina: Tolstoi 44 (barbaric); Ulrich-Bansa, pl. O, v

  • 4.43 ↓ pierced; worn. 212 Plate XXXII

A1 a1 image Sabatier not; Tolstoi not

  • 4.43 ↓ pierced; very worn. 182j Plate XVI

Milan

A1 a1 image Sabatier 1; Tolstoi 41 (barbaric)

  • 4.42 ↓ fair. 175a. Ulrich-Bansa 156 Plate VI
  • 4.40 ↓ fine. 6. Ulrich-Bansa 156 var. Plate VI

rev.: ·COMOB· in ex.

From Zeno's first reign (Autumn 474 to January 475) there are official eastern and official western issues and from his second reign (August 476 to April 491), official eastern issues along with western imitations of Odovacar. In this catalogue the coins have been designated as eastern or western with no attempt to distinguish between barbaric or official issues of the western series. The basis for the arrangement is primarily the form of the obverse legend: DN ZENO PERP AVG is the official eastern form but does occur on some coins of western origin also, while DN ZENO PERP F AVG is always western.

Nos. 546–592 with the legend DN ZENO PERP AVG are almost certainly the official series of Constantinople. Several styles of portraiture are apparent but this undoubtedly represents a development in portraiture during the seventeen years of Zeno's reign. That of No. 548, for example, typifies an early issue of Zeno and is comparable to the coins of Leo II/Zeno and Basiliscus. One group of coins (see No. 555) is obviously late for the portraiture is similar to certain issues of Anastasius. A transitional stage from the middle of Zeno's reign is illustrated by No. 568. 67

Nos. 593–599 have been listed separately because of some irregular features but in style they are analogous to the middle and late issues of the above group. 68 However, they all bear unusual marks following the reverse legend. The marks are those assigned to Odovacar by Kraus 69 but, unfortunately, they are not illustrated. That they can be so similar in style to the first group and not be of the same origin is doubtful but it seemed best to list them separately.

The next three coins (Nos. 600–602) have the same legend as the above groups but are of a different style and in addition have two stars to left and right in the reverse field. 70 This was characteristic of Thessalonica earlier although the mint mark here is CONOB. Moreover, they are not unlike the Thessalonica coins of Leo and accordingly have been assigned to that mint.

Definitely western in origin are the remainder of Zeno's coins but whether or not they are official issues is not always certain. Nos. 603–615 are of a uniform style with the western form of obverse legend and COMOB in the exergue. Of this group, Nos. 606–612 with officina image 71 and No. 615 are of the series attributed to Odovacar by Ulrich-Bansa. Nos. 603–605 with officina Ä and No. 613, officina Δ, are not in Ulrich-Bansa but they undoubtedly belong to this same series. Nos. 616–618 bear the eastern form of obverse legend but the western COMOB on the reverse. Of this group, Nos. 617–618 with a mint mark of Milan have close stylistic parallels with the Milan issues of Julius Nepos and must be official western issues of Zeno's first reign. 72

End Notes

66
The type described by Sabatier 1 includes an R in the left field or M D in the field which is not found on any of the Scandinavian specimens; otherwise his description would fit most of the varieties listed here.
67
The portrait of No. 575 is unlike any of these groups and, in fact, closely resembles a coin illustrated in Ulrich-Bansa (pl. XV, 162) which bears a mint mark of Milan. A vertical row of circles on the cuirass of No. 590 is also unusual. This feature is also evident on Ulrich-Bansa 162. Both coins are from the same hoard.
68
The only exception is No. 595 which looks western. Characteristic of western issues in this period is a more conspicuous lock of hair by the left ear which is also noted on this coin.
69
Kraus, Die Münzen Odovacars, No. 2 = Sabatier 1.
70
No. 600 is from the same obverse die as a Polish find (Malchow) which has a reverse showing only one star.

ARIADNE

Obv.: AELARI ADNEAVG Bust of empress r., diademed, crowned and draped. Rev.: VICTORI AAVGGG Victory standing l., holding long cross in r. hand.
image

Constantinople Sabatier 1 (lacks off. below); Tolstoi 70 (lacks off. below)

  • off. ∣ 4.36 ↓ worn. 182m Plate XI

BASILISCUS

Obverse legends Reverse legends
A DNbASILIS CimageSPPAVG a VICTORI AAVGGG
B DNBASILIS CVSPERTAVG
Obverse types Reverse types
1 Bust of emperor, three-quarters facing, helmeted, diademed and cuirassed; holding lance and shield which portrays emperor on horse. 1 Victory standing l., holding long cross in r. hand.

Constantinople

A1 a1 image Sabatier 1; Tolstoi 73 ff.

  • off. — 4.01 ↓ pierced; very worn. 8
  • off. — 4.42 ↓ fair. 6 Plate XI
  • off. — 4.38 ↓ good. 6
  • off. H 4.43 ↓ fine. 115 Plate XXV
  • off. I 4.42 ↓ fair. 137b

Milan (?)

B1 a1 image Sabatier 2; Tolstoi 83 (barbaric)

  • 4.40 ↑ worn. 219 Plate VI

obv.: ...CVSPRETꜸG

rev.: ...AAVGGG:

  • 4.39 ↑ fine. 6 Plate VI

rev.: ...AAVGGG:

End Notes

71
Officina image is undoubtedly that on the coin in Ulrich-Bansa (pl. O, o and P. 335) which he reads as R and attributes to Rome.
72
Compare with Nos. 185–188 (Romulus Augustus) and No. 626 (Basiliscus); all have a die position of ↑ and pellets before and after COMOB is the general rule (Plate VI).

BASILISCUS/MARCUS

Obverse legends Reverse legends
A DNbASILISCI ETMARCPAVG a VICTORI AAVGGG
b SALVSREI*PVBLICAE
Obverse types Reverse types
1 Bust of emperor, three-quarters facing, helmeted, diademed and cuirassed; holding lance and shield which portrays emperor on horse. 1 Victory standing l., holding long cross in r. hand.
2 Two figures seated facing, each wearing nimbus; cross between heads.

Constantinople

A1 a1 imageSabatier 2 (lacks off. below); Tolstoi 89 ff. (lacks off. below)

  • off. A 4.35 ↓ worn. 219 Plate XI

A1 b2 imageSabatier 1 (lacks off. below); Tolstoi 88 (lacks off. below)

  • off. | 4.41 ↓ mut.; worn. 154 Plate XI

rev.: ...*PVRLICAE

The eastern issues of Basiliscus and Basiliscus/Marcus present no particular problem. New letter forms are apparent on the issues emanating from Constantinople: b for B and image for V which are used only for the emperor's name. The epigraphy is otherwise normal. 73 The two western issues of Basiliscus (Nos. 625–626) can be attributed to the mint of Milan with a reasonable degree of certainty. In the die position and the use of pellets before and after COMOB they follow the practice of that mint and in style they are very similar to the Milan issues of Julius Nepos and Zeno. 74 Furthermore, the portrait of No. 626 is identical to that of Romulus Augustus on Nos. 185–188 which were attributed to Milan for the same reasons. 75

End Notes

73
image for V also appears in the reverse legend on the coin of Leontius (No. 629) .
74
Compare with Nos. 175–178 (Julius Nepos) and Nos. 617–618 (Zeno) (Plate VI).
75
See above, p. 30.

LEONTIUS 76

Obv.: DNLEONT IOPERPSAVG Bust of emperor, three-quarters facing, helmeted, diademed and cuirassed; holding lance and shield which portrays emperor on horse. Rev.: imageICT ORIAAimageGG 77 Victory standing l., holding long cross in r. hand.
image

Antioch Sabatier 4; Tolstoi, p. 168

  • 4.45 ↓ worn. 212 Plate XI

ANASTASIUS

Obverse legends Reverse legends
A DNANASTA SIVSPPAVG a VICTORI AAVGGG
B DNANASTAS IVSPERPAVG
Obverse types Reverse types
1 Bust of emperor, three-quarters facing, helmeted, diademed and cuirassed; holding lance and shield which portrays emperor on horse. 1 Victory standing l., holding long cross in r. hand.
2 Bust of emperor, three-quarters facing, helmeted and cuirassed; holding lance and shield which portrays emperor on horse. 2 Victory standing l., holding image cross in r. hand.

Constantinople

A1 a1 image Sabatier not; BMCByz. not; Tolstoi 70 ff. (barbaric, lacks off. B, ∊, Z, H ⊝ below)

Officina A

  • 4.53 ↓ pierced but refilled; worn. 122 Plate XXIX
  • 4.40 ↓ good. 180 Plate XI

Officina B

  • 4.42 ↓ fair. 122 Plate XXIX
  • 4.41 ↓ worn. 137b Plate XXVII

Officina Γ

  • 4.42 ↓ pierced; mut.; worn. 171
  • 4.44 ↓I fair. 135 Plate XXVI

Officina Δ

  • 4.48 ↓ fair. 135 Plate XXVI
  • 4.49 ↓ fair. 205 Plate XXXIII
  • 4.38 ↓ worn. 137b Plate XXVII
  • 6.30 ↓ pierced but refilled; with loop and border; very worn. 176 Plate XXVI

Officina ∊

  • 4.20 ↓ worn. 146 Plate XI
  • 4.52 ↓ good. 6 Plate XXXI

Officina S

  • 4.39 ↓ worn. 160

Officina Z

  • 4.32 4 worn. 142 Plate XI

Officina H

  • 4.33 ↓ fair. 137a Plate XI
  • 4.44 ↓ fine. 137b Plate XXVII
  • 4.47 ↓ fair. 182q Plate XI
  • 4.46 ↓ mut.; fair. 6 Plate XXXI

Officina ⊖

  • 4.34 ↓ very worn. 122 Plate XXIX
  • 4.46 ↓ worn. 220 Plate XXXII

Officina |

  • 4.46 ↓ pierced; fair. 47c Plate XI
  • 4.48 ↓ fair. 212 Plate XXXII
  • 4.32 ↓ fair. 135 Plate XXVI
  • 4.50 ↓ pierced; fine. 1820 Plate XI
  • 4.34 ↓ fair. 135 Plate XXVI
  • 5.31 ↓ with loop; good. 194 Plate XXII
  • 4.38 ↓ worn. 21
  • 4.49 ↓ worn. 182p
  • 4.44 ↓ mut.; worn. 176 Plate XXVI
  • 4.50 ↓ pierced; worn. 143

Officina uncertain

  • 4.34 ↓ pierced twice; folded over; worn. 122 Plate XXIX

A2 a2 imageSabatier not; BMCByz. 2 ff. (lacks off. B, S, Z, ⊖ I below); Tolstoi 2 ff. (lacks off. B, Z below)

Officina B

  • 4.50 ↓ fine. 137b Plate XXVII
  • 4.47 ↓ worn. 155 Plate XII

Officina Γ

  • 4.41 ↓ fair. 139 Plate XII

Officina ∊

  • 4.41 ↓ pierced; fair. 179a Plate XXIX
  • 4.46 ↓ fair. 137b Plate XXVII

Officina S

  • 4.31 ↓ worn. 19b Plate XII
  • 4.40 ↓ fair. 156a Plate XXVI

Officina Z

  • 4.48 ↓ worn. 137b Plate XXVII
  • 4.34 ↓ fair. 156a Plate XXVI
  • 4.39 ↓ worn. 122 Plate XXX

Officina H

  • 4.33 ↓ worn. 147 Plate XXVI

Officina ⊝

  • 4.37 ↓ worn. 167 Plate XII

Officina I

  • 4.44 ↓ good. 137b Plate XXVII
  • good. 219 Plate XXXIII
  • 4.37 ↓ fair. 137b Plate XXVII

Thessalonica (?)

