Coinage of the Mamlūk Sultans of Egypt and Syria

Author
Balog, Paul
Series
Numismatic Studies
Publisher
American Numismatic Society
Place
New York
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Source
Donum
Source
Worldcat
Source
Worldcat Works
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HathiTrust

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CC BY-NC

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Open access edition funded by the National Endowment for the Humanities/Andrew W. Mellon Foundation Humanities Open Book Program.

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A BRIEF SURVEY OF MAMLŪK HISTORY

The word "Mamlūk" (literally translated "owned") does not by any means signify slavery in the true sense of the word. Although the Mamlūk, or male slave, was really acquired by his Moslem master either by purchase or by capture in war or in a raid, he did not serve as a common slave or domestic servant but became a highly valued bodyguard, soldier, or even gentleman-at-arms.

He was brought up and well cared for by his owner, given thorough training in the military arts, in warfare and in sports, which at that time were the privilege of the caste of knights. When the Mamlūk page grew up to become a full-fledged soldier, there was practically no limit to his advancement. According to his ability, the faithful services rendered to his master and his exploits on the battlefield, he was not only eligible for manumission, but, if his character and ability were outstanding, he was raised to the rank of amir. However, even after he became a nobleman and commander of other Mamlūks, a firm bond attached him to his former master in domestic matters as well as in politics and in war.

The fact of having been a Mamlūk carried no blemish; on the contrary, these knights were proud of their relationship with the great princes and lords they formerly served, and thought of themselves as the ruling class of the country. They also felt a close kinship towards their fellow Mamlūks serving a common master.

Although no racial distinctions were made in the choice of young male captives to be sold as Mamlūks, they were, in great majority, Turks. The 'Abbāsid Caliphs of Baghdad began the custom of keeping a large retinue of personal bodyguards, recruited from Turkish Mamlūks, in order to protect them against their unruly Arab countrymen who, in their turbulant and undisciplined ambitions for personal power and independence, continuously stirred up trouble and sedition and were a constant menace to the Caliphs.

To ensure the devotion of the Mamlūk soldiery, their owner had to reward them ceaselessly with lavish presents, robes of honour, valuable donations of land and tenure of office, and often with the governorship of rich provinces and cities. It is not surprising, therefore, that the Mamlūks soon became, from simple slaves, a ruling military caste of noble knights who could do or undo sovereigns, and whose benevolence or dissatisfaction decided the fate of Caliph or sultan. They had to be cajoled and bribed incessantly. They formed clans according to their origin or through allegiance to a common master. Therefore, the Sultan's power often depended on his ability to acquire the support of the majority of the Mamlūk amirs and their retinue.

The custom of relying on a large Mamlūk bodyguard was extensively adopted by many a Moslem ruler even among those of Egypt. The Ayyūbids had their regiments of Mamlūk soldiery, but the system was brought to perfection by al-Ṣāliḥ Ayyūb, Saladin's great-grand-nephew. Not only did the main forces of the Egyptian army under him consist of the splendid Mamlūk cavalry, but the whole administration of the government slipped into the hands of the most powerful amirs.

In fact, when the dynasty's Egyptian branch became extinct after the assassination of al-Ṣāliḥ Ayyūb's son Turunshāh, by the Baḥri Mamlūks, it was the college of the great Mamlūk nobles who elected his successor. Thus, without any incident or even without the people realizing it, a complete change of dynasty was accomplished. The Baḥri Mamlūks, who took over the government of Egypt and part of Syria, were Turks; they were named Baḥri or "fluvial" Mamlūks from their barracks situated on the island of Rhoda in the Nile.

For the first and only time in the history of Moslem Egypt, a woman, Shajar al-Durr, was elected queen (May, 1250 A.D.). She qualified for the throne through the excellent leadership of which she gave proof during the last illness of her husband, al-Ṣāliḥ Ayyūb, as well as after his death, when she kept the reins of government firmly in hand. Further titles to the legitimacy of her rule were her status as widow of the late sultan and, last but not least, the fact that she was the mother of al-Ṣāliḥ Ayyūb's son. The fact that this son was already dead at the time of her election does not seem to have diminished the validity of her claim. She managed the affairs of state very ably during the short two months of her reign (1250). She was, however, compelled to abdicate and turn over the government to Aybak, one of the leading Mamlūk amirs, after violent protests of the Caliph, who could not tolerate a woman on Egypt's throne.

Thus Aybak (1250–1257 A.D.) became the newly elected king of Egypt. In order to consolidate his position, he married Shajar al-Durr, although he already had a wife (whom he was compelled to divorce), and a son. But he also had to defeat the ambitions to the throne of Egypt of the Ayyūbid pretenders in Syria who had numerous supporters; he therefore, appointed the six year old son of the last Ayyūbid king of the Yemen, al-Ashraf Mūsâ (II) b. al-Nāṣir Yūsuf, as nominal co-regent in Cairo.

Nevertheless, he soon came to open conflict with the Syrian Ayyūbids, whose head was Mughīth 'Umar, a son of al-'Ādil II. The Mamlūks were victorious and the backbone of the legitimist claim was broken. This success, however, did not mean the end of Aybak's troubles, as his great fellow amirs now began to conspire against him, and even a remnant of the Ayyūbid forces in Syria lay threatening near the Egyptian border.

At last, Aybak overcame his opponents and successfully consolidated his government, although Shajar al-Durr never surrendered the treasury to him and endeavoured to retain the real power for herself. Their relationship was of the worst kind, and they both intrigued continously against each other. Finally, when Aybak wanted to contract a political marriage with a princess of the Golden Horde, the queen decided to eliminate him by assassination. In revenge, Shajar al-Durr was herself clubbed to death by the slave women of the ḥarīm by order of Aybak's divorced wife.

Aybak's son, al-Manṣūr 'Ali (1257–1259 A.D.), an incompetent youth, was soon discarded by the viceroy, al-Muẓaffar Qutuz (1259–1260 A.D.), an able general and excellent statesman. He completely annihilated the remaining forces of the Ayyūbid al-Mughīth 'Umar. But soon another and far greater danger threatened the Mamlūk empire, that of the Mongol invasion. Hūlāgū, who in 1253 destroyed the 'Abbāsid califate of Baghdād, continued his westward thrust into Syria, devastating the country wherever he passed, with the evident goal of conquering Egypt. In a pitched battle near 'Ayn Jālūt in Syria, after the fortunes of war had changed more than once during the day's fighting, the Mamlūks finally utterly routed the Mongol army and expelled them from Syria with enormous losses. The Ayyūbid princes of Ḥims and Ḥamāh, who pledged allegiance to Qutuz, were reinstalled to their seats and allowed to govern as vassals of the Mamlūk king.

On his way to Cairo after the victorious campaign, Qutuz was slain by jealous and discontented Mamlūk amirs. Baybars I was elected sultan in his stead. With Baybars began one of the most brilliant periods of Moslem Egypt. The new sultan's first task was to eliminate the threat of the Crusaders who still held important parts of the Syrian coast. One after the other the Crusader strongholds fell to his armies, and in 1268 even Antioch was stormed and utterly destroyed, after which only a few coastal towns remained in Christian hands. Baybars also had to deal with the Mongols who, now in possession not only of 'Irāq but also of Asia Minor, continued to threaten his safety. With his habitual efficiency, he swiftly defeated their formidable army.

Armenian Cilicia too was subjected to repeated raids and had to pay heavy tribute. Though engaged in continuous warlike activity until the end of his reign, Baybars managed the internal affairs of his empire with equal skill, energy and wisdom, improved his dominions and promoted the building of public works. His government was just, enlightened, and he was popular personally with his subjects.

It was during his reign that the Mongols of Hūlāgū destroyed the caliphate of Baghdad. Baybars invited the surviving 'Abbāsid prince to Cairo, appointed him caliph and, in turn, received from him the investiture as sultan of Egypt. Thereafter, down to the fall of the Mamlūk empire, this investiture by the caliph became an essential part of each sultan's nomination.

Baybars's two sons were not worthy of their great father and, after two years of undistinguished government, another mighty amir and former Mamlūk of al-Ṣāliḥ Ayyūb, al-Manṣūr Qalā'ūn (1279–1290 A.D.) ascended the throne. Qalā'ūn was more fortunate in his dynastic aspirations than his predecessor Baybars, and his house continued to rule Egypt for over a hundred years.

Towards the end of 1281, this sultan too clashed with the Mongol army which once more invaded Syria, and definitely crushed it near Ḥimṣ, so that he had no more trouble from the Ilkhānids. The Crusaders of the Syrian coast were his next objective, and his wars against them were so effective that, when he died, barely anything was left of the Christian dominions. Magnificent buildings still existing in Cairo bear witness to Qalā'ūn's piety, and the remnants of his hospital prove that he was generous towards the sick and poor.

Qalā'ūn's son, al-Ashraf Khalīl (1290–1293 A.D.) had but one virtue, courage. He conquered the last stronghold of the Crusaders, 'Akkā, pillaged and burned it and enslaved those of the inhabitants he did not slaughter. He was cruel, vicious and capricious, and his reign was one of continuous terror and injustice. It was not surprising, therefore, that the nobles conspired against him and had him assassinated.

Qalā'ūn's surviving son, al-Nāṣir Muḥammad, was elected to the throne in 1293 A.D.; a mere child, he was soon set aside by the nobles, one of whom became sultan. After four years of turbulence and bad management, al-Nāṣir Muḥammad was reinstalled, this time for a period of ten years (1298–1308 A.D.). Immediately after his accession to the throne, a renewed Mongol invasion threatened the very existence of the empire. The Mamlūks suffered a series of disastrous reverses which led to the Mongol occupation of Aleppo, Damascus and nearly all the Syrian territory. Finally, however, the Egyptians not only recuperated the lost territories, but in 1303 completely destroyed the Ilkhānid army. After this final defeat, Ghāzān's successor, Uljāitu, reversed his father's policy and, thereafter the Mongols of Persia entertained friendly relations with the Mamlūk court.