B1 a1 image Sabatier not; BMC Byz. not; Tolstoi not

  • 4.43 ↓ worn. 137b Plate XXVII

The official issues of Anastasius are of two types, the earlier one having a diademed portrait similar to those of Zeno and a Victory on the reverse carrying a long cross. This series was not recognized as official by Wroth or Tolstoi but it is undoubtedly an imperial issue. It was superseded by the second issue in which the diadem is lacking and the cross held by Victory is of the image type.

Nos. 630–660 of Anastasius' first issue have been attributed to the imperial mint but not all with equal certainty. Much variance is noted in the treatment of details and in the portraiture which is not evident in the second issue. Since the barbaric issues are predominantly imitations of the first issue there is reason to be doubtful of some of the attributions. 78 No. 644 represents the usual form of cross and wings of Victory and also has a typical portrait which is similar to the portraiture of the second issue. Another style of portraiture is found on several specimens (cf. No. 650) which resembles one group of Zeno's coins 79 and represents the early issues of Anastasius. Unusual portraits which do not fit into either group and irregular renderings of the wings are found on several coins. 80 A particularly crude Vic- tory appears on Nos. 646 and 653. None of these coins can be attributed to barbaric mints with any degree of certainty, however, and much of the variance is probably due to stylistic development under Anastasius.

The second official issue of Anastasius reveals much greater uniformity of style. A minor variance in the treatment of the cuirass is evident but in all other respects the coins are regular and undoubtedly official issues.

No. 676 is an unknown issue of Anastasius. It differs from the above issues in the obverse legend break (S – IVS), the titulature (PERPAVG) and in the presence of two stars on the reverse. The use of PERPAVG in the obverse legend is found on solidi of Zeno and the reverse with two stars was also characteristic of the mint of Thessalonica. Three coins of Zeno, 81 also with two stars and a CONOB mint mark, were accordingly attributed to Thessalonica and this coin of Anastasius also must belong there. 82

End Notes

76
Leontius was a usurper in the East during the reign of Zeno and was associated with the revolt of Illus, Zeno's general and confidant who fell from favor about 481 and took up residence in the East. The patrician Leontius was sent to Antioch by Zeno to demand release of Verina, Zeno's mother-in-law, who was in the hands of Illus. Instead, he joined forces with Illus as did Verina a little later. Open rebellion ensued and in 484 Leontius was crowned emperor at Tarsus by Verina. Zeno commissioned Theodoric the Ostrogoth to put down the rebellion but then recalled him. The greater part of Theodoric's troops, however, continued on to Syria to join the Rugian forces commanded by Hermanaric, son of Aspar. Illus and Leontius were defeated in battle but fled to a fortress in Cherris where they were besieged for four years. They were betrayed in 488, the fortress was taken and Illus and Leontius put to death. The coins of this usurper are extremely rare and the significance of one of them among the Scandinavian finds is discussed on page 165.
77
This form of V is also noted on issues of Basiliscus (Nos. 620–624) and Basiliscus/Marcus (Nos. 627–628).
78
There is not a single specimen to my knowledge that reproduces the types of the second issue (portrait without diadem and Victory holding a image cross) and which is with certainty barbaric. Reinhart 120–121 and 124 are of this type but are certainly official issues. Reinhart 122–123 of the type of the first issue are also regular issues and not barbaric.
79
See No. 555 (Plate X).
80
Unusual portraits are found on Nos. 637 and 655 and irregular renderings of the wings on Nos. 638, 640, 643, 648 and 655.

IMITATIONS OF ANASTASIUS

Obverse legends Reverse legends
A DNANASTA SIVSPPAVG a VICTORI AAVGGG
B DNANASTA SIVSPFAVG
Obverse types Reverse types
1 Bust of emperor, three-quarters facing, helmeted, diademed and cuirassed; holding lance and shield which portrays emperor on horse. 1 Victory standing l., holding long cross in r. hand.

Ostrogothic

Milan (?)

A1 a1 image Sabatier not; cf. BMCV andals, p. 59, nos. 83–84; Tolstoi not

  • 83 off H 5.29 ↓ with loop; good. 194 Plate XXII

cross on helmet

  • off. ⊝ 4.42 very fine. 6 Plate XXXI

cross on helmet

Rome

B1 a1

Offcina A image Sabatier not; BMCV andals, p. 55, no. 61; Tolstoi 82f.

  • 4.44 ↓ good. 137b Plate XXVII
  • 4.43 ↓ fair. 123 Plate XVII
  • 4.42 ↓ fair. 179a Plate XXIX
  • 4.43 ↓ fair. 173 Plate XVII
  • 4.42 ↓ pierced; fair. 177 Plate XVII
  • 4.31 ↓ fair. 178 Plate XVII
  • 4.41 ↓ pierced; fair. 179a Plate XXIX
  • 4.45 ↓ good. 144 Plate XVII
  • 4.43 ↓ very fine. 137b Plate XXVII
  • 4.33 ↓ worn. 122 Plate XXX
  • 4.42 ↓ fair. 179a Plate XXIX
  • 4.43 ↓ good. 153b Plate XVII

Officina ⊝ image Sabatier 2; BMCV andals, p. 55, no. 63; Tolstoi 87f.

  • 4.43 ↓ fair. 137b Plate XXVIII

obv.: DͶANASTA...

  • 4.43 ↓ pierced but refilled; very worn. 174 Plate XXIII
  • 4.46 ↓ pierced but refilled; worn. 220 Plate XXXII
  • 4.36 ↓ good. 135 Plate XXVI
  • 4.42 ↓ fair. 137b Plate XXVIII
  • 4.37 ↓ fair. 6 Plate XXXI
  • 4.46 ↓ fine. 6 Plate XXXI
  • known through literature only. 219

NNÅ 1944, 51, no. 36

Officina replaced by image image Sabatier not; BMCV andals, p. 55, no. 62; Tolstoi 90

  • 4.42 worn. 182r Plate XVII
  • 4.40 ↓ worn. 185 Plate XVII
  • 4.41 ↓ very fine. 6 Plate XXXI
  • 4.52 ↓ very fine. 6 Plate XXXI
  • 5.39 ↓ with loop; good. 194 Plate XXII

obv.: DNANAϨTA ϨIVPRTIAG

Ravenna

A1 a1 image Sabatier not; BMCV andals, p. 46, no. 4; Tolstoi not

Officina replaced by image

  • 4.47 ↓ fair. 137b Plate XXVIII

Officina replaced by image

  • 4.34 ↓ fine. 6 Plate XXXI
End Notes
83
No. 1083 from the Montagu Collection (Rollin and Feuardent, Paris, 1896) is very similar to Nos. 677–678. It also has a cross on the helmet and is of off. ⊝ but has an irregularity in the reverse legend (VICTRI).

Burgundian

A(or B)1 a1 image Keary, pl. I, 7; Robert, pl. IV, 2; Tolstoi 95f.

  • off. H 4.42 ↓ fair. 137b Plate XXVIII

obv.: DNANΛSTΛ SIVSPRΛVG

Frankish

(cf. Reinhart, Nos. 125–31; Robert, pl. IV)

A1 a1

Officina — image

  • 4.35 ↓ worn. 145 Plate XVII

obv.: DNΛNΛST ASIVSPIVG

rev.: +IICTORI ΛΛVGGG

Officina A image

  • 4.44 ↓ pierced; worn. 163 Plate XVII
  • 4.43 ↓ fair. 134 Plate XVII
  • 4.45 ↓ worn. 137b Plate XXVIII

rev.: ·COMOB· in ex.

  • 4.46 ↓ fair. 158 Plate XVII

rev.: ·COMOB· in ex.

  • 4.46 ↓ fair. 130b Plate XXVI

rev.: ·COMOB· in ex.

  • 4.45 ↓ fair. 137b Plate XXVIII
  • 4.40 ↓ very worn. 161 Plate XVII

rev.: COIIOB in ex.

Officina ⊝ image

  • 4.32 ↓ worn. 158 Plate XVII

Uncertain

A1 a1

  • 84 4.40 ↓ worn. 137b Plate XXVIII

obv.: DIIΛNΛSTΛ SIVSPPΛVG image

imagein r. field

rev.: VIXCTO– N⊼VGGGΓ

  • 4.45 ↓ pierced but refilled; clipped; very worn. 122

same dies as above Plate XXX

  • 4.39 ↓ good. 122 Plate XXX

obv.: DNANASTA SIVSPPAVG image

rev.: VICTORI ΛΛVGGGZ

  • 3.37 ↓ pierced; fair. 219 Plate XXXIII

obv.: DNANASTA SIVSPPAVG image

rev.: VICTORI AAVGGGH

  • 4.24 ↓ very worn. 6 Plate XXXI

obv.: DNANASTA SIVSPPAVG image

rev.: VICTOR IAΛVGGG⊝

  • 4.44 ↓ fair. 6 Plate XXXI

obv.: DNΛNΛST ΛSIVSPPΛV image

rev.: VICTOR lΛΛVGGG

Classed as Ostrogothic issues from the mint of Rome are Nos. 679–703. Within this group, Nos. 691–698 bear a mint mark of Rome in ligature and analogies of Nos. 691–698 with Nos. 679–690 and Nos. 699–703 identify the entire group as Rome issues. Characteristic of Nos. 691–698 are the rendering of the diadem tails which are curled, the form of the exergue mark in which the B is oversize and slightly diagonal, the Victory's wings which are formed by vertical lines, and the invariable use of ... PFAVG and COMOB. 85 The other two groups share these elements and, in addition, the stance of the Victory on Nos. 699–702 is identical to that of the Rome group. No. 703 is similar to Nos. 699–702 in the reverse legend which ends with the Christogram and in the stance of the Victory. Otherwise it bears CONOB in the exergue, has irregularities in the obverse legend and a different type of portraiture. It is certainly an imitation but possibly not of this series.

Coins with a mint mark of Ravenna or Milan are less common and none exist in the Scandinavian finds. The single specimen with a mint mark of Ravenna in Wroth, 86 however, has the following characteristics: the diadem tails are straggly, the exergue mark is CONOB with the B pronounced but perfectly upright, Victory's wings are formed by horizontal lines and the coins bear the monogram of Theodoric. Nos. 704–705 in the catalogue are similar in all respects except that they have PPAVG instead of PFAVG in the obverse legend and they are without a mint mark. However, it seems quite certain that they are of Ravenna.

Two coins with a mint mark of Milan are illustrated in BMCVandais, pl. VII, nos. 14–15. The diadem tails are still different from those of Rome or Ravenna, the exergue mark is CONOB, Victory's wings are formed by vertical lines and PPAVG appears in the obverse legend. Nos. 677–678 bear similarities to the Milan coins in the form of the legend, the diadem tails and the wings of Victory. On the other hand, they both have a cross adorning the helmet and the letters ⊝ or H in place of the mint mark. There are more analogies with the Milan coins than with the Rome or Ravenna issues, but the attribution is less certain than those of Rome and Ravenna above.

No. 706 has been identified as Burgundian by the monogram in the left field of the reverse (image) of Gundobad and Nos. 707–715 are probably Frankish. They form a close stylistic group and are similar to specimens found in the Alesia and Chinon hoards. 87 Nos. 716–721 are of uncertain origin.

End Notes
84
A solidus in the collection of the University of Texas at Austin would seem to be of the same dies as Nos. 716–717. It is described, but not illustrated, in Otto Heilborn, Catalogue descriptif de la collection des monnaies antiques grecques, romaines et byzantines de feu Baron A. W. Stjernstedt (Stockholm, 1882), no. 2270.
85
The British Museum specimen illustrated in BMCV andals, pl. V, 14 and identified as Ravenna is certainly Rome. In all details discussed above, it fits with the Rome group rather than with the Ravenna coins.
86
BMCV andals, pl. V, 15.
87
Charles Robert, "Trésor de Chinon," Annuaire de la société française de numismatique et d'archéologie VI, 1882, 164–78; J. Lafaurie, "Le trésor d'Alesia," BSFN 14, no. 1 (Jan. 1959), 266–68. See also J. Gricourt, "Trésor du VIe siècle de Houdain-lès-Bavai (Nord)," RN 1959–60, 131–52; J. Lafaurie, "Atelier pré-mérovingien à identifier," RN 1962, 183–86.

End Notes

81
Nos. 600–602.
82
It can be dated to the first year of Anastasius' reign; it corresponds to the dated marriage solidus of Anastasius (G. Zacos and A. Veglery, "An Unknown Solidus of Anastasios I," Numismatic Circular 1959, 154–55; "Marriage Solidi of the Fifth Century," Numismatic Circular 1960, 73–74) in the legend break and titulature. Another solidus of Anastasius (Tolstoi 78–80) has the usual legend break and titulature (A – SIVSPPAVG) but two stars on the reverse. This coin perhaps represents a later issue from Thessalonica.
The legend break and titulature of our coin is known on several other specimens which have only one star on the reverse (Florange June 14, 1923, no. 44; May 12, 1926, no. 126 (COMOB) = Hess/Leu 24, Apr. 16, 1964, no. 397; Ratto 314; Naville Oct. 3, 1934, no· 2023; ANS–ETN). Some of the specimens are of unusual or barbaric style but one or two would seem to be regular and possibly represent the very earliest issue of Anastasius from Constantinople (earlier than the first official issue discussed above) which carried over the titulature of Zeno and which are contemporary with the marriage solidus of Anastasius and parallel the issue at Thessalonica represented by our coin. No. 676.

JUSTIN I

Obverse legends Reverse legends
A DNIVST1 NVSPPAVG a VICTORI AAVGGG
Obverse types Reverse types
1 Bust of emperor, three-quarters facing, helmeted and cuirassed; holding lance and shield which portrays emperor on horse. 1 Victory standing l., holding image cross in r. hand.
2 Victory standing facing, holding long cross in r. hand and globus cruciger in l.

Constantinople

A1 a1 image Sabatier not; BMCByz. not; Tolstoi 11 ff. (lacks off. —, A below)

  • off. — 4.12 ↓ pierced twice; very worn. 88b Plate XII
  • off. A 4.45 ↓ fair. 164c Plate XII
  • off. B 4.40 ↓ worn. 178 Plate XII

A1 a2 image Sabatier 1; BMCByz. 1 ff.; Tolstoi 1 ff.

  • off. Γ 4.47 ↓ good. 137b Plate XXVIII
  • off. I 4.37 ↓ good. 137b Plate XXVIII

Nos. 722–724 are of the type introduced by Anastasius and date from the first part of Justin's reign. This issue was not recognized by Wroth as official. A new reverse, represented on Nos. 725–726 with a facing Victory holding a long cross and a globus cruciger, was introduced by Justin and superseded the earlier type.

IMITATIONS OF JUSTIN I

Obverse legends Reverse legends
A DNIVSTI NVSPFAVG a VICTORI AAVGGG
Obverse types Reverse types
1 Bust of emperor, three-quarters facing, helmeted, diademed and cuirassed; holding lance and shield which portrays emperor on horse. 1 Victory standing l., holding long cross in r. hand.

Ostrogothic

Ravenna (?)

A1 a1 image Sabatier not; BMCV andals, p. 48, nos. 12 ff.; Tolstoi 103 f.

Officina A

  • 4.41 ↓ fine. 137b Plate XXVIII

obv.: ...NVSPFA/G

  • 4.42 ↓ good. 164b Plate XVIII
  • 4.38 ↓ good. 156a Plate XXVI
  • 4.47 ↓ very fine. 137b Plate XXVIII

The four imitations of Justin are Ostrogothic and, according to Wroth, from the mint of Ravenna.

JUSTINIAN I

Obverse legends Reverse legends
A DNIVSTINI ANVSPPAVG (or AVI) a VICTORI AAVGGG
Obverse types Reverse types
1 Bust of emperor, three-quarters facing, helmeted and cuirassed; holding lance and shield which portrays emperor on horse. 1 Victory standing facing, holding long cross in r. hand and globus cruciger in l.
2 Bust of emperor facing, helmeted, diademed and cuirassed; holding globus cruciger in r. hand. 2 Victory standing facing, holding image cross in r. hand and globus cruciger in l.
3 Victory standing facing, holding long cross in r. hand and globe in l.

Constantinople (?)

A1 a1 image Sabatier 2; BMCByz. 1 ff. (lacks off. Δ below); Tolstoi 3 ff.

  • off. B 4.46 ↓ pierced; fair. 140 Plate XII
  • off. Δ 4.26 ↓ pierced; mut.; worn. 172 Plate XII
  • off. I 4.24 ↓ folded over; worn. 122 Plate XXX

A2 a2 image Sabatier 3 (lacks off. below); BMCByz. 8 ff.; Tolstoi 27 ff.

  • off. A 4.43 ↓ folded over; worn. 122 Plate XXX

obv.: ONVSTINI [ ]

rev.: ΛICTORI...; COMOB in ex.(?)

  • off. 4.37 ↓ good. 122 Plate XXX
  • off. 4.42 ↓ mut.; pierced; worn. 122 Plate XXX
  • off. I 4.47 ↓ very fine. 170b Plate XII
  • off. I 4.48 ↓ good. 162c Plate XII
  • off.? 4.26 ↓ pierced twice; very worn. 122 Plate XXX

A2 a3 (light-weight solidi) image

  • off. I 3.72 ↓ very worn. 122. Adelson 2 ff. Plate XXX

rev.: OBX[ ] in ex.

  • off. I 3.70 ↓ pierced; bent; very worn. 122. Adelson 30?

rev.: OB+[ ] in ex. Plate XXX

Nos. 731–733 in the catalogue are of Justinian's first issue which continued the type introduced by Justin I. The portrait is three-quarters facing, and the emperor holds a lance and shield; on the reverse, Victory stands facing holding a long cross and a globus cruciger. A full face portrait of the emperor holding a globus cruciger appears on the coinage in 538 coupled with the earlier reverse. 88 This issue is not represented in the Scandinavian finds. Nos. 734–739 are of the last issue of Justinian on which Victory holds a image cross 89 and a globus cruciger. 90 Nos. 734–735 in this series are of strange style and possibly imitations or of a mint other than Constantinople.

Nos. 740–741 are light-weight solidi and differ from the above groups not only in weight but in the reverse type which shows Victory holding a long cross and a globus only (not cruciger). 91 The coins are very worn but traces of OBX are visible on No. 740 and on No. 741 the exergue inscription seems to read OB+.

All of the above coins are probably issues of Constantinople 92 although other mints are known to have been in operation. 93

IMITATIONS OF JUSTINIAN I

Obverse legends Reverse legends
A DNIVSTINI ANVSPFAVG a VICTORI AAVGGG
Obverse types Reverse types
1 Bust of emperor, three-quarters facing, helmeted, diademed and cuirassed; holding lance and shield which portrays emperor on horse. 1 Victory standing l., holding long cross in r. hand.

Ostrogothic

Ravenna (?)

A1 a1 image Sabatier not; BMCVandals, p. 60, nos. 1 ff. Tolstoi 521 ff.

Officina A

  • 4.46 ↓ good. 179b Plate XVIII
  • 440 ↓ good. 179a Plate XXIX
  • 4.42 ↓ fair. 97 Plate XVIII
  • 4.40 ↓ fair. 133 Plate XVIII

obv.: DNIVSTIN INNVSPΛG

rev.: VICTORI ΛΛVGGGΛΛ; CONO in ex.