The ruling Mamlūks devoted the following period to the restoration of internal order in Egypt and, at the same time, to the increase of their personal wealth. They turned the numerous sources of revenue from the various forms of taxation and the customs duties imposed on transiting merchandise to their own advantage, but to the detriment of the treasury. The standard of living of the ruling classes became fabulously luxurious, and the rich spent huge sums on their personal comfort and pleasures. However, they also spent fortunes on building beautiful mosques, public baths and fountains, schools and hospitals, which they endowed with ample revenues.

Al-Nāṣir Muḥammad received nothing of the bounty appropriated by his amirs. His ministers kept him in straitened circumstances, so that he lacked even the bare necessities of a modest household. Finally, when he could no more bear the conduct of his amirs, al-Nāṣir Muḥammad fled to Karak and announced his abdication (1309).

His successor, Baybars II, lasted only one year, and the result of his incompetence was complete mismanagement of the affairs of state. Al-Nāṣir Muḥammad was back again as sultan (1310–1341 A.D.). This time, he was fully mature and resolved to reign as an absolute monarch. Reign he did, and now knew how to impose his will on the Mamlūk nobles who soon learned to respect his person and obey his orders.

Although several military operations were conducted with success against Armenian Cilicia, al-Nāṣir's reign was, on the whole, one of peaceful prosperity, and his relations with other countries of the East as well as of the West were mostly friendly. So great was his prestige that, after his death, over a period of forty-one years, his sons and their descendants were elected to the throne as a tribute to his person. Though none of them had the qualities to match those of al-Nāṣir, their claim was never challenged by the amirs who declared themselves faithful servants of his house.

Nevertheless, in 1382, the Circassian Mamlūks or "Burjis" (from the Citadel or burj where their barracks were located) got the upper hand and set al-Ẓāhir Barqūq, an energetic and able man, on the throne. Thereafter, for the following 135 years, Egypt was ruled by the Burji Mamlūks who, unlike the Baḥris, were not Turks, but mostly Circassians. In fact, the sultan was not an absolute monarch, but only a chief Mamlūk elected by his equals and had to listen to their opinion and advice and, more often than not, had a precarious hold on his undisciplined fellow amirs. No hereditary succession was established, as was the case for the House of Qalā'ūn. Sometimes, the sultan's son succeeded after his father's death, not so much in recognition of a hereditary principle, but rather as a buffer between the intriguing rival factions. After a few months' time, when one or the other of the amirs held sufficient power to impose himself, the "warming pan" was discarded and the victor of the day ascended the throne. At this time, a strong esprit de corps developed among the followers of each sultan, after whose death his Mamlūks formed a distinct new party. For his tenure of power the new sultan depended on his ability to win over the majority of the rival factions by bribery and largess, or to exploit their jealousies and competition by inciting one clan against the other.

Of the twenty-three sultans who sat on the throne during the next 135 years, the reigns of nine occupy 125 years, and only nine years are left for the remaining fourteen rulers. Nine sultans were really great statesmen, the others merely filled a vacuum. The nine able sultans, however, also had to struggle continuously with the unruly soldiery whose divers factions ceaselessly fought between themselves for power and wealth, robbing and tormenting the common people of Egypt who lived in constant terror for their lives, property and women.

Barqūq, the first Circassian sultan (1387–1389 and 1390–1399 A.D.), was fully occupied with the defense of his throne against the rebellious amirs. He succeeded in quelling several attempts to suppress him; his army was, however, routed by the rebels headed by the two mightiest Mamlūks. Barqūq lost all presence of mind, was deposed without resistance and interned in the fortress of Karak. The rebel amirs restored Ḥājji, the last Baḥri king, on the throne and soon started to quarrel over the spoils. The disagreement became so violent that Barqūq, who in the meantime had acquired a large body of supporters, raised a powerful army and easily crushed his opponents. His next two years on the throne were, nevertheless, occupied by the final suppression of the rebellion in Syria. In the meantime, a far greater danger threatened Barqūq's dominions in the invasion of Tīmūr. Hastily, Barqūq gathered his armies against the much dreaded foe and joined the princes of Asia Minor in a league of defense. To his great relief, the invasion of Syria did not take place, because by then Tīmūr was fully engaged in a campaign against Tuktamish of the Golden Horde in Georgia. Barqūq, over sixty years of age, died in 1399 after a long and, on the whole, just and benevolent rule.

His eldest son, Faraj (1399–1405 and 1405–1412 A.D.), succeeded him at the age of thirteen. In less than a year he had to lead an army against a new invasion of Tīmūr. The campaign ended in defeat and hasty withdrawal to Cairo, and Syria fell prey to the Mongol soldiery which ruthlessly devastated the country and ransacked and burned the cities.

The sultan's credit rapidly diminished, more because of the disastrous conditions of peace accepted by him than of the lost war, and the ruling amirs not only treated him with spite, but also defeated him in open battle. Faraj fled, leaving the throne to a younger brother, but was brought back to power again after a couple of months by the amir Yashbak, his supporter. The last years of Faraj's rule were spent in continuous campaigning in Syria where, in spite of a few military successes, the government steadily lost control of the situation; the increasing power of the amirs Shaykh al-Maḥmūdi and Nawrūz began to threaten the sultan's position. He was finally deposed by the 'Abbāsid caliph of Cairo and condemned to death. From an economic point of view, Faraj's sultanate was a continuous unsuccessful struggle against the growing impoverishment of Egypt. He made several attempts to restore the country's finances, but all failed miserably.

After Faraj's death, the Caliph al-Musta'īn filled the vacancy for a few months, until Shaykh was elected sultan, with the title al-Mu'ayyad (1412–1421 A.D.). Though he reigned for about nine years and conducted several successful campaigns against the rebellious Turkoman princes of Asia Minor whose territories bordered the Syrian marshes, Egypt and Syria gained nothing by his successes. Not unlike Faraj, al-Mu'ayyad Shaykh also tried, in vain, to stem the collapse of Egypt's financial position; just as Faraj, he was unable to improve the country's currency. The vacillations of his monetary policy are reflected by the unmethodical sequences of the gold issues and by the introduction of his widely praised mu'ayyadi dirhem which was indeed of excellent quality, but the bulk of which was inadequately small.

Al-Mu'ayyad was followed by two reigns of no consequence whatsoever, when al-Ashraf Barsbāy took the reins firmly in hand (1422–1438 A.D.). He used the sultanate to increase his revenues by extortion, oppressive taxation and various trade monopolies, and kept Egypt under his thumb. But he was strong enough to restrain his Mamlūks from rebellion and even enlarged his dominions through the conquest of Cyprus. At this time, pirates operating from Cyprian bases made the shores of Syria and Egypt insecure. Taking their activities as an excuse, Barsbāy, in a single campaign—which was, however, preceded by an exploratory raid—crushed the resistance of the navy and army of the King of Cyprus. Not only did he enslave a large portion of the population, but he also captured many knights and even the king himself, who were paraded in great triumph in Cairo. Thereafter, Cyprus remained a tribute paying vassal of Egypt until the end of the Mamlūk empire in 1517.

Barsbāy knew how to extract the greatest possible profits from the Indian trade which passed through Egypt. He was, however, obliged to relinquish much of his heavy customs duties imposed on the transitory goods, when foreign traders—especially the Venetians, but also the Castilians and Aragonese—threatened to withdraw their activities from Egypt. The heavy impositions rendered the transit route through Egypt unprofitable. Barsbāy's monetary policy did not meet with more success than his meddling with the trade; like his predecessors, he endeavoured to introduce currency reforms, but he did not dispose of the necessary bullion to make his reforms successful.

During the following thirty years seven different sultans sat on the throne of Egypt, but not one had any influence on the country's history. The next ruler, al-Ashraf Qā'itbāy (1468–1496 A.D.), however, held the power for almost 29 years. He was strong of character, courageous and a conspicuous general, also intelligent in his judgment and energetic in decision. He often extorted huge sums for his war chest from Jews, Christians and Moslems alike and sometimes tortured the highest ranking officials until they surrendered their wealth to him.

However, he also spent fortunes on public buildings in Egypt and Syria, and many exquisite mosques, madrasas, public fountains and bridges still testify to his generosity and excellent taste in the field of architecture.

Yet Qā'itbāy's reign was not confined to internal affairs and architecture. His various Turkoman vassals of Asia Minor showed signs of insubordination or even tried to break away and achieve complete sovereignty; the situation was even more complicated by continuous interference from the Ottoman sultans whose growing power began seriously to threaten the Mamlūk empire. Qā'itbāy succeeded in maintaining a more or less favourable equilibrium between the Ottomans and himself, but he was unable to slow down their expansion to the detriment of the lesser Turkish principalities.

The Turkoman princes succumbed one after the other to the well organized armies of the Turkish sultan Bāyazīd II, and thus the final clash with the Mamlūk forces came steadily nearer.

Disorganization of the government marked the reign of the following four, insignificant sultans, until the election of al-Ashraf Qānsūh al-Ghūri (1501–1516 A.D.). In spite of his advanced age, he proved himself an energetic and capable prince, restored order in the country and took drastic measures to replenish the treasury. During the first half of his reign, al-Ghūri had to deal only with minor disturbances from his Mamlūks and some Badawi tribes. The Indian transit trade, which for centuries proved so profitable to Egypt, was threatened with destruction by the Portuguese who at that time discovered the trade route to India around the Cape of Good Hope. Within a short time, the entire commerce with India was taken away from al-Ghūri by Albuquerque's fleet.