Uncertain

A1 a1

  • 4.30 ↓ fair. 191 Plate XVIII

obv.: IᗡIVϨTIII ΛNVCPΓ⊼VG image

rev.: VICTORI ΛΛVGGGI

  • 4.00 ↓ with loop; worn. 189 Plate XXII

obv.: ᗡͶVϨTIΛI ΛIVCZVͶG image

rev.: VIC[ ] VΛVGGGGG

Merovingian (triens)

Obv.: DNIVSTINIANVSPPAGY Rev.: VICTORIA + AGYSTORYM
Bust of emperor r., diademed. draped and cuirassed. Victory walking r., holding wreath in l. hand. COMOB in ex.
  • 1.50 ↓ with loop; very worn. 201. Tomasini No. 400

Nos. 743–745 are Ostrogothic issues which Wroth assigns to Ravenna while Nos. 746–747 are imitations of uncertain origin. The single triens found in Scandinavia is No. 748, a Merovingian issue.

End Notes

88
This issue is recognized by Wroth only as a variant of the last issue.
89
Under Anastasius and Justin, the loop is to the left (image).
90
The date of this issue is uncertain. Wroth's date of 538 can be discarded for he failed to recognize the earlier issue with a full-face portrait and Victory standing with a long cross. Lafaurie estimates its introduction in 540/45 on the basis of some rare coins of Theodebert (534–547) which imitate the image cross held by Victory (Lafaurie, "Un solidus inédit de Justinien I er frappé en Afrique," RN 1962, 167 ff.). Three specimens are known but all are from the same die and it is not at all clear that it is a image cross.
91
These specimens are not in Adelson (Light-Weight Solidi and Byzantine Trade During the Sixth and Seventh Centuries, NNM 138, New York, 1957). The same type appears on solidi of normal weight marked CONOB but which are clearly not of the mint of Constantinople.
92
With the possible exception of Nos. 734–735.
93
Wroth has identified imperial issues from Rome and Ravenna (BMCV andals, 108 ff.) and recently a solidus struck at Carthage was published (Lafaurie, RN 1962, 167–82). The light-weight solidi were issued from more than one mint according to Adelson (op. cit., 98 ff.) and in addition there is the series mentioned above (n. 91) of the type of the light-weight solidi but of normal weight and not of the style of Constantinople.

THEODEBERT

Obv.: DNTHEVDEBE RTVSVICTOR Rev.: VICT◡I ΛV[ ]
Bust of Theodebert, three-quarters facing, helmeted, diademed and cuirassed; holding lance and shield. Victory standing facing, holding long cross in r. hand and globus cruciger in l.; .. l. and r. above wings.
image
  • 4.46 ↓ pierced but refilled; very worn. 122 Plate XXX

cf. Belfort, 4818 (Vienna)

UNCERTAIN IMITATIONS OF FIFTH-SIXTH CENTURY SOLIDI

Obv.: Bust of emperor, three-quarters facing, helmeted, diademed and cuirassed; holding lance and shield. Rev.: Constantinople seated l., holding globus cruciger in r. hand and sceptre in l.
  • 4.50 ↓ worn. 203 Plate XVIII

obv.: imageETTimageTT TTimage imageTimageT

rev.: XXXX VVXXXX

  • 4.32 ↓ worn. 159 Plate XVIII

same dies as above

  • 4.27 ↓ worn. 220 Plate XVIII

obv.: ΛDϨTTOO CTVᑯTΛG (retrograde) image reversed

rev.: VOTXX imageVT XXXX image

  • known through literature only. 12

Janse, p. 66, fig. 11

obv.: SΓΓIOIV[ ] CNOCIΛV⅁ (retrograde) image reversed

rev.: CIVXX OƆOSXXXCΛI image

Obv.: As above. Rev.: Victory standing l., holding long cross in r. hand
  • 4.48 ↓ pierced; worn. 18 Plate XVIII

obv.: image image

rev.: image

Obv.: Bust of emperor r., diademed, draped and cuirassed. Rev.: Emperor in military dress, standing r., holding standard in r. hand and Victory on globe in l.; l. foot on captive.
  • 4.25 ↓ coin in two pieces; fair. 156a Plate XVIII

obv.: V[ ]imageVTOO ɥOXHᒣO⊼O

rev.: OHI[ ]OOO NOOO□[ image

Obv.: As above Rev.: Emperor in military dress, standing facing, holding long cross in r. hand and Victory on globe in l.; r. foot on serpent.
  • 4.54 ↓ very worn. 212 Plate XVIII

obv.: Π[ ] ΠΠXXXXXXΓNH

rev.: N[ ] OXXXXXXXVZ image

  • 4·33 ↓ worn. 176 Plate XVIII

obv.: XXNVTƆƆƆ XXXTͶV image image

rev.: ΠΛVƆƆƆ▿ XXXTᐅII/ image

  • 4.28 ↓ pierced; very worn. 138 Plate XVIII

obv.: ∣∣∣∣∣Ͷimage∣∣ [ ] [ ]

rev.: ]∣[ ]TO[ ]∣ [ ]GG[ ] image

  • 3.90 ↓ good. 184 Plate XVIII

obv.: ]imageVI+ Ϩimage VVϨᑫVVᒣ (retrograde) image reversed; cross in l. field

rev.: ]TO+ ΛΛNimage image image (retrograde) image reversed

The remaining solidi have completely meaningless obverse legends and have been classed as uncertain. Although they are clearly imitations of fifth and sixth century solidi they cannot be identified with certainty as imitations of a particular emperor. Nos. 750–753 with a seated figure of Constantinople seem to be imitations of the VOT XXX MVLT XXXX type commemorating Theodosius' tricennalia in 430. 94 In all probability these are imitations of coins of Theodosius but the type appears on coins of Valentinian III and Leo I also. 95 No. 754 represents the very common Victory type introduced by Marcian and used extensively thereafter in the East and for a short time in the West. The type with the emperor facing right with his foot on a captive (No. 755) is known on western issues of several emperors in the first half of the fifth century 96 while the type with the emperor standing facing, his foot on a serpent (Nos. 756–759) is common on western issues in the second and third quarters of the fifth century. 97

The unusual character of many of the imitations in the Scandinavian finds is at once apparent to anyone who has worked with this material. In particular, the imitations of Honorius, Theodosius II and the uncertain group defy comparison with any of the published series and yet they often are represented in the Scandinavian finds by two or more specimens from the same dies. Their origin and the identification of their manufacturers must remain unknown until a corpus of comparable pieces with provenances is made. 98 The following data will be useful: one Polish find is from the same dies as Nos. 750–751; a Caseburg coin is from the same dies as No. 758; a coin described in Friedländer 99 would seem to be identical with No. 754. Two specimens, both in private collections, one of which was in Turin, were known to Friedländer.

End Notes

94
The seated figure of Constantinople also appears on the Imp 42 issue of Theodosius (issued for Valentinian and the empresses also) and possibly this is the prototype for No. 753.
95
See section on identical dies, page 122, for dating of the imitations.
96
In this catalogue the type appears on coins of Honorius, Valentinian III and Arcadius. It is also known on coins of Galla Placidia, Constantine III, Attalus, Jovinus, Constantius III, Johannes, Theodosius II and Avitus.
97
See coins of Valentinian III, Majorian, Libius Severus and Leo I in this catalogue for the same type. The type also appears on coins of Petronius Maximus, Anthemius (known only in Cohen and probably barbaric—see above, p. 25, n. 39) and Marcian.
98
The possibility that some of these may be of Scandinavian origin warrants further study. See under Honorius, page 10, n. 13.
99
Die Münzen der Ostgothen (Berlin, 1844), 8.

PART II: DISCUSSION AND ANALYSIS OF THE MATERIAL

LITERATURE

The problem of the Scandinavian solidi has been extensively discussed by archaeologists and historians from various points of view and it may be desirable to summarize the main arguments and conclusions of these writers.

The first discussion of the historical implications of the solidi appeared in 1882. The author was Hans Hildebrand who had already contributed several works on Scandinavian studies. 1 Hildebrand's commentary cannot really be said to have stimulated study of the solidi problem, for it was not until twelve years later that an objection to his arguments was made by Montelius (in a footnote) and it was thirty-seven years before a study appeared which was devoted solely to this subject. Nevertheless, Hildebrand's treatise was the first and most of the studies which eventually followed it began their discussion by reviewing and criticizing Hildebrand's thesis.

Hildebrand believes that the solidi were introduced to the North by means of trade contacts between the Scandinavians and their Germanic relatives. There is no doubt, in his opinion, that direct relations between the North and the Byzantine Empire existed at this time. It is understandable, he writes, that individuals from the various Germanic tribes visited one another and that the North Germans were lured to the South when they heard of all the many wonderful things to see and obtain. Some of the inhabitants within the Empire felt a similar curiosity about the North and it was not impossible to consider a journey to Scandinavia. Procopius refers to the land of Thule and desires to visit it himself because of all he has heard from others who had lived there.

Since East Roman solidi are more numerous than West Roman among the finds in Scandinavia, Hildebrand believes that the coins originated in the Byzantine Empire. He says that none of the coins struck by the Germans in Italy after the fall of the West are found in Sweden. 2 Moreover, the distribution of solidi is concentrated in eastern Scandinavia with very few finds in Jutland, western Sweden and Norway and thus a more eastern approach is indicated. He presumes from finds of coins that the solidi originated in the Byzantine Empire and passed through Austria, Hungary and Poland. The south coast of the Baltic is especially rich in solidi finds of this period.

According to Hildebrand, the stream of coins began in earnest after the fall of the empire of the Huns which reopened the ways of communication between the North and South. The greatest number of coins came before 474 and the break-up of the solidi stream occurred, for the most part, after 488 under the emperor Zeno when the Ostrogoths invaded Italy. Evidently connections with the North Germans were severed when the Ostrogoths left Pannonia. Furthermore, after leaving Pannonia and Moesia they no longer received tribute payments from the Byzantine emperors.

As for those coins found in Scandinavia from the period after 488, Hildebrand explains that some traffic could have continued after this time. The great number of coins of Anastasius found on Gotland are the result of an isolated event, for they were brought by the Heruli returning to Scandinavia. Procopius mentions the occasion when this tribe, having been defeated by the Langobards in 512, left their homes in the Middle Danube and a part of them migrated to the "land of the Götar."

Montelius pointed out, several years later, that it is not known whether the "land of the Götar" refers to Gotland (the island) or to Götaland (the province) and, in any case, one needs to explain not only the frequency of Anastasius' coins on Gotland but their absence on Öland. 3

Von Friesen tried to show, in 1918, by philological evidence, that the Heruli did not settle on Gotland but rather in the southeastern part of Götaland, in Värend and Blekinge. 4

Certain aspects of the solidi finds were discussed toward the end of the century by P. Hauberg, the Danish numismatist. 5 Hauberg made an important observation on the coin material which has been overlooked by later writers; he noted that many of the coins were worn and concluded that they had been circulated in Scandinavia for a considerable time. The fact that some of the coins had been pierced and refilled also indicated circulation of the solidi and not merely as bullion to be weighed with each transaction but as coins with a fixed value. 6

In 1905, Knut Stjerna attempted to present evidence—archaeological, literary and oral tradition—that the Northmen's struggles as described in the Anglo-Saxon poem Beowulf took place during the Migration Age. 7 Although Stjerna's work was not primarily a study of the solidi problem, it was concerned with one phase of it and that was in accounting for the end of the solidi stream in the sixth century.