The final disaster, however, which ended with the collapse of the Mamlūk empire and its annexation by the Ottoman Turks, started when, after Bāyazīd's death, his son, Selīm I, succeeded to the throne. Selīm was determined to conquer the whole Middle East, and began with the Persians whom he defeated at Chaldiran in 1514. He then occupied the sultanate of Dhu al-Qadr and Diyar Bakr, and came in close contact with Syria. He waited for the slightest excuse to open hostilities with the Mamlūks, marched into Syria and met al-Ghūri's army at Marj Dābiq, a little North of Aleppo. On the 14th of August 1516, the Mamlūk army was totally destroyed, al-Ghūri was killed during the battle and the road to Cairo lay open to Selīm. The Mamlūks elected a new sultan, al-Ashraf Tūmānbāy, and tried to organize a sort of resistance. They were, however, no match for Selīm's superior forces and, on the 22nd of January 1517, Cairo surrendered to the Turks. Egypt lost its independence and became a province of the Ottoman empire.


BRIEF BIBLIOGRAPHY ON THE HISTORY OF THE MAMLŪKS

Stanley Lane-Poole: A History of Egypt in the Middle Ages. London, 1901.
Sir W. Muir: The Mameluke or slave dynasty of Egypt. London, 1896.
Précis de l'histoire d'Egypte, par divers historiens et archéologues, II, part 2, by G. Wiet. Cairo, 1932.
Gabriel Hanotaux: Histoire de la Nation Egyptienne, IV, (l'Egypte Arabe), by G.Wiet. Paris, 1937.
E. Quatremère: Histoire des Sultans Mamelouks de l'Egypte par Maqrizi. Paris, 1837–1845.
E.Blochet: Histoire de l'Egypte de Maqrizi . Paris, 1908.
R.L.Devonshire: "Extrait de l'histoire de l'Egypte, par Ahmed ibn Iyas." Bulletin de l'Institut Français d'Archéologie Orientale, XXV, 1925.
G.Wiet: "Ibn Iyās, Histoire des Mamlouks Circassiens, II," in Textes et traductions d'auteurs orientaux, Institut Francais d'Archéologie Orientale. Cairo, 1945.
G.Wiet: Journal d'un bourgeois du Caire. Paris, 1955.

SURVEY OF THE COINS

Pseudo-Ayyūbid Type

The coins of the first Mamlūk rulers were similar to those of the last Ayyūbids, so that we may call them pseudo-Ayyūbid issues. The legends on the dinar present the protocol of the Mamlūk sultan (Shajar al-Durr, al-Ashraf Mūsâ, Aybak, al-Manṣūr 'Ali and Quṭuz), but the arrangement of the engraving is similar to al-Ṣāliḥ Ayyūb's gold coins. Aybak went even so far as to revive al-Ṣāliḥ Ayyūb's protocol on the dinar and inscribed only his name, without any title, underneath, as if he still were his long deceased master's lieutenant only.

The silver is even more servilely imitated from the Ayyūbid originals. Shajar al-Durr's and al-Ashraf Mūsâ's globular dirhems do not differ in design, style and general appearance from those struck by al-Ṣāliḥ Ayyūb at the Cairo mint. The square-in-the-circle type dirhems are faithfully copied from the Ayyūbid dirhems of Damascus, the like of which also were issued at Cairo by the same ruler. Such square-in-the-circle type dirhems have been struck by Aybak, al-Manṣūr 'Ali and by Quṭuz.

As regards copper coins, only a single fals has been so far identified, in the collections of the ANS. It belongs to Quṭuz and its design resembles the silver coins of al-Afḍal 'Ali (BMC 285) and al-Ṣāliḥ Ayyūb (Balog, BIE XXXIV, pp. 24–25, Figs. 9–12).

Baḥri Type

Under Baybars I begins the Mamlūk coinage in its proper form. Its most conspicuous feature is the blazon, at the beginning present in gold, silver and copper alike (Baybars I), on gold and silver (Baraka Qān) and later on the copper only, with one or two exceptions.

The separate marginal legends have disappeared and been replaced by circular inscriptions which are now part of the field itself. To this type belong silver coins starting with Baybars I and ending with Lājīn and Baybars II. Under al-Nāṣir Muḥammad these smaller circular legends also disappear and the writing is now arranged in several horizontal lines which cover the entire field, on the gold as well as on the silver.

Simultaneously with the ordinary round-flan dirhems, so-called cut dirhems also circulated freely. The cut dirhem, invented by the Fāṭimids and adopted by the Ayyūbids, have also been taken over by the Mamlūks. But whereas the Ayyūbid cut dirhem was a servile imitation of the Fāṭimid "black" dirhem of base metal, the Mamlūks made theirs a little larger, heavier and of a better alloy. The dies with which they were struck, were those of the regular round-flan dirhem, so that only a small portion of the coin legends was impressed on the flan. Entire hoards of these cut (square-flan) dirhems have been found; most of them belong to Baybars I and al-Nāṣir Muḥammad, but those of Baraka Qān, al-Nāṣir Ḥasan, al-Ashraf Sha'bān and even of al-Ṣāliḥ Ḥājji have also been observed.

The copper fulūs occur in great numbers and in a broad spectrum of different varieties. The Egyptian issues are nearly always purely epigraphical, at first struck on a small flan with only short legends, but later on a wide flan with elaborate inscriptions. In Syria the flan is always of smaller size, the field ornamented and contains very frequently some heraldic charge. These heraldic coins contribute greatly to the knowledge of the Mamlūk blazon. Amongst the Egyptian emissions only one series, belonging to al-Nāṣir Muḥammad, presents a blazon (napkin, buqjah).

Burji Type

Besides the traditional issues which do not differ from the accustomed Baḥri types, Barqūq introduced new silver and copper types, some of which were recorded by contemporary chroniclers. The initiative of a completely new coinage, however, is due to Faraj. Compelled by a severe economic crisis, he introduced a monetary reform based on the gold mithqāl (804 H.), and issued coins of an entirely new design. As the crisis continued, a second reform became necessary and in 810 H. the sequin-type gold was introduced, which was smaller, weighed only 3.40 grm., and was destined to compete with the Venetian sequin.

The weight of the gold coinage was maintained at this level for a certain time, but later, after the death of Barsbāy, it was again moderately reduced. It was Barsbāy who created the last type of dinar legends, arranged in several horizontal lines and separated from each other by cable-patterns. As an exception, Khūshqadam and Qānṣūh al-Ghūri issued a few dinars with marginal legends.

Silver, which was struck in Syria as well as in Egypt, was also reduced in weight and size, with legends arranged in various patterns. Anyway, it became so scarce that at certain periods it was practically non-existent.

Not only silver, but also copper was scarce during a great part of the Burji period. The fals is struck on a narrow flan, is very varied in design, ornamented or heraldic.1 Only under Qā'itbāy does the copper become a little more abundant, struck on a larger and thicker flan. Finally, shortly before the collapse of the Mamlūk empire, the only bronze coins were issued by Qānṣūh al-Ghūri.

Legends

Probably the most important part of the legend is the royal protocol. The attribution of the coin depends on it, therefore the side on which it appears, is the obverse. Coins of Shajar al-Durr, al-Ashraf Mūsâ, Aybak and al-Manṣūr 'Ali, as well as those of Baybars I, show, besides the sultan's protocol, also the caliph's name. Here again, the side which contains the ruler's name, is the obverse and the caliph is mentioned on the reverse.

If the protocol is exceptionally long, or the flan is of insufficient size, it continues on the other side. In this case the obverse is where the legend starts. On gold and silver the protocol is as complete as possible on such a small surface; on copper, however, it is often very much abbreviated.

Mint and date. The mint and date formula is placed either in the marginal or circular legend on the early issues, or in the field on the later ones. Sometimes, on the early coins, the mint is once more mentioned at the top of the field. On some coins again, the mint is omitted (a dinar of al-Ṣāliḥ Ismā'īl) and many copper coins are undated, or even without the mint-name.

There are fulūs with legends only on one side, the other is ornamented or has a blazon, but is anepigraphic. Regardless of whether the legend contains the ruler's name or simply the mint and date, this side is the obverse. And should the coin bear the mint on one side and the date on the other, then the mint indicates the obverse.

The date is fully written during the entire Baḥri period and part of the Burji rule. It first appears in Arabic numerals on Aynāl's issues, and afterwards on all the subsequent coinage.

The word "year" (سنة), is substituted by "period" or "epoch" (عام) on the dinars of Barsbāy and dinars and dirhems of Khushqadam and Qāi'tbāy. During the last period the numerals stand alone, without سنة or عام.

The royal protocol. The king's full title is: al-sulṭān al-malik (السلطان الملك). Baybars, just as his predecessors, assumed the title al-malik (الملك) only at the time of his investiture by the Mamlūk nobles. In 659 H. he gave asylum to the 'Abbāsid prince Abū'l-Qāsim Aḥmad and appointed him caliph with the title al-Mustanṣir, in exchange for which he was invested with the sultanate by the newly created "prince of the believers," with the title al-sulṭān al-malik (السلطان الملك). This title was then used by all his successors. On his 917 and 918 bronze issues, al-Ghūri's only title is al-sulṭān (السلطان).

On many a fals, Baḥri and Burji alike, the protocol is abreviated in the extreme. Not only has the word sulṭān been omitted, even the ruler's name proper is often missing. The legend on the gold is al-sulṭān al-malik al-Ashraf Nāṣir al-dunyā wa'l-dīn Sha'bān b. Ḥasan b. al-malik al-Nāṣir Muḥammad b. Qalā'ūn. On his Syrian fulūs the legend is simply al-malik al-Ashraf.

On a few coins the title is mawlānā al-sulṭān al-malik (مولانا السلطان الملك): e.g., the Damascus dirhem of al-Ashraf Khalīl (L. 796, Balog, Jungfleisch): an undated Tripoli fals of al-Nāṣir Muḥammad; a Damascus fals of al-Kāmil Sha'bān; a late Burji dinar with the sultan's name missing, probably between Khūshqadam and Qā'itbāy.

Another unusual title is al-sulṭān Khushqadam abū 'l-Naṣr al-malik al-Ẓāhir (السلطان خوشقدم ابو النصر الملك الظاهر), on two dinars of this ruler (BMC 673 and ANS).

Sometimes the protocol ends with an honorary epithet: Nāṣir al-millat al-muḥammadiya wa-muḥī al-dawlat al-'abbāsīyah (ناصر الملة المحمدية ومحى الدولة العباسية): e.g., al-Ashraf Khalīl (BMC 495), etc. Kitbughā (Wien 6332, L. 836, BMC 497, etc.); al-Nāṣir Muḥammad (L. 797, 798, etc.); Lājīn (L. 853, 855), etc.

Another frequent epithet is: Qasīm amīr al-mu'minīn (قسم امير المومنين), which appears on the coins of Baybars I, Baraka Qān, Salāmish, Qalā'ūn, on some of al-Ashraf Khalīl (BMC 596, Khediv. 1509), Kitbughā (L. 835, Siouffi p. 18, L. 837–852, Balog) and Baybars II (Balog).

The protocol is often completed with the sultan's genealogy, as already mentioned: al-sulṭān al-malik al-Ashraf Nāṣir al-dunyā w'al-dīn Sha'bān b. Ḥasan b. al-malik al-Nāṣir Muḥammad b. Qalā'ūn (السلطان الملك الاشرف ناصر الدينا والدبن شعبان بن حسن بن الملك الناصر محمد بن قلاون).

Some of the early Baḥris, who obtained the throne by their own skill or ruthlessness and had no hereditary claim, disdained any genealogical formula, as for example, Quṭuz. Others, on the contrary, included their former master's name in their own protocol: Baybars I al-Ṣāliḥi , Qalā'ūn al-Ṣāliḥi and Lājīn al-Ṣāliḥi were Mamlūks of the Ayyūbid sultan al-Ṣāliḥ Ayyūb; Baybars II al-Manṣūri was Qalā'ūn's mamlūk.

As an additional honorary title on al-Mu'ayyad Shaykh's Alexandria gold and on a unique dinar of al-Muẓaffar Aḥmad: sulṭān al-islām wa'l muslimīn = سلطان الاسلام والمسلمين.

End Notes

1 The only Burji dinars with a blazon (fesse) belong to Faraj, al-Musta'īn bi'llāh and al-Mu'ayyad Shaykh. But there are heraldic dirhems of al-Musta'īn bi'llāh (buqjah), Barsbāy (chalice) and Jaqmaq (buqjah and chalice).

Pious Invocations in Favour of the Sultan

1. 'Azza naṣrahu, عز نصره = may his victory be glorious.

This is probably the most frequent invocation on Mamlūk coins and occurs from al-Nāṣir Muḥammad's time down to Qānṣūh al-Ghūri, under the Baḥris on the copper and exceptionally on gold, under the Burjis on gold, silver and copper.

2. 'Izz li-mawlānā, عز لولانا = glory to our lord (the sultan).

On a fals of al-Ashraf Sha'bān, struck at Tripoli in 776 H. Ashmolean Mus.

3. 'Azza Allāh anṣārahu, عز الله انصاره = may God glorify his victories.

Gold coins of Barqūq, Damascus 785 H. (BMC 621 and 627, Balog).

4. Khallada Allāh mulkahu, خلد الله ملكه = may God perpetuate his kingdom.

On Barqūq's Aleppo gold, Faraj's Cairo and Aleppo gold and Aleppo silver, al-Muayyad Shaykh's gold, al-Ṣāliḥ Muḥammad's silver, Barsbāy's Aleppo silver and Jaqmaq's Aleppo silver.

5. Khallada Allāh mulkahu wa naṣrahu, خلد الله ملكه ونصره = may God perpetuate his kingdom and his victory.

On the Cairo dinar of al-Muẓaffar Aḥmad.

6. Khallada Allāh sulṭānahu, خلد الله سلطانه = may God perpetuate his sultanate.

On Lājin's gold and silver and Barqūq's Cairo, Alexandria and Damascus gold.

7. Qā'itbāy raḥimahu Allāh, قايتباىرحمه الله = Qā'itbāy, God's mercy upon him.

On the gold coins of the Burji al-Nāṣir Muḥammad, son of Qā'itbāy, as an expression of filial piety.

Religious Legends

The mint and date formula in the marginal and circular legend is often preceded by bi'smillāh, بسم الله; the marginal legend sometimes starts with bi'smillāh al-raḥmān al-raḥīm بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم. The circular inscription on Baybars' undated half-dirhems consists entirely of بسم الله | الرحمن | الرحيم.

The kalima, written in full or only in part, occupies the reverse of the gold and silver coins, often also that of the fals.

Al-mulk li'llāhi, الملك لله the sovereignty belongs to God on a Cairo dinar of Khūshqadam (L. 1073 and 1074). This formula is often observed on the silver coins of the Seljuks of Rūm, but is exceptional on the Mamlūk coinage.

Wa-mā al-naṣr illā min 'ind allāh, وما النصر الا من عند الله = for victory comes but from God (Koran III, 122). On coins of:

Al-Nāṣir Muḥammad, Cairo and Damascus gold, overstruck Armenian trams, Cairo fulūs.

Al-Manṣūr Abi-Bakr, Cairo gold.

Al-Nāṣir Aḥmad, Cairo gold.

Al-Ṣāliḥ Ismā'īl, Cairo and Damascus gold.

Al-Kāmil Sha'bān, Cairo gold and silver.

Al-Muẓaffar Ḥājji, Cairo and Damascus gold, Damascus silver.

Al-Nāṣir Ḥasan, Cairo and Damascus gold.

Al-Ṣāliḥ Ṣāliḥ, Cairo gold and silver.

Al-Manṣūr Muḥammad, Cairo, Alexandria and Damascus gold.

Al-Ashraf Sha'bān, Cairo, Alexandria, Damascus and Aleppo gold.

Al-Manṣūr 'Ali, Cairo and Damascus gold.

Al-Ṣāliḥ Ḥājji, Cairo and Damascus gold.

Barqūq, Cairo and Aleppo gold, lead-coins.

Faraj, Cairo, Alexandria, Aleppo and Tripoli gold.

Al-Mu'ayyad Shaykh, Cairo and Alexandria gold.

Al-Muẓaffar Aḥmad, Cairo gold.

Wa-mā tawfīqī illā bi'llāhi, وما توفيقى الا بالله = nor comes my grace through anyone but God (Koran XI, 90).

Al-Nāṣir Muḥammad, Damascus silver.

Barqūq, Damascus gold.

Kaffa bi'l-mawt wa'ẓẓān, كفى بالموت وعظا = Death should be sufficient admonition. On the Ḥamāh, 799 H, fulūs of Barqūq. Said to have been uttered in connection with Harūn al Rashīd and Jaa'far le Barmak.

Indication of value (denomination)

One of the conspicuous features of early Islamic coinage is the presence of the indication of value in the mint and date formula. The gold coins always indicate that they represent a dinar, the silver pieces the dirhem, and even some of the copper coins have the word fals engraved in their legends.

The Ayyūbids dispensed with this custom and continued to write the value on the gold coins only; although not any more strictly weighing one mithqāl, the gold was still called a dinar. No value was written on the silver and copper.

The first Mamlūk sultans simply continued the Ayyūbid practice: from Shajar al-Durr onwards up to Baybars I the gold presents the word dinar in the mint and date formula. The silver and copper have no indication of value.

Subsequently the importance of gold currency was made even more conspicuous by the sultans Qalā'ūn, al-Ashraf Khalīl, Kitbughā and al-Nāṣir Muḥammad, who all termed their gold coins the "blessed dinar", الدينار المبارك. Nevertheless, already during the third reign of al-Nāṣir Muḥammad, a new type of gold, struck on a wide flan, appeared. Thenceforward no indication of value appears on the Baḥri gold issues. Nor is there any on the Burji gold, with only one exception. This exception is the reform issue of al-Mu'ayyad Shaykh (821 and 823 H.), of the weight of one mithqāl and half-mithqāl. The coins of this emission have their value, one mithqāl, مثقال, and one-half mithqāl, نصف, engraved in the center of the obverse (Khediv. 1560 and Balog for the mithqāl and L. 1142 for the half-mithqāl).

Just as with the gold issues, so also those of silver are without indication of denomination. And just as in the case of the gold there are exceptions in the silver. A half-dirhem of Mu'ayyad Shaykh has inscribed in the center of the obverse and a series of Damascus coins issued by Barsbāy bear, also in the center of the obverse, the indication of different values. They are:

  • 1. Rub' wa-thumn, 1/4 + 1/8 dirhem = 3/8 dirhem,
  • 2. Niṣf wa-rub', 1/2 + 1/4 dirhem = 3/4 dirhem.

The 1/4 + 1/8 dirhem weighs between 1 grm. and 1.06 grm., the 1/2 + 1/4 dirhem between 1.94 grm. and 2.24 grm. (Two specimens of this denomination weigh only 1.0 grm. and 1.06 grm., but they may belong to the first category. Similarly many Umayyad, 'Abbāsid and Fāṭimid gold fractions display dinar as their value, although there can be no doubt that they represent the quarter-, third- or half-dinar only).