According to Stjerna, the disruptive elements present at the end of the Migration Age culture in Scandinavia are the result of conquests by the Svear over the Götar. 8 The situation in Scandinavia is likened to that on the Continent, but in miniature. The Svear in North Sweden are strong but barbaric while the Götar in South Sweden and in the islands are wealthier and have a higher culture but are weak and less numerous because of successive emigrations. As on the Continent, the northern barbarians moved down and overwhelmed the southern inhabitants. This explains the termination of the coin hoards on Öland and Gotland and on the basis of the latest coins present in the hoards, Stjerna dates the conquest of Öland and Blekinge to ca. 500 and that of Bornholm and Gotland, about fifty years later. The Svear conquest of the Götar accounts for the large treasures present in Svealand which represent plunder from the conquest.

The successive emigrations mentioned above had important consequences for Scandinavia. On the positive side it brought them in contact with a superior culture, did much to enlighten the Northerners, and also produced a literal Golden Age in Scandinavia. On the other hand, it reduced the population of the more civilized Götar, leaving them vulnerable to attack by the Svear.

Stjerna was the first to present the thesis that the gold hoards in Scandinavia were buried as a result of internal events. This belief was then explored and held by many writers after him. However, Stjerna also discussed the relation of events in South Europe to the end of the gold stream. The gold reached Scandinavia, in the first place, through contacts with East German princes in the South who were famous for their accumulation of huge treasures. The Scandinavians sent reinforcements to the South in exchange for the gold and the traffic passed through the Vistula region. The fall of the East German kingdom in the middle of the sixth century cut off the supply of gold to Scandinavia. Thus, Stjerna suggests a distinction between the cause of the interruption of the gold stream and the cause of the deposit of the coins in the ground.

T. J. Arne's study in 1919 was the first after Hildebrand's to deal specifically with the solidi problem. 9 Arne reviews the conclusions of Hildebrand and Stjerna and then states his own views which may be summarized as follows: The solidi on Öland and Gotland are not a result of trade, but rather they are isolated examples of contact with the South. The argument for this is that some areas in Sweden which are unusually rich in gold objects have very few coins. Thus there is no connection between the solidi and the unminted gold and the coins must have been a result of separate and distinct activities.

The solidi on Öland were brought there about 480 by Germanic troops from Hungary who were related to the Götar and who had answered the Götar's appeal for help when attacked by the Svear. The coins were deposited in the soil shortly after their arrival as a consequence of the attacks. According to Arne, the hoards are not evenly distributed over Öland and thus there could not have been a very long interval between their arrival and their deposit. He narrows down the number of find places from about fifty to eight or nine central places where the coins must have first arrived as treasures of chiefs and then were distributed to small groups of people. The latest coins are of Zeno (except for one solidus of Justin which Arne does not consider a part of the earlier material) and since there are only a few coins of Zeno but many of Libius Severus who had a short reign, the coins must have arrived a few years after Zeno's reign began or about 480.

On Gotland the hoards are smaller, less numerous and distributed somewhat more evenly over the island. This is regarded as proof of a longer period of circulation between their arrival and deposit in the ground. Western coins are quite rare and coins of Anastasius are predominant, with a few specimens also of Justin I and Justinian I. They all must have arrived, Justin and Justinian excepted, with auxiliary troops in the second decade of the sixth century during the reign of Anastasius. Arne concluded that Gotland maintained connections with the South longer than did Öland and that a catastrophe did not overtake Gotland. The technique of the inlay of garnets known on Gotland and introduced about 500 is further evidence that the culture continued to develop there and is also indicative of contact with Hungary.

A more extensive study by Olov Janse appeared three years after Arne's article. 10 This work lists all finds of solidi, bracteates and other gold objects from a.d. 395 to 565 found in Sweden. In addition, there is a lengthy commentary in which Janse presents new points of view on some of the problems connected with the solidi.

Janse divided Scandinavia into a North Zone and a South Zone, the former consisting of Gotland, Svealand and Norrland and the latter of Skåne, Blekinge, Kalmar län, Öland and Bornholm. The North Zone had yielded, in 1920, 10 Roman and 126 Byzantine coins while the South Zone had 100 Roman and 203 Byzantine solidi. Of the 126 Byzantine coins in the North Zone, 95 were from Gotland. Different routes fed the two areas, a western route via the Oder River led to the South Zone and a more eastern route via the Vistula terminated in the North Zone. Two hoards on Gotland (North Zone) contain Roman coins and have South Zone characteristics. Janse believes that these must have come with the South Zone coins to Öland and then were transferred to Gotland. The importation ceased first on Öland under Zeno, on Bornholm under Anastasius, and last of all on Gotland under Justinian.

In accounting for the Öland and Gotland solidi, Janse rejects Hildebrand's basic theories regarding the commercial nature of the activity with the Ostrogoths and also the role of the Heruli. Regarding Gotland, he refers to the "Guta saga" which records an emigration of one third of the inhabitants of Gotland. The saga, committed to writing in the fourteenth century, relates that the emigrants passed through Russia to Byzantium and sometime after this, Gotland was overthrown by the Svear. Janse quotes Nerman as having shown that the emigration took place at the end of the fifth century and the conquest by the Svear ca. 550. 11 Janse would agree with this and points to the Kaggeholm hoard in Svealand, which has analogies with the Gotland hoards, as support for the conquest. He supposes also that the emigrants had returned to Gotland to take part in the struggles and that it was at this time that the Gotland solidi were introduced by the eastern route mentioned above. The coins on Öland and Bornholm were also introduced en bloc.

Janse believes that Öland and Bornholm were conquered not by the Svear, as maintained by Stjerna, but by the Gotlanders. This would account for the South Zone-type hoards on Gotland as spoils of war. It is less likely, he maintains, that the Svear would have turned against Öland and Bornholm before conquering Gotland. Moreover, if the Svear had conquered Öland one would expect to find analogies between the hoards of Svealand and Öland, but this is not the case. Instead, the analogies are with Gotland which indicates that Gotland was itself conquered by the Svear in the middle of the sixth century.

Birger Nerman's book, Det svenska rikets uppkomst, includes a chapter on archaeological questions of the period 400–600 which involves a fairly extensive criticism of earlier studies and the presentation of Nerman's own views. 12 Nerman's objection to Hildebrand's thesis that events in South Europe affected the solidi import to Scandinavia is that it does not explain why the coin stream continued to Bornholm after it had stopped on Öland. Hildebrand had supposed that the Ostrogothic invasion of Italy under Zeno cut off connections between the North and South Germans and that at the same time the tribute payments ceased. He accounted for the coins that appeared on Gotland after this as having been brought by the returning Heruli. Thus he neglected Bornholm's late coins entirely. 13 Since coins continued to reach some areas in the North and not others, Nerman believes that the answer to the difficulties must lie in events in the North.

Arne's opinion, it will be remembered, was that a catastrophe occurred on Öland but not on Gotland and that the coins were brought to the two islands on two different occasions. Nerman argues that the differences between the two islands are not so great that one may refer to a catastrophe on one but not on the other. He thinks that destruction occurred on both islands and that the problem is to identify the attackers. Stjerna had named the Svear as the aggressors in both cases, Janse attributed the Öland attacks to the Gotlanders but the conquest of Gotland to the Svear, and Nerman disagrees with both. Regarding the conquest of Öland he thinks that the Danes, rather than the Götar, were more likely the attackers since the latter were not a warlike people. He alludes to the period of Rolf in the second half of the sixth century when Öland was probably under the control of the Danes. This acquisition was made, he thinks, at the close of the fifth century and coin hoard analogies support this relationship.

Nerman believed that there was insufficient archaeological evidence for many of Stjerna's statements, particularly regarding Östergötland, Blekinge and Södermanland. Stjerna had stated that archaeological evidence was conclusive in indicating a complete break in these areas as well as on Gotland, Öland and Bornholm in the middle of the sixth century. New archaeological types appeared which had prototypes in Svealand, the coin stream was interrupted, and so on, all of which in his opinion proved a Svear conquest. But only on Gotland, according to Nerman, are Stjerna's conclusions valid, for here there are new types in certain groups which have prototypes in Svealand. On the other hand, the grave finds on Gotland are undisturbed, the house remains are inconclusive, and it is in fact impossible to identify the attackers of this island or to associate the end of the solidi stream on Gotland with events in the North. 14 It is certain only that the island experienced a period of unrest about 500. Nerman also believes that an emigration from Gotland to the East Roman Empire occurred ca. 475.

Sture Bolin's important study of coin hoards appeared in 1926. 15 On the basis of finds from various periods and areas, Bolin came to the conclusion that coin hoards are buried in the earth during periods of danger and instability. Thus areas which have yielded many finds were not necessarily areas of wealth and prosperity but areas of unrest and conflict. This is true only of areas with many finds, however, and a single hoard has no such significance. Indeed, he formulates a maxim: The greater the number of hoards, the greater the dangers of war. There is a risk in assuming economic importance for areas rich in hoards. If a prosperous region was not threatened by war there would be no powerful motivation for hiding gold, thus preserving it for posterity. All that can safely be said about areas rich in hoards is that they suffered from war. Bolin does acknowledge that the coins in Scandinavia represent a certain prosperity resulting from trade, but he stresses the point that this wealth was not necessarily restricted to Gotland, Öland and Bornholm—those areas with the most hoards.

Thus, Bolin identified a period of discord in Scandinavia which overtook Öland ca. 450–490, Bornholm and Skåne ca. 475–525 and Gotland and the Mälaren area ca. 500–560. The cause of this disturbance was most probably the expansion of the Slavs along the south coast of the Baltic Sea.