As can be seen, all these pieces correspond quite well with the weight of the canonic dirhem (around 2.88–2.90 grm.).

Epigraphy

The inscriptions of the pseudo-Ayyūbid Mamlūk coins are well executed, in handsome naskhi, similar to the original Ayyūbid epigraphy of al-Kāmil Muḥammad's or al-Ṣāliḥ Ayyūb's issues. The globular dirhems of Shajar al-Durr and al-Ashraf Mūsâ and the square-in-circle dirhems of Aybak, al-Manṣūr 'Ali and Quṭuz, are all inscribed with the attractive, well-proportioned characters of the Ayyūbid prototypes. Only Aybak's name is written in elongated, archaistic Kufic on his dirhems.

The epigraphy of the new Baḥri-type coinage, starting with Baybars I, is still the same Ayyūbid naskhi, although the letters soon become taller and their tops, at first flat, are often bicuspid or even tricuspid from Qalā'ūn onwards.

As time passes, the letters grow taller, until during al-Nāṣir Ḥasan's and especially Ashraf Sha'bān's reign the monumental style of writing is fully developed. A difference in calligraphy between the Syrian and Egyptian coin-engravings is clearly discernible. Whereas the die-engravers of Cairo and Alexandria were but simple artisans, the Syrian calligraphers achieved, with their skillfully executed legends a harmonious effect. The Egyptian coins show a scraggly, spidery writing, those of Damascus have the field uniformly covered by well designed and distributed inscriptions and on the Aleppo dinars the parallel rows of writing alternate rythmically with smooth horizontal bands.

The Burjis bring an abrupt change into the style and arrangement of their coin-legends. Owing to the reduced size of the flan, the writing also is smaller; at the same time, however, less care is shown in the execution of the calligraphy. The esthetic effect, especially on the gold and silver, is, nevertheless, quite pleasing.

Diacritical Points

Diacritical points occur very frequently on the Mamlūk coins, but without any apparent system. They are, in fact, so numerous, that their recording would make the composition of this work unduly complex and expensive. As the diacritical signs are mostly clear in the illustrations, it was thought sufficient to refer the reader to the photographs.

Ornaments

Small ornaments, arabesques, scrolls and flowerets appear profusely scattered among the legends on almost all the coins. It would be impossible to record them in special notes without greatly increasing the bulk of this work. They have been, therefore, as faithfully as possible, inscribed in the Arabic coin legends. They are easily recognized in the illustrations. These small calligraphic ornaments are not to be confused with the decorative pattern of the coin itself, intended as a constructive design.

Beside the true ornaments, the shadda (ω) is often used ornamentally in the religious legends and is recorded throughout. Its most frequent application is over الله.

image

Heraldry

The Mamlūk sultans introduced a new feature on the coinage: they engraved their coats of arms on their coins, mostly on the copper fulūs, but sometimes also on the gold and silver. Representations of animals, plants or inanimate objects already occur on many copper coins of the Umayyad caliphs; these latter are, however, purely ornamental and have no heraldic meaning.

At a much later period, especially in the Jazīrah, between 'Irāq and Asia Minor, there appear portraits, groups of human beings, horsemen, animals, etc. on Turkoman and even Ayyūbid coins. These representations too are not heraldic, but were inspired by Byzantine or classical types, and were probably intended to facilitate commercial transactions between West and East.

Emblems which might be interpreted as heraldic charges appear to have been adopted by Moslems already during the Crusades by Ayyūbid princes and probably even a little earlier.1 Mayer (Saracenic Heraldry, p. 22) reports as the oldest blazon which has come down to us, the fleur-de-lis of Maḥmūd b. Zengi in his madrasa in Damascus, and the fleur-de-lis plus rosette on two columns of the mimbar in the main mosque at Ḥimṣ. Mayer also mentions the earliest occurrence of the fleur-de-lis on a copper coin of the Ayyūbid al-Malik al-Ẓāhir Ghiyāth al-Dīn Ghāzi b. al-Malik al-Nāṣir Yūsuf, and on a dirhem of al-Malik al-'Ādil Sayf al-Dīn abū-Bakr b. Ayyūb.

We have examined the copper coin of al-Ẓāhir mentioned by Mayer (BMC IV, No. 321) and have attributed it, without the slightest doubt, to the first Burji sultan, al-Ẓāhir Barqūq. The "fleur-de-lis" on al-'Ādil Sayf al-Dīn's silver dirhems (L. 590 and BMC IV, 358 and 364), on the other hand, are nothing but tiny flowerets of ornamental character and have no heraldic meaning whatsoever.

Consequently we believe that the first time heraldic devices on Islamic coins of Syria and Egypt occur only on Mamlūk emissions.2

Although relatively very few mediaeval authors left notes on Islamic heraldry, a great number of objects as well as architectural and epigraphical monuments with blazons have come down to us. Mayer in his great work made good use of this heraldic material and, after full discussion of the general problems as well as those of the colors, charges, composite blazons, etc., compiled an impressive and abundantly documented armorial roll. He emphasised the importance of numismatic evidence for the knowledge of sultans' blazons, and even used them not infrequently for comparative purposes. The resulting armorial roll of Mamlūk rulers is, however, not quite satisfactory. Included in the great number of blazons belonging to the Mamlūk nobility, Mayer only lists the arms of thirteen sultans from coins and six more from objects and architectural monuments.

It will be observed, however, that in the large series of coins which we have examined, as many as 26 sultans are represented by their blazon. At first, one is inclined to believe that always, or nearly always, only simple charges were represented on the coins: fleur-de-lis, the rosette, a lion, etc., generally occupying the entire field, or a central portion especially reserved for the blazon. This could either mean that the Mamlūk sultans chose one single charge for their coat of arms, or that the small space available on the coins compelled them to choose only one, i.e., the charge which they considered the most representative of their blazon.

Better acquaintance with the heraldic coin-series, however, leads us to conclude that not only the nobility, but also sultans often had a composite blazon. It becomes evident that besides the simple charges, true composite blazons occur on the fulūs: the cup and lion coin, attributed to Barqūq; the three-fielded shield cum "polo-sticks" and crescent, common to Barqūq and Faraj; the eagle with crescent; the lion with the rising sun; the lion in the fesse, etc., etc.

If it is true that the greater number of coins show only one charge, it is also true that often the two sides of the same coin present two different blazons. Furthermore we soon discover that different emissions of the same sultan bear a more or less great variety of heraldic charges. We do not suppose that the Mamlūk sultans changed their blazons at pleasure. Neither is it probable that the engraver and the mintmaster dared to put any blazon of their own choice on the different emissions. This leads us to believe that all simple charges occurring on the diverse emissions of one and the same sultan are parts of his composite blazon. It may be useful to examine this tentative hypothesis more closely.

As many blazons of Mamlūk sultans are known only from coins there is unfortunately very little material for comparison. When, either on a monument or a small object, or, as a unique example, on a manuscript, a blazon has been preserved, we find that in some cases the coins confirm this evidence, while in others they contradict it. In such cases, the evidence of the coins should, we believe, prevail.

Sometimes a sultan's coinage has just a few charges. One has the impression that this is due to the small number of coins preserved; for example, the coins of al-Ṣālih Ismā'īl, al-Muẓaffar Ḥājji, al-Nāṣir Ḥasan, all three sons of al-Nāṣir Muḥammad. The same applies to most of the Burji sultans, whose copper coins are often scarce and little known.

SIMPLE CHARGES

On page 8 of Mayer's work there is a graphic list of the simple charges which he had identified on Mamlūk blazons; this list included 47 different heraldic devices. We have compared his list with the blazons observed by us on the coins; of the 47 charges, only 16 occur on the coins. This is a very restricted number. Moreover, no colors are represented on the metal, and it so happens that the same blazon appears on coins struck by sultans of very different descent (e.g., the fleur-de-lis or the six-petaled rosette, indiscriminately used by Qalā'ūn's family as well as by Barqūq).

Generally, the emblems are well drawn and are characteristic. There are, however, often enough, inaccuracies in the details, or even deviations from the original charge, which could not occur in European heraldry as they would mean a different blazon. The oriental heraldist did not seem to have the same scruples. The lion passant of Baybars is known exclusively turned to the left. On the silver coin L. 743, it is turned to the right. The bar on al-Nāṣir Muḥammad's fulūs (BMC 528.k, 528.l and Balog) is indiscriminately bendy to right or to left. The fleur-de-lis of al-Nāṣir Muḥammad's fulūs in the Balog collection is either on a smooth shield or on a punctuated shield. The rosette of the same sultan is six-petaled, except on the Damascus emission where it is five-petaled. Again, on some rare coins, the eagle is either turned to the left or to the right, or is even double-headed. Al-Ashraf Sha'bān's fleur-de-lis is flanked by two annulets on the Ḥamāh issue, but has no annulets on the Tripoli coins. There are many more examples.

The charges observed on the coins are the following:

Lion ( Mayer 1 )

Best known from Baybars I coins, it appears on all coins except the pseudo-Ayyūbid dirhem published by Mayer. There is no doubt that the animal represented is a male lion, because on many well preserved specimens the mane is quite clearly discernible. This is contrary to Mayer's idea, who thought that this charge represented a leopard.

Baraka Qān inherited the blazon of his father and used it on his coinage, but on the Damascus dirhems there is a small triangle with looped angles in front of the lion's head. It may represent his mother's tribal tamgha.

The lion with the rising sun on the Ḥamāh coins of al-Manṣūr Muḥammad is listed under the composite blazons; the next sultan who displayed the lion passant on his Ḥamāh and Tripoli coins is al-Ashraf Sha'bān. His lion, however, different from that of Baybars, has a knot in the middle of the tail. Al-Ashraf Sha'bān's son, al-Manṣūr 'Ali, displayed the same lion, which is one of his heraldic charges.