Arne in turn pointed out that Bolin's dates of warfare imply that solidi continued to be imported during war as regularly as in peaceful times and this he considered unlikely. He also referred to the Viking hoards which cover a period of several centuries and doubted that any war lasted that long. 16

Bolin replied to Arne's comments and explained that he had not wished to imply that the periods stated above were periods of constant struggle but rather that they were periods of intermittent warfare which would allow trade to continue. 17

The objections made by Arne mentioned above appeared in a report on two new finds on Gotland. The discovery of the hoards at Smiss and Botes occasioned the report along with a new discussion of the solidi problem. Arne presents several hypotheses on how the coins might have reached the North but he does not favor one over the others, nor does he attempt to reconcile his views on the new hoards with those expressed earlier. A western character is evident in the new finds and Arne believes that they must have originated in France or Italy. The Smiss coins could have been brought to Gotland when the Ostrogoths were expelled from Italy in 553 and were dispersed to the North. Or, they could have been assembled in France and traveled along the coast to the North. A third possibility is that the Lombards, located between the Theiss and the Danube and allied with the Franks, could have served as intermediaries. Arne is definite only in stating that the coins were carried up en bloc and that they originated in the West.

The hoard of Botes, whose latest coin is of Justin I and which includes two coins bearing the monograms of the Ostrogoth Theodoric and the Burgundian Gundobad, must have arrived ca. 525–530. Arne connects it with the return of the Hygelac-Chochilaicus expedition to Frisia in 528 with which an embassy of the Heruli came to look for a new king. But regarding the Öland finds in general,. Arne refers to a route passing through Hungary and Germany which reached the Baltic at a point perhaps more western than the mouth of the Vistula. The Gotland solidi also were most probably introduced by a route more western than had been believed.

In 1933, Mårten Stenberger published the results of his archaeological excavations on Öland. 18 Over the entire island he found evidence of desertion, destruction, burning and a decline in skeletal remains in the early sixth century. From this, he concludes that the island was destroyed at the end of the fifth century. His conclusions regarding the disaster are in agreement with those reached by Bolin who had analyzed only the numismatic material, but Stenberger does not identify the attackers.

In his review of the work, Lindqvist argued that Stenberger had exaggerated the destructive forces and he maintained that the island was deserted at this time as a result of a voluntary migration to the South. 19

A comparable archaeological report on Gotland in the Migration Age was published by Nerman in 1935. 20 According to Nerman, the Gotland solidi arrived for the most part after 475 and the latest hoards were deposited ca. 560–570. He agrees with Bolin that it is impossible to determine the route by which the coins arrived. In his concluding summary of the archaeological material, he states that Gotland was relatively peaceful during the greater part of the fifth century and that between 475–500 a great migration from Gotland to the East Baltic took place. This was followed by a period of unrest on Gotland and a great influx of the Svear ca. 550–560. The cause of the unrest cannot be determined definitely, however, and he rejects all notions of Götar or Slavs. On Öland it was quite certain that conquest did occur which interrupted the import of coins to that island but on Gotland the evidence is less certain. Regarding Stjerna's hypothesis that the Svear conquered Gotland and caused the hoards to be deposited, he says only that the coin material does not speak out against it, but it does not prove a Svear conquest.

Werner Knapke discusses certain aspects of the problem in his studies of coin finds which appeared in Acta Archaeologica in 1941 and 1943. 21 The discussion is concerned primarily with those countries surrounding the Baltic Sea but find material from other parts of Europe, including the Netherlands, France, Switzerland, Germany, Austria, Hungary and the area in Russia north of the Black Sea is also listed. On the basis of coin finds, Knapke identified three routes which were used to bring the Roman and Byzantine solidi to the North. The first originated in Dacia and Pannonia, passed over the Theiss and Danube Rivers through the Carpathian Pass to the Vistula and terminated in the Baltic islands. The Oder and Warthe Rivers were not utilized. This route brought East Roman solidi almost exclusively and the carriers were the Gepidi, the Goths and the Heruli. A second route, also carrying East Roman solidi only, began in Ostrogothic territory north of the Black Sea, continued north via the Dnieper, Dniester and their tributaries to Galicia and over the Vistula/Bug route to the Baltic. This route operated from the time of Theodosius II to Justinian I. The third route brought West Roman solidi to Scandinavia, originating in the territory of the Alemanni, Franks and in Frisia, Sachsen and Thuringia. The route followed the Rhine and Weser Rivers to the North Sea and from there to the Baltic. The solidi were the result of trade between the North and South which was augmented by returning warriors who received tribute or pay for military service in the imperial armies.

In a popular account of Sweden's Golden Age, published in 1945, Sune Lindqvist develops his thesis which had become known through various works and reviews on related topics. 22 The solidi were brought back by returning warriors who had been in the service of the Byzantine armies. The Öland coins were introduced during the period of Odovacar in Italy and the Gotland coins were contemporary with Theodoric the Ostrogoth. Then, after 475 the Öland houses were burned and deserted and the population, considerably fewer in number, settled on the coast. This desertion and the population decline can only be explained by a voluntary emigration. He also asserts that some of these displaced people migrated to Italy where they received shares of the "Herulian Acres."

Gotland showed evidence of a similar destruction whose effects, however, were not as permanent. Gotland was affected in still another way which resulted in the introduction of Continental influences from Central Europe and Italy in the sixth century. Lindqvist argued that there must have been an immigration this time, from the South to Scandinavia. Whether the same people who left earlier are involved here, he is reluctant to say. In any event, the two hoards of Smiss and Botes were brought by these immigrants in the first three decades of the sixth century.

The curious phenomenon of the solidi also attracted the attention of scholars outside of Scandinavia; notably Joachim Werner whose study of the hoards on Gotland and Öland holds an important place in the literature on the solidi. 23 Werner draws a distinction between the coin series for the two islands. Gotland's solidi fall mainly in the time of Anastasius and continue past 538 while Öland's solidi are most abundant in the reign of Leo I and include only one coin of Anastasius. It is his opinion, based on a statistical analysis, that Öland's coins were deposited between 480 and 490. Furthermore, the deposit was caused by a major destruction of the island in which almost all the old settlements were destroyed or abandoned and, when new settlements did appear, they were located on the coast rather than inland. Although many of the smaller finds may have a terminus post quern of an earlier date (457, 461 or 467) it is probable that all were deposited at the same time, between 480 and 490. According to Werner, no other place shows such overwhelming evidence for a disastrous decade as does Öland.

The Öland and Gotland coins arrived via a Vistula/Oder route and since the stream continued to Gotland for several decades after it ceased on Öland, Werner rejects Bolin's theory concerning the movements of Slavs in the area of the south Baltic coast which surely would have affected the Gotland stream as well.

The cause of the disturbances which overtook Öland cannot be determined but the archaeological evidence is conclusive in regard to the destruction. Moreover, the gold finds in excavated sites are associated with a burnt layer which is further evidence for relating the burial of the coins to the destruction.

The Öland coins originated in Italy and Hungary and are not a result of trade but rather they represent the tribute money paid to Germanic tribes and also the payments for military service in the imperial armies. The stream to Öland began under Arcadius and Honorius at the beginning of the fifth century but the most intense period was from 450–480, during the time of Ricimir and Odovacar in Italy. The coins traveled en bloc and not indirectly as is the way of trade.

Werner argues that the island of Öland is an isolated case whose destruction has given us a cross section of the existing coinage at the time of the disaster. We can assume a similar situation in other parts of Scandinavia whose coins have not been preserved for us through events of invasion and war.

Werner also discusses the fortification of Ismantorp on Öland, unique in Scandinavia, which is patterned after a fifth-sixth century Byzantine model, other types of which are known in Bulgaria and Italy. He offers it as further evidence of contact with the Roman world and, more specifically, suggests that it was built by returning warriors in the second half of the fifth century who were familar with this type of fortification from their service in the imperial armies.

The coin stream to Gotland continued for seventy years beyond that on Öland and is most intensive during the reigns of Zeno and Anastasius. The coins of Justinian, few in number but including late issues, suggest that the stream may have begun to dry up before its final end ca. 550–560. A period of disturbances overtook Gotland at this time which caused the coins to be buried but it was not as destructive as on Öland. Of the coins of Anastasius at least thirty per cent, and possibly sixty per cent, are Italian strikings, indicating an Italian/Hungarian source.

The Gotland coins are a result of trade in furs, pelts and amber which were very desirable in the court of Theodoric. This trade could have continued after the death of Athalaric and down to 535 when the Ostrogoths lost control of Sirmium. The later solidi of Justinian present on Gotland could represent the subsidies paid by the emperor to the Heruli and Gepidi. The solidi import came to a close as a result of developments in the middle Danube and in Italy in the mid-sixth century. Invasions of the Langobards, Avars and Slavs interrupted the relative peace which had existed under Ostrogothic rule.

The solidi finds were an important factor in Mogens B. Macke-prang's work on the bracteates. 24 He dated the earliest bracteates on the basis of his interpretation of the solidi finds. Since the bracteates are found only with fifth century solidi, it was necessary for him to date both the beginning of the importation and the deposit of the hoards. He notes that fourth and fifth century solidi in Scandinavia are never mixed, a fact which can only mean that an interval of time elapsed between the importation of the two groups of solidi. He therefore came to believe that the fifth century solidi found in the hoards, including the early issues of that century, did not reach Scandinavia until the end of the fifth century. From an examination of 14 hoards containing 10 or more solidi he concludes that all the hoards—even those on Öland—were not deposited until the sixth century or even later. The validity of his chronology for the earliest bracteates rests upon these two assumptions.

A more recent discussion of the problem appeared in 1955 in the imposing work on the Gotland settlement of the Migration Age, Vallhagar. 25 The study is relevant for all of Gotland and much of Scandinavia as well. Of particular interest to us is the concluding chapter by Stenberger, concerning the causes for the desertion of the site in the sixth century. Closely connected with its abandonment are the gold hoards found elsewhere on Gotland and thus Stenberger reviews all earlier theories on the relationship of the hoards to the destruction of the island.

Although he is in agreement with some of the earlier theories, he claims that there is no evidence for Nerman's belief that a migration took place from Gotland to the East Baltic or for Lindqvist's opinion that there was a migration to Italy. That a climatic change or cattle disease was responsible for the population decline is rejected after a thorough analysis of the evidence. He is certain only that war did take place on Gotland, as Bolin and others had believed, but unlike them, he hesitates to name the attackers. The time of the destruction is uncertain. Stenberger denies there is evidence for the uniform date of deposit as suggested by Werner for Öland (480–490) and Gotland (550–560). Rather, he prefers Bolin's interpretation that the Gotland hoards were buried over a period of time, between 500–560, as a result of intermittent warfare such as had taken place on Öland just before this.