The coins of Barqūq, the first Burji sovereign, show the powerful figure of a lion with a long tail which has a loop in the middle, and, on other coins, a lion in the central field of a composite blazon. The same emblems occur on the coins of his son Faraj. Al-Muẓaffar Aḥmad, Barsbāy (probably), Qā'itbāy as well as al-Ẓāhir Qānṣūh, all used the lion as their heraldic charge.

Ceremonial saddle ( Qubbah ) ( Mayer 2 )

It occurs only on very rare Ḥamāh coins of al-Manṣūr Muḥammad. Contrary to Mayer's opinion, we believe that the horse is as important a part of the charge as the palanquin itself, which would not be easily recognizable if drawn alone. We do not agree with Mayer that the animal is only the supporter of the parade-saddle.

Eagle ( Mayer 3 )

The eagle is an infrequent heraldic charge, generally represented in the classical rigid gothic style: body and tail in a vertical line, wings inverted, claws extended towards the wing-tips, sometimes grasping them. Head turned right or left, double-headed (Staatl. Münzsamml., München). This eagle is to be found on coins of both al-Nāṣir Muḥammad and Barqūq.

A walking eagle, being part of composite blazons, is observed on coins of al-Manṣūr Muḥammad; on these, the wings are adherent to the body, or at least not yet open. A similar eagle in a naturalistic attitude is displayed on some of Qā'itbāy's coins.

A bird, difficult to identify, appears on the Aleppo copper coins of al-Ṣāliḥ Ṣāliḥ. It looks like a crow, has sometimes been thought to represent a duck, but in our opinion may also be a walking eagle.

The Rosette ( Mayer 4 )

The six-petaled rosette is one of the frequent emblems of Qalā'ūn's House. It occurs with or without a central pellet, in an undecorated field or surrounded by garlands or even in a linear hexagram. It is used by other rulers not related to Qalā'ūn's lineage and even by Burji sultans. The five-petaled rosette, less popular, also occurs on some coins. The Baḥri al-Ṣāliḥ Ṣāliḥ and the Burji Faraj have distinct, decorative rosettes, while on the late Burji coins of Qā'itbāy, of his son al-Nāṣir Muḥammad and of al-Ẓāhir Qānṣūh, the rosette degenerated into a sort of six-spoked wheel.

Fleur-de-Lis ( Mayer 5 )

It is encountered in many varieties, especially on the coins of Qālā'ūn's descendants. Still in use by Barqūq and his son Faraj, it is discarded by their successors.

The cup ( Mayer 6 )

The graphic display of composite blazons on page 30 of Mayer shows that one of the most frequent charges is the cup (chalice). This is hardly in accordance with the evidence of the coins. Of the Baḥri sultans, only the coins of Kitboghā display the chalice which, however, does not occur on those of Qālā'ūn's descendants. It is a little more popular with the Burjis. Barqūq and Faraj show it in composite blazons; and a special variety, the tricuspidated chalice (fleur-de-lis-chalice), appears on their Damascus issues. Barsbāy had the cup engraved on some Damascus dirhems and so had Jaqmaq, who also issued copper coins with it. The wide flat cup is characteristic of Temirboghā's coins, and so is the inscribed chalice of al-Ghūri.

Mayer's emblem 8

The only coins on which parts of this cryptic emblem appear, are two copper coins; one belongs to Barqūq, the other to Faraj. On both sides of a cup, there are two objects which look like the upper ends of Mayer's emblem No. 8. We have no explanation to offer. Parts of polo sticks?

Napkin (Buqjah) ( Mayer 9 )

This is found on the Cairo and Damascus fulūs of al-Nāṣir Muḥammad (Balog and L. 1146) on some coins of Jaqmaq (Beirut and Balog), and also on the small silver dirhems of Mustā'īn bi'llāh and Shaykh.

The fesse ( Mayer 15 )

We have perhaps taken too much liberty in considering as a fesse the division of the coin by two horizontal lines into three equal segments. But one cannot help finding a striking similarity with the inscribed shield shown by Mayer (pp. 34–40 and Plates XXIV, 2—LV, 3 and 4—LXIX, 2 and LXX.). We identify the three-segmented coin with the fesse when the separations consists of horizontal lines and the field is surrounded by a circle. We believe that, whenever there was no intention to represent a fesse, the three segments were divided by dots, cables or any other decorative separation. In most cases, the fesse is inscribed, but sometimes, especially on some Burji fulūs, different charges are placed in the segments.

Crescent ( Mayer 16 )

This occurs only on a few coins, of al-Manṣūr Muḥammad, together with an eagle (Balog). Al-Aschraf Sha'bān and al-Manṣūr 'Ali's coins show a small crescent in the center of the reverse.

Mayer's emblem No. 26

This charge is known to us from a unique coin of al-Manṣūr Muḥammad (Balog) where it is placed above an eagle. Its meaning is not clear: image

Chessboard ( Mayer 28 )

The chessboard-like division on Qā'itbāy's Cairo fals in the ANS is tentatively identified with this emblem.

Bend ( Mayer 30 )

The central bar on some coins of al-Nāṣir Muḥammad, al-Manṣūr Muḥammad and al-Ashraf Sha'bān is bendy of 12, or 13 pieces. Otherwise, only two unidentified Baḥri fulūs present the same charge.

Pear-shaped shield ( Mayer 34 )

Only one specimen known, a small fals of al-Nāṣir Ḥasan (Balog), inscribed.

Mayer's emblem No. 35

On an unidentified fals; Baḥri (PAM).

Water-wheel ( Mayer's whirling rosette) ( Mayer 44 )

Mayer does not regard it as a blazon. We, however, feel that it should be considered as a heraldic charge, as it fills all requirements: it is well defined, displayed at a prominent place (in the center), and it is the most conspicuous feature on the coin. It is used by four sultans only: the Baḥri al-Ashraf Sha'bān and the Burjis Barqūq, al-Nāṣir Muḥammad and al-Ẓāhir Qānṣūh.

Fish (shark)

This emblem, which occurs on a Ḥamāh fals of al-Ashraf Sha'bān, is in Mayer's opinion also not a heraldic charge (pp. 10 and 26), but an ornament only. It is, however, displayed in exactly the same prominent place, as for example the lion, and we see no reason why it should be relegated to a secondary role. At least, provisionally, we should like to propose it as a blazon.

End Notes

1 On buildings, not on the coins.
2 The Rasūlid dynasty of the Yemen should not be forgotten here. Contemporary with the Baḥri Mamlūks, they started to display certain features on their coins, which in some cases are only ornamental or illustrative (sitting prince, peacock, hunting bird of prey); there is, however, little or no doubt that heraldic devices do also occur on their coins. To be convinced it suffices to examine the illustrations of H. Nützel's "Münzen der Rasuliden" (ZfN, 1892). For example, his no. 32 has a lion passant quite similar to that of Baybars I, no. 38 has three swords in the concavity of a large crescent, no. 40 and 45, a six-petaled rosette and finally no. 52 a chalice in the concavity of a large crescent. All these devices occur on coins struck between 770 and 803 H., well within the period when Mamlūk heraldry was at its height. The Rasūlids evidently imitated the already existing Mamlūk heraldic tradition.

COMPOSITE BLAZONS

As already stated, many sultans used, at the same time, different simple charges on different issues. In our opinion they all together represent the entire composite blazon of that ruler.

Besides these, composite blazons in the true sense are sometimes observed on Mamlūk coins. Al-Manṣūr Muḥammad, for instance, has three different composite blazons on one and the same series: the eagle and crescent, the eagle and Mayer's emblem No. 26 and, finally, the lion with the rising sun. Barqūq as well as Faraj have a lion passant in the central segment of a three-fielded shield, or the cup and "polo sticks" and the crescent in the central segment of a three-fielded shield. Or, again, Barqūq displays a lion passant and chalice. One of Jaqmaq's fulūs has the napkin with a rosette, al-Ghūri's coins present an inscribed cup in the central segment of a three-fielded shield and, finally, an anonymous fals bears the blazon No. 6 of Mayer's Pl. XX.

HEREDITY OF THE BLAZON

On going through the statements of earlier authors, Mayer (pp. 40–41) emphasized the difficulties of ascertaining whether Mamlūk blazons were hereditary or not, and the material available to him was insufficient to form a definite opinion. He adds, however: "Nevertheless, I venture to submit the hypothesis that the blazon was hereditary in the case of sons of amirial rank, not only because of the identity of the blazon in all instances in which the blazons of both father and sons are known (Baybars and Baraka Qān, Kitbughā and Muḥammad b. Kitbughā, .........., Sha'bān and Ḥājji, Sha'bān and 'Ali), but also because in a case in which the blazon of the son only is known, it shows the very emblem we should expect on the shield of his father."

We entirely agree with Mayer that the Mamlūk blazon was hereditary. We are here dealing with coins, which can definitely be attributed; the ownership of the blazons they carry is, therefore, unquestionable.

Great numbers of heraldic coins belonging to several generations of the same family are, fortunately, preserved. The striking regularity with which the same charges repeatedly appear on the coins of successive descendents, clearly shows that the emblems are regarded as family blazons and are hereditary. We have for example, a good series of heraldic coins belonging to Baybars I and his son, to the House of Qalā'ūn and even better, one of Barqūq and his son Faraj.

Hereunder an illustrated table of hereditary emblems:

Baybars I image
Baraka Qān image
Al-Nāṣir Muḥammad image
Lājīn image
Al-Ṣāliḥ Ismā'īl image
Al-Muẓaffar Ḥājji image
Al-Nāṣir Ḥasan image
Al-Ashraf Sha'bān image
Al-Ṣāliḥ Ṣāliḥ image
Al-Manṣūr Muḥammad image
Al-Manṣūr 'Ali image
Al-Ṣāliḥ Ḥājji image
Al-Ẓāhir Barqūq image
Faraj image

ARMORIAL ROLL1
BAḤRI MAMLŪKS

Al-Mu'izz Aybak

His tamgha: image on his dirhems.

Al-Muẓaffar Quṭnz

His tamgha: image on the copper.

End Notes
1 For those sultans whose names are not listed, there are no armorial insignia known. The numbers given in the right-hand margin are references to the catalogue.

Baybars I

image The lion passant to left is present on all coins in our catalogue. On two silver pieces (L. 743 and ANS, no number) the lion is turned to the right, and Mayer described an early issue of Ayyūbid type dirhems without the lion. 27–30

Baraka Qān

image Mayer. Same blazon, sometimes also tamgha.

Qalā'ūn

Mayer, SH, p. 10, believes that the duck, encountered on objects of Qalā'ūn is only ornamental and not a heraldic device. Up to now no heraldic coins of Qalā'ūn have been identified.

Al-Nāṣir Muḥammad

image Napkin (buqjah). On his Cairo and Damascus fulūs. 243, 244
image Fesse. Fulūs of Damascus, Aleppo and Tripoli. 246 ff.
image Central segment (bar) bendy with eleven pieces. Fulūs without mint or Ḥamāh. BMC 528 f. has the inscribed fesse on one side and the bar, bendy, on the other. 245, 251
image Fleur-de-lis. On undivided, smooth shield. 255
image On punctuated shield. 254
image Six-petaled rosette, with central pellet. 260
image Tripoli. 257, 259
image Aleppo. 260
image Six-petaled, with central annulet. 256
image Five-petaled, petals concave. Damascus. 261
image Eagle. Head to right. 264
image Head to left. 263
image Double head. Damascus. 265

Kitbughā

image Cup. On all fulūs. Mayer, SH, p. 144, Pl. XX,Nos. 2,4. 161
Also on p. 144 Mayer quotes from al-Dhahabi, al-Muntaqā min tā'rikh al-Islām, VII, manuscript in the library of Ahmed Zeki Pasha, Cairo: "... he carried this coat of arms:"
image
There is a slight difference between the "cup on lower part of the two-fielded U shaped shield" of al-Dhahabi and the cup on the undivided round shield, which is represented on the copper coins. A similar blazon, but on a differently divided shield, is represented on a copper basin, silver-inlaid, at the Walters Art Gallery in Baltimore. The owner is "Kitbughā," but it is not possible to identify this person with any known historical figure. His blazon:
image

Lājin

image Fesse. On his Damascus copper coins. Mayer, SH, p. 148.

Al-ṣāliḥ Ismā'īl

image Fesse. 294–95
image Six-petaled rosette. 291–93
Lion passant to r. Tripoli. 297

Al-Muẓaffar Ḥājji

image Fesse. 315
image Fesse/Fleur-de-lis. Mayer, SH, mentions the fleurde-lis only. 314

Al-Nāṣir Ḥasan

image Fesse. On obverse only. 327, 328
image Shield, pear-shaped. On both sides. 373

Al-ṣāliḥ ṣāliḥ

image Fesse/Bird walking. The bird on the reverse walking to right, its head turned back towards a small ornament, either a leaf or a small swan(?). We presume that the walking bird represents an eagle. 338
image Ten-petaled rosette. 339

Al-Manṣūr Muḥammad

image Chalice/Lion with sun. 392
image Six-spoked wheel (rosette ?)/eagle walking, crescent. 395, a
image As above/as above, but Mayer's emblem No. 26 instead of the crescent. 395, b
image Fesse/Horse walking, with palanquin (qubba). Mayer, SH, Pl. XX, No. 3. 393
image Six-petaled rosette/Fesse with central bar bendy. 394

Al-Ashraf Sha'bān

image Fesse, on both sides. 454–56
image Fesse on one side, central bar bendy with 13 pieces. 462
image Fesse inscribed, on both sides. 467
image Six-petaled rosette. 470
image Same, with central pellet. 476
image Fleur-de-lis (wide ligature). 479, BM
image 479, Ashm.
image Same, flanked by two annulets. 466
image Crescent. 471
image Waterwheel, eight spokes counter-clockwise, four pellets. 475
image Lion passant to left. 464, 480
Lion passant to right. 463
image Fish (shark). 465

Al-Manṣūr 'Ali

image Fleur-de-lis, flanked by 4 pellets. 501–02
image Fesse/Fleur-de-lis. 504
image Crescent. 506, 507
image Fesse/Crescent. 506
image Lion passant to left. 505

Al-ṣāliḥ Ḥājji
1st reign

image Fleur-de-lis, flanked by 4 pellets. 524
image Fleur-de-lis in lower large field of divided shield. 525

2nd reign

image Fesse on obv. 532
image Fesse/six petaled rosette. 258, 527

BURJI MAMLŪKS
Al-Ẓāhir Barqūq

image Fesse, inscribed. 559, 560, 561, 564
image Fleur-de-lis, flanked by four pellets. 593
image 558
image Fleur-de-lis-chalice. 590-91
image Lion passant to left, on undivided field. Tail curled back and looped. 602
image Lion passant to left in central segment of fesse. a) Long tail, bush behind the lion. 597b
image b) Long tail, no bush. 597
image c) Short tail, no bush. 597a
image Fesse/Fleur-de-lis. 603
image Fesse, with chalice and polo sticks (?) and crescent in the central segment. 598
image Waterwheel, eight spokes curved clockwise. 600, 606
image Eagle, turned right. 608
image 599
image Lion passant to left, tail curled back, chalice above the lion. 595
The last three varieties, with waterwheel, eagle and the lion with chalice, do not have Barqūq's name, only his title, "al-Ẓāhir." There is, however, not much doubt that the attribution is correct.

Al-Nāṣir Faraj

image Fesse, inscribed. Cf. 628, 671. 657
image Six-petaled rosette. 655
image Fleur-de-lis. 667
image 654
image 662, 670
image Fleur-de-lis-chalice. 647
image Lion passant to left, in undivided field. 668–69
image Lion passant to left, in central segment of fesse. 656
image Cup, flanked by polo sticks(?) and crescent, in central segment of fesse. 659
image Six-petaled rosette/Lion passant to left in undivided field. 664

The Caliph al-Musta'īn bi'llāh

image Fesse, inscribed. 671–72
image Buqjah. 675–76

Al-Mu'ayyad Shaykh

image Fesse, inscribed.
Mayer, SH, p. 200, describes a blazon, from the east door of the Damascus main mosque, now destroyed: three fielded shield (fesse), in the central segment chalice, with two tiny chalices within it, and another chalice in the lower segment.
677–78

Al Muẓaffar Aḥmad

image Lion passant. Karabacek: Z. Orient. Münzkunde, No. 10, cit. from Mayer, SH, p. 52. This is the only reference. 699

Al-Ashraf Barsbāy

image Chalice, with pearled stem. Damascus, silver coins. 721–25
image Fesse/Lion passant to left, long tail curled back. 731

Al-Ẓāhir Jaqmaq

image Chalice. 746
image 754
image Buqjah. 747, 753
image Five-petaled rosette in buqjah. 751

Al-Ashraf Aynāl

image Fesse, inscribed. 774–76
image Lion passant to left. 777
image Mayer records a composite blazon, SH, pp. 87–88, which contains a pen-box, chalice and fleur-de-lis, in the three segments of a three-fielded shield, from the minaret of the Kātib al-Wilāya mosque at Ghaza. Except for the plain fesse, we found nothing like it on the coins.

Al-Ẓāhir Khūshqadam

image Five-petaled rosette. Mayer, SH, p. 22, correctly states that on 784 and 786 there is no fleur-de-lis. Neither is there one on 789; the tiny flowerets on these are purely ornamental.There is no proof that the fleur-de-lis ever was Khūshqadam's blazon. 797, 800

Al-Ẓāhir Temirbughā

image Chalice in the central segment of three-fielded shield. 806, Ashmol.
image 806 Balog
image Chalice in undivided field/six-petaled rosette. 805

Al-Ashraf Qā'itbāy

image Six-petaled rosette. 842, 844
image Lion passant to left. 843
image Eagle walking to right. 845
image Chessboard. Cairo. We cannot decide whether it is a heraldic emblem or a simple decorative pattern. Mayer, SH, p. 22, mentions the fleur-de-lis, but we do not know of any coin of Qā'itbāy with this blazon. 834

Al-Nāṣir Muḥammad

image Waterwheel, spokes clockwise. 860
image Waterwheel, 13 spokes counter-clockwise. Cairo. Mayer, SH, pp. 188–89, calls this emblem a "whirling rosette" and does not believe that it has a heraldic character. We feel, however, that it may be a charge and present it, tentatively, as a heraldic emblem. 859
image Six-petaled rosette. 861

Al-Ẓāhir Qānṣūh

image Lion (or leopard ?) passant to left. 864

Al-Ashraf Jānbalāṭ

image Mayer, SH, p. 128, gives his blazon from a copper basin as shown here.

Qānṣūh al-Ghūri

image Waterwheel, spokes counter-clockwise. 903
image Chalice in three-fielded shield, inscribed. 902

Unidentified Baḥri

image Fesse, central bar bendy (to left) with 15 pieces/Fesse; upper segment contains Mayer's emblem No. 35, the central segment has a device which we are not able to identify (cf. the illustration) and the lower field is plain. There is no name to help with the attribution. To judge by the general appearance of the coin and the fesse and bar bendy, this coin may belong to a member of the House of al-Nāṣir Muḥammad.