And, finally, Ole Klindt-Jensen touches briefly on the problem of the solidi in the published results of his archaeological excavations on Bornholm. 26 The solidi on Öland, Gotland and Bornholm represent part of the enormous tribute payments and ransom money paid by the Byzantine emperors to barbaric tribes which found its way North. The hoards were buried as a result of war which occurred on Öland at the end of the fifth century, on Bornholm at the beginning of the sixth century and on Gotland toward the latter part of the sixth. The stream began ca. 400 and single finds later than the above 1 mentioned dates indicate that the import to Öland and Bornholm did not cease entirely with the destruction of these islands. The evidence for war is similar to that on Öland and Gotland; settlements were burned and deserted and when new settlements appear, they are located on the coast. He does not identify the attackers but suggests that the wealth of the inhabitants was the most probable cause of their afflictions.

From the above discussion it is evident that there is very little agreement on the problems associated with the Scandinavian solidi. Since the first excavations on Öland and Gotland, much of the research has been directed toward the problem of understanding the changes that occurred in Scandinavia at the end of the Migration Age, a problem in which the coin hoards play an important part. Although there is a general consensus of opinion that war occurred on Öland, Gotland and Bornholm (and even this is disputed by some writers) there is no agreement on the identity of the attackers. The most recent studies are also the most cautious; neither Stenberger in his discussion of Vallhagar nor Klindt-Jensen in his study of Bornholm even suggest the possible source of the attacks.

On all other problems inherent in the finds there is only confusion. Many of the writers have accounted for the coins in the Baltic area by two or more unrelated phenomena. For example, Hildebrand attributed the Öland coins to trade with the Ostrogoths in Pannonia and the Gotland coins to the Heruli who settled Gotland in the early sixth century. More recently, Werner attributed the Öland coins to Germanic soldiers who returned to Scandinavia while the Gotland coins were the result of trade with the Ostrogoths in Italy. The beginning of the stream has been stated to have been as early as 400 or as late as the end of the fifth century. Still others believe that the coins were brought up en bloc on one or two occasions at the end of the period and that it was not a stream, properly speaking, at all. The origin has been regarded as eastern by some writers and western by others. Routes ranging from the Russian rivers in the East to the Rhine and North Sea in the West have been suggested. In short, at just about every point there are differences of opinion and some scholars believe that no definite solution is possible.

The differences of opinion derive not so much from the new material discovered through the years as from the interpretation of the material. It is true that many finds have been made since Hildebrand's time and that thorough archaeological reports of the Baltic islands have been made, but the interpretations have remained just as diversified. They reveal often a preconceived preference for one or more of the literary sources for the period and the solidi have been explained in light of what we know from the literature, rather than the reverse. But the literary sources cannot, by themselves, explain the solidi for us. There are several passages referring to barbaric tribes passing this way or that, of migrations to the land of Thule, and there are references to trade, to tribute payments and to barbarians in the imperial services, but none of these can be associated with the solidi in Scandinavia without some outside evidence. As for the Scandinavian literary sources, it must be remembered that these date from a much later period than the coins and there are substantial difficulties in the interpretation and dating of the sagas.

Similarly, the archaeological remains which undoubtedly show evidence of contact between Scandinavia and one or more areas on the Continent, do not and cannot indicate whether or not the solidi are associated with any of these contacts. Archaeological excavations in Scandinavia, on the other hand, are helpful in providing an answer to the question of why the hoards were buried and it is only in this area that any agreement at all has been reached.

For all other questions, the coins themselves are the only possible source of information and thus far the results of such studies have been inconclusive. In my opinion, it is a matter of methodology and the coins can be expected to provide more definite facts if utilized to their full extent. In this study the coins have been given a closer scrutiny, including a die study which had never been made, and the results have not been without significance. Hitherto unsuspected patterns and relationships have been revealed and new facts discovered which provide a strong basis for a reinterpretation of the solidi.

New finds can always be expected to occur and one can only interpret what is presently available. Since the solidi were first studied new finds have affected the totals for a given area from time to time but they have not significantly changed the type of material found in a particular place. For example, the coin material on Öland breaks off soon after the reign of Leo, much earlier than on either Gotland or Bornholm and this fact was apparent in Hildebrand's time just as it is today. It would be unusual for the pattern on Öland or any other area to be changed significantly by future finds. Nevertheless, it is possible that new finds will warrant a revision of the conclusions presented here. It should be understood that the material available today is the basis for the analysis which follows and it is believed that the interpretation presented here is substantiated by this material.

End Notes

1
Hans Hildebrand, Från äldre tider (Stockholm, 1882), 58–73. See also his "Sous d'or ostrogoths frappés en Pannonie et trouvés en Suède," in Congrès international de numismatique, Bruxelles 1891 (Brussels, 1891), 421–27 where he summarizes his conclusions presented in the earlier work and comments on some unusual imitations which he believes were struck by the Ostrogoths in Pannonia.
2
Hildebrand was mistaken about this since even in his time several Ostrogothic pieces struck in Italy had been unearthed.
3
Oscar Montelius, "Den nordiska järnålderns kronologi," Svenska fornminnesföreningens tidskrift 10, 1895–97, 106, n. 3.
4
Otto von Friesen, "Herulernas bosättning i Skandinavien," Studier tillägnade Esaias Tegnér (Lund, 1918), 484f. Quoted by Janse, p. 32.
5
P. Hauberg, "Médailles romaines d'or et d'argent d'avant le milieu du VIe siècle trouvées dans les pays Scandinaves," Mémoires de la société royale des antiquaires du Nord 1895, 381–405; "Skandinaviens fund af romersk guld-og sølvmynt før aar 550," Aarbøger for nordisk oldkyndighed og historie 1894, 325–76.
6
P. Hauberg, "Médailles romaines," p. 401. Hauberg had noticed these repairs on several denarii as well as on a solidus.
7
Knut Stjerna, "Svear och Götar under folkvandringstiden," Svenska fornminnesföreningens tidskrift 12, 1905, 339–60.
8
The Swedish term "Götar" is used throughout to refer to those Goths inhabiting South Sweden and the islands to distinguish them from the Goths in South Europe.
9
T. J. Arne," Solidusfynden på Öland och Gotland," Fornvännen 14, 1919, 107–11.
10
Olov Robert Janse, Le travail de l'or en Suède à l'époque mérovingienne (Orléans, 1922). See also his "Notes sur les solidi romains et byzantins trouvés en Scandinavie," RN 1922, 33–48.
11
Janse, Le travail, p. 35.
12
Birger Nerman, Det svenska rikets uppkomst (Stockholm, 1925).
13
Actually, Hildebrand did account for these late coins in his statement, "some traffic could have continued after this time (488).. ."See above, p. 84.
14
This represents a change of opinion for Nerman. See above, p. 88, where in an earlier work quoted by Janse he had stated that the Svear conquered the island.
15
Sture Bolin, Fynden av romerska mynt i det fria Germanien (Lund, 1926).
16
T. J. Arne, "Deux nouvelles découvertes de solidi en Gotland," AA II, 1931, 1–28.
17
Sture Bolin, "Neue Literatur über römische Münzfunde im freien Germanien," Germania, Korrespondenzblatt der römisch-germanischen Kommission des archäologischen Reichsinstituts XV, 1931, 267–71. Stenberger also points out that the Viking hoards are a case in point for they fall into three distinct groups and indicate three periods of warfare which resulted in the hoarding (Vallhagar: A Migration Period Settlement on Gotland/Sweden, II, Stockholm, 1955, 1170).
18
Mårten Stenberger, Öland under äldre järnåldern (Stockholm, 1933), pp. 202–12.
19
Sune Lindqvist, review of Stenberger in Fornvännen 29, 1934, 124–28.
20
Birger Nerman, Die Völkerwanderungszeit Gotlands (Stockholm, 1935), pp. 59–62, 126–29.
21
Werner Knapke, "Aurei- und Solidi-vorkommen an der Südküste der Ost-see," AA XII, 1941, 79–118; "Aurei- und Solidi-vorkommen am Mare Baltic kum," AA XIV, 1943, 55–66. Reviewed by N. L. Rasmusson in Nordisk numis-matisk unions medlemsblad, Aug. 1944, 83–84.
22
Sune Lindqvist, Vår svenska guldålder (Uppsala, 1945). See also his "Ölands och Gotlands Solidi," in Fornvännen 45, 1950, 160–63.
23
Joachim Werner, "Zu den auf Öland und Gotland gefundenen byzantini-schen Goldmünzen," Fornvännen 44, 1949, 257–86.
24
Mogens B. Mackeprang, De nordiske guldbrakteater. Jysk arkæologisk selskabs skrifter, II (Aarhus, 1952).
25
Mårten Stenberger, Vallhagar, 1161–85.
26
Ole Klindt-Jensen, Bornholm i folkevandringstiden. Nationalmuseets skrifter. Større beretninger, II (Copenhagen, 1957).

FINDS

The nature of the bulk of the finds indicates that they are hoards; that is, the private wealth of an individual buried in the ground for safekeeping. This is true whether the find consists of one coin or many coins. A single gold solidus would represent a cherished possession and its loss would not very likely go unnoticed. 1

The solidi are most commonly found in a field as a result of digging or plowing. In a few instances a note is recorded in the archives that the find was made near or under a stone or some such marked spot (Find Nos. 2, 50, 76, 87, 113a, 113c, 135, 136, 157 and 219) and in two cases the remains of a purse were discovered with the coins (Nos. 115 and 137 b). Two finds were recovered in the course of archaeological excavations (Nos. 8 and 205), two are from grave mounds or tumuli (Nos. 1 and 12), two from gravel-pits (Nos. 18 and 156 b), nine from on or near the sites of known prehistoric house foundations (Nos. 68, 75, 118c, 177, 204, 205, 210, 215a and 218), one during demolition of the old castle at Kalmar (No. 19 e) and one from a hoard of Viking coins (No. 37). But for the most part it is safe to assume that the coins are hoards deposited in the ground for possible later recovery although two may be grave burials and a few single finds may have been stray coins.

In many cases, a multiple find has been reconstructed from two or more separate finds occurring in the same field. The Migration Age sites remained undisturbed for centuries but since their reoccupation in modern times the fields have been plowed and cultivated over and over again. During the course of this activity it is to be expected that many of the hoards would be broken up and dispersed over a field to be discovered piecemeal later. Such reconstructed finds are Nos. 2, 42, 46b, 62, 63, 72, 80a, 85, 86, 87, 99, 112, 115, 122, 130b, 137b, 147, 156a, 158, 166, 176, 178, 179a, 188, 194, 204, 215a and 219. 2 Other finds are possibly part of other deposits but information is lacking on the exact place of the finds.