NOTES ON METROLOGY

The metrology of Mamlūk coinage is complicated; it has been thought to be confused, and several authors went so far as to question its very existence. It does, however, exist. To make it easier to understand it is necessary to retrace briefly the development of Islamic numismatic metrology from its beginning up to that complex and artificial system into which it had been transformed by the Mamlūks.

Islamic monetary metrology was based on a gold-silver bimetallic system. After 'Abd al-Malik's reform the relationship was fixed as ten weight units of silver to seven weight units of gold, with a theoretical weight of 4.25 grams for the dinar and 2.97 grams for the dirhem.

According to calculations of G. C. Miles ("Byzantine Miliaresion and Arab Dirhem," ANSMN IX, 1960, p. 214) based on a large number of Umayyad and 'Abbasid dinars, the intended weight of the gold coin was 4.251 grams. As for the dirhem, Dr. Miles (op. cit. pp. 213–4), on the basis of research on a major scale, found that the average weight of the Umayyad silver was around 2.924 grams, and that of the 'Abbāsid dirhem, between al-Ṣaffāḥ and al-Musta'in (132 to 251 H.), from 2.881 to 2.970 grams, the average of which is 2.93. Allowing 11/2% for loss of weight, we arrive at the intended weight of 2.97 grams, being also the supposed theoretical weight for the classical dirhem.

Copper was considered a token currency only and had purely local value and circulation. Its purchasing power was very limited and served exclusively the needs of daily life. It was issued by the local authorities, with or without the governor's name, and sometimes in the name of the Caliph.

Occasional underweight dinars begin to appear under the 'Abbāsids al-Muqtadir bi'llāh and al-Rāḍi bi'llāh; during the Ikhshldid rule, most dinars were underweight, often less than four grams. This period is especially well known, as in 1954 a hoard of probably 3000 gold coins was unearthed in the Upper-Egyptian town of Assiut; more than two thousand coins have been examined by us, as they passed through the Cairo gold bazaar over a period of four years.1

For a long time during the Fāṭimid Caliphate, the weight of the dinar was maintained with great accuracy. Towards the end, however, we occasionally meet slightly underweight dinars.

Saladin re-established orthodoxy in place of the vanished Fāṭimid Caliphate and issued new currency. Instead of turning back to the traditional dinar, he struck gold which showed an even greater fluctuation than the Fāṭimid dinar. Not only were there underweight coins, but under his successors the weight of the coins became individual and varied between the single and double dinar without any apparent order. These coins can no longer be considered dinars in the strict sense of the word, but only ingots (in the shape of coins), which could not have circulated by count, but had to be weighed.

At this point, we believe, gold had lost its place as a standard of coinage and became a commodity. It is to be noted that this innovation was due to the Ayyūbids, and that the Mamlūks simply inherited the new system. The place of gold had been taken over by silver, which thus became the standard of coinage, and the production of the silver dirhem came under the direct surveillance of the ruler.

In Syria, where the original wide-flan dirhem remained in circulation, the control was easier; in Egypt, on the contrary, where Saladin and his immediate successors were obliged to tolerate the continued emission of "black" dirhems, a monetary reform had soon to be introduced. The famous reform of 622 H. recorded by Maqrīzi was, in reality, only a camouflage: a new dirhem-type was invented, but the coinage remained essentially unchanged, unimproved.

A certain number of dirhems, issued during that period, have been analyzed by us in order to ascertain the content of pure silver.1 The results are as follows:

Saladin's CAIRO black dirhems: between 27 and 30% silver

al-Kāmil Muḥammad DAMASCUS large flan (before 622 H): between 87 and 89%

CAIRO black dirhems (before 622 H): between 28 and 30%

CAIRO globular, reformed dirhems (after 622 H): between 23 and 30%

al-Ṣāliḥ Ayyūb DAMASCUS large flan: between 76 and 87%

CAIRO globular: 28.5%

al-Nāṣir Yūsuf DAMASCUS (after 648 H): between 72 and 80%

A real innovation was introduced by Saladin through his new copper coinage, which was to play the same rôle of support vis-à-vis the silver, just as silver used to support gold in the old gold-silver system.

It has been pointed out that in former times copper was only a local currency without legal value. Under the Ayyūbids copper is promoted to the status of state-currency for the first time; the sovereign's name is placed on the coins and, sometimes, even that of the caliph. The coins are well designed and neatly struck, and weigh between two and seven grams.

To sum up, the earlier gold-silver bimetallic system yielded its place to a newer system in which silver became the standard coinage and was, in its turn, supported by copper. But the relationship between silver and copper was difficult to maintain at a fixed rate. Silver, during the last half century of Fāṭimid rule, had been continuously debased and drastically reduced in size, but even so it was not easy to obtain in sufficient quantities. On the other hand, copper, a common and cheap metal, flooded the market and soon became beyond control.

This arbitrarily controlled monetary system worked well enough under the firm rule of the Ayyūbids, although it carried its own, inborn weakness. Arbitrary measures of the Mamlūk governments, inspired by political events and economic emergencies, soon led to utter chaos and disorder, which quickly reached a hitherto unprecedented peak. No wonder that, in the circumstances, several prominent modern authors went so far as to deny that any metrological system existed at all under the Mamlūks,

In order to appreciate the causes of the decline of Mamlūk economy, it may be useful to revue briefly its main factors:

1. The entire Mamlūk period is filled with continuous internecine struggle, often degenerating into civil war, fought, by Mamlūk against Mamlūk for personal power, and between clans for tribal ascendancy. At the frontiers, there was perpetual warfare, sometimes at several points. The strain on the country's economy became unbearable.

2. Although less spectacular, foreign economic competition took an even heavier toll. First the Byzantines, then the Venetians, on the one hand, and later the Portuguese on the other, surrounded the Mamlūk empire and, in the long run, cut it off from the international trade route which, passing through Egypt, assured its prosperity during many centuries.

3. Finally, the replacement of the old gold-silver bimetallic system by the new silver-copper system could not fail to have a disastrous effect. Gresham's law, according to which good money always gives way to bad, is true for that period also.

During the entire Baḥri period, gold was traded by weight in the form of stamped coiningots; these coins had different, irregular weights, and had no connection to any known ponderal system.

The value of gold was determined by that of silver—a currency which day by day lost some of its purchasing power; therefore, the rate of exchange of gold rose higher every day. Moreover, neither of the two metals had a fixed value. In fact, the silver dirhem which should have been the monetary standard, so to say the basis of the whole system, was only relatively stable. The weight of the Mamlūk dirhem, in spite of the vast number of preserved specimens, can only be approximately established. Not counting the globular dirhems of Shajar al-Durr and Al-Ashraf Mūsâ, the Mamlūk dirhem from Aybak until al-Ashraf Khalīl remained around 2.80 to 2.90 grams. From al-Nāṣir Muḥammad's third reign onwards, the fluctuation is greater: 2.50 to 3.0 grams or more (3.50, even 4.0).

There are also numerous coins with weights ranging irregularly between the quarter-dirhem and the double-dirhem.

Scarcity of silver was increasingly being felt as time passed and several contemporary chroniclers left accounts of the existing economic uneasiness. We have a curious bit of corroborating numismatic evidence that such difficulty existed and that any emergency measures which helped to ease, even momentarily, the acute pressure, were taken without hesitation.

Al-Nāṣir Muḥammad b. Qalā'ūn led several military expeditions into Cilician Armenia. In 723 H. (1323 A.D.), he succeeded in capturing the capital, Sīs; to secure peace, Leon IV, the Armenian King, agreed to pay an annual tribute of 1,200,000 trams. Part of the silver was probably melted down to issue Mamlūk dirhems. As this, however, was a lengthy operation, in order to shorten the time needed for restriking, the majority of the Armenian coins were simply overstruck with al-Nāṣir Muḥammad's dies. The market seems to have been so short of silver currency, that even this extraordinary procedure was not deemed sufficient, and the remainder of the Armenian trams were therefore dumped into circulation without any overstriking. Hoards of this period contain Mamlūk dirhems of al-Nāṣir Muḥammad, overstruck Armenian trams and original Armenian coins without overstriking in varying numbers; which proves that all three types of coins circulated simultaneously.

During the first part of the Baḥri period, copper coins remained similar to the Ayyūbid copper issues. The engraving is pleasant and the striking well executed. After a certain time, however, the quality deteriorated, especially towards the end of the Baḥri dynasty. These copper coins, struck hastily and in enormous quantities, were very poorly and carelessly manufactured. Their weight became completely erratic.

The volume of the emissions remained within normal limits until al-Nāṣir Muḥammad's third reign. By that time the issue of fulūs began to take considerable proportions. Then, under al-Ṣāliḥ Ismā'īl, a real inflation set in, increasing in importance as al-Nāṣir Ḥasan, al-Manṣūr Muḥammad and al-Ashraf Sha'bān succeeded to the throne.

Each succeeding government put more and more copper into an already saturated circulation, from which silver was rapidly disappearing. This procedure continued until, at the end of the Baḥri period, practically the only existing currency was the copper fals. Gold was but a commodity and silver became extremely scarce. This state of utter economic chaos was probably one of the causes of the collapse of the Baḥri dynasty and the advent of the Burji sultans. Nobody could tell how good or bad the circulating silver pieces really were.

In spite of all the disorder and economic distress numismatic metrology did not actually disappear, but was only concealed by the artificial experiments of an enforced abusive economy. An irrefutable proof that during the whole Mamlūk period the metrological system remained alive and unaltered exists in the fact of Faraj's coin reforms and that of al-Mu'ayyad Shaykh.

Inflation continued to increase under Barqūq and became intolerable on Faraj's accession to the throne; contemporary sources give poignant descriptions of the sufferings endured by the population. A reaction was inevitable and came in 804 H. when Faraj first attempted to carry