Commonly found with the coins are gold or electrum objects in the form of bars, spiral rings, finger rings, arm bands, buttons, bracteates and the like (Find Nos. 3, 5, 6, 13, 20a, 23, 24, 49, 50, 53, 67, 68, 75, 79, 81, 86, 90b, 110c, 113a, 122, 130b, 135, 140, 156a, 169, 176, 184, 193, 194, 203, 212, 214a, 215a and 218). Silver objects and second century denarii occasionally appear also (Find Nos. 50, 86, 122, 130b, 136, 151, 153a, 156b, 177 and 178) and three finds contain bronze objects (Nos. 122, 156b and 178). A faience bead is included in No. 130b which also has gold and silver objects.

In addition to these gold objects found with coins, there is a great mass of gold found in Scandinavia without coins. The Swedish mainland, particularly Västergötland and Södermanland, is far richer in this type of gold find than the Baltic islands where most of the solidi are found. It is presumably from the same period as the solidi but its relationship to the solidi activity has not been determined. 3

The coin finds are concentrated on the Baltic islands of Gotland, Öland and Bornholm with a sizable number from Mainland Sweden and only a few from the remaining Danish territory. Öland has the largest number of finds and also the greatest number of solidi: 4 303 coins from 131 finds of which 52 per cent (158 coins) occur in 7 hoards of five or more coins. On Gotland, there are 252 coins from 96 finds with 10 hoards accounting for 63 per cent (159 coins) of the total. Bornholm has 150 coins, 39 separate finds and 6 hoards totalling 109 coins or 73 per cent of the total. Mainland Sweden has produced 142 coins from 44 finds with 4 hoards totalling 101 coins or 71 per cent of the total. The remaining Danish territory has yielded only 31 coins from 18 finds with 2 hoards totalling 13 coins or 42 per cent of the total.

On Öland the coins are distributed over the entire island from the northern tip to the southern part but concentrations are noted at various points. More than half of the solidi are found in the south central part of the island in the parishes of Algutsrum, Norra Möck-leby, Torslunda, Sandby and environs. Another accumulation north of this, around the parishes of Löt, Köping, Bredsätra and Gärdslösa, is notable and together these two areas account for about three-quarters of the total number of coins on Öland. There is a slight accumulation in the very northern part of the island in the parishes of Böda and Högby and the remainder of the finds, single and multiple, are spread over the other areas.

The distribution on Gotland is similar in many respects. Two accumulations are found: one centering around Akebäck, Eskelhem and Vänge—an area which has yielded six hoards—and a second concentration to the east and south of this, around Etelhem. The latter area is important mainly for the hoard of Botes (Find No. 137 b) which contains 82 coins but there is one other hoard of 7 coins and several smaller finds as well. The two areas account for slightly more than three-quarters of the total coins on Gotland. Otherwise, solidi are found in almost all other parts of the island as far south as Gröt-lingbo and as far north as Rute. The finds are always inland and this is true of the other areas also. Archaeological excavations on the Baltic islands have shown that the Migration Age settlements were invariably inland. 5

Finds from the Swedish mainland are for the most part located at various points, just inland, along the Baltic coast. Half of the 142 coins come from the Mälaren area around Stockholm where two of the hoards were found. The two other hoards were found near the coast in Lofta parish in Småland and in Hörup parish in Skåne.

The Bornholm finds show a particular accumulation at the eastern tip of the island around Svaneke, but inland, where 63 of the 150 coins have been found. A large hoard of 36 solidi came from the southern part of the island at Soldatergård and the Kåsbygård hoard of 14 coins is from western Bornholm. For the rest of Denmark there are mostly single finds from Jutland, Zealand and Fyen, but two hoards, both from Fyen, are also recorded.

The earliest solidi appearing in the hoards are of Honorius and Arcadius and the latest of Justinian I. 6 The solidi of western emperors (a.d. 395–476) total 188 coins including 23 known imitations and those of eastern emperors (a.d. 395–565) number 559 with 73 imitations. 7 The proportion of coins of eastern emperors to western emperors is then almost 3:1. Some of the coins of eastern emperors bear western mint marks, however, and moreover, the chronological differences in the lengths of the eastern and western regimes distort the ratio; the western empire ended in 476 but coins of the eastern emperors continued to arrive in Scandinavia for another 75 years. Taking into consideration the issuing mint and the period involved, the actual number of eastern and western coins is as follows: 8

a.d. 395–476

297 coins from eastern mints
216 coins from western mints (including COMOB issues)
41 imitations, some of which may belong to a later period but which are imitations of emperors of this period

a.d. 476–565

122 coins from eastern mints
71 coins from western mints, most of which are imitations but which include some official western issues also

Of the individual emperors, Leo I, Theodosius II, Anastasius, Zeno and Valentinian III are represented by the greatest number of solidi. All had long reigns and extensive coinages but if we divide the total number of coins for each emperor by the length of reign, a yearly average of coins represented in Scandinavia for each emperor is obtained. Table A (p. 106) shows that Leo of the eastern emperors and Libius Severus of the western emperors have the highest annual representation. The figures for the very short-reigned emperors are misleading and the coins of Glycerius, Julius Nepos and Romulus Augustus have been averaged together for the three and a half year period of their collective reigns. It is apparent, however, that from the period of Leo I (457–474) and his contemporaries in the West, Majorian and following, there are the greatest number of solidi.

The figures for Arcadius and Honorius, the earliest emperors, are slight and indicate that the stream did not begin as early as their reigns. They are considerably higher for Honorius who reigned until 423 than for Arcadius whose reign ended in 408. It is generally acknowledged that in antiquity coins continued to be circulated long after the date of issue though in decreasing quantity. If the import had begun as early as the time of Arcadius and Honorius we should certainly expect coins of the fourth century to be included also. Valentinian III and Theodosius II show increases over Honorius and Arcadius and a peak is reached in the period 457–476. The activity levels off under Zeno and declines progressively until it ceases completely under Justinian I.

Grouping the eastern and western emperors in more or less corresponding periods gives the general pattern of importation (Table B, p. 107), while the graph (p. 108) illustrates the proportionate representation of eastern and western issues for the same six periods. Eastern issues are considerably more numerous than western through the reign of Zeno. Under Anastasius the annual representation drops again but the decline is restricted to eastern issues while western issues show a slight increase. The annual representation for Justin and Justinian is very slight and the proportion of eastern and western issues is of no significance.

Of the various mints represented (Table E, p. 111) the most important is Constantinople with 395 coins. Thessalonica is represented by 23 solidi and there is a single specimen from Antioch, the Leontius piece. In the West, Ravenna is the most common mint with 79 solidi; Rome has 45, Milan 44 and Arelate 3. Some 61 other coins are identified as western but have no distinguishing mark other than COMOB to identify the mint.

Coin totals for the various areas within Scandinavia (Tables C and D, pp. 109–10) indicate that Öland and Gotland were the most important recipients of this gold. The import to Öland was very much diminished after the time of Leo however and coins later then Zeno are practically non-existent. Thus it is important to show statistics for all the areas for two periods as was done with the eastern and western issues above. 9

  Öland Gotland Bornholm M. Sweden Denmark
a.d. 395–476 293 119 110 74 22
a.d. 476–565 10 133 40 48 9

In the first period, Öland's 293 solidi almost equal the total of the other areas together (325) and in the second period, Gotland's 133 coins more than equal the total of the other areas combined (107) indicating clearly the respective importance of Öland and Gotland in the two periods.

TABLE A: ANNUAL REPRESENTATION BY EMPEROR 10

Years of reign Total coins Annual Average
(ca.) E W T E W T
Honorius * 28 4 17 21 .75
Valentinian III* 30 2 57 59 2.00
Majorian * 4 16 16 4.00 4.00
Libius Severus * 4 31 31 7.75 7.75
Anthemius 5 23 23 4.60 4.60
Glycerius 3 1/2 3 3
Julius Nepos * 8 8 4.28 4.28
Romulus Augustus 4 4
Arcadius 13 1 4 5 .38
Theodosius II * 42 98 44 142 2.33 1.00 3.38
Marcian * 7 26 26 3.71 3.71
Leo I* 17 154 7 161 9.06 .41 9.47
Leo II/Zeno 5 5
Zeno 15 58 16 74 3.87 1.07 4.93
Basiliscus (B/Marcus) 7 2 9
Leontius 1 1
Anastasius 27 47 45 92 1.74 1.67 3.41
Justin I 9 5 4 9 .55 .44 1.00
Justinian I 38 11 6 17 .29 .16 .45
End Notes
*
Imitations not included since they are not known to be contemporary.
10
The figures are based on the catalogue; see Table E, p. 111.

TABLE B: ANNUAL REPRESENTATION BY PERIOD

Total coins Annual Average
E W E W T
I 395–455/7 131 122 2.18 2.03 4.22
Honorius Arcadius
Valentinian III Theodosius II Marcian
II 457–476 166 94 8.74 4.95 13.68
Majorian Leo I
Libius Severus Leo II/Zeno
Anthemius Basiliscus
Glycerius (B/Marcus)
Julius Nepos
Romulus Augustus
III 476–491 59 16 3.93 1.07 5.00
Zeno
Leontius
IV 491–518 47 45 1.74 1.67 3.41
Anastasius
V 518–527 5 4 .55 .44 1.00
Justin I
VI 527–565 11 6 .29 .16 .45
Justinian I

ANNUAL REPRESENTATION BY PERIOD

image

TABLE C: DISTRIBUTION OF FINDS BASED ON FIND-LIST*

MS Ö G S B D total
Honorius 2 13 14 I 5 35
Valentinian III 4 43 8 14 4 73
Honoria 1 1
Majorian 12 5 1 1 19
Libius Severus 1 26 2 1 6 2 38
Anthemius 2 16 4 6 28
Glycerius 2 1 3
Julius Nepos 4× 2 2 1 2 11×
Romulus Augustus 1 3 4
total 14× 117 35 2 35 9 212×
Arcadius 1 3 1 5
Theodosius II 33 68 28 1 40 3 173
Eudocia 2 2
Placidia 1 1
Pulcheria 2 2
Marcian 4 16 7 1 2 1 31
Leo I 18× 80 44 1 31 8 182×
Leo II/Zeno 3 1 1 5
Zeno 27× 7 31 26 1 92×
Ariadne 1 1
Basiliscus 4 1 2 1 8
B/Marcus 1 1 2
Leontius 1 1
Anastasius 16× 1 74 9 4 104×
Justin I 1 8 1 10
Justinian I 1 1 14 2 18
total 104× 186 212 3 112 20 637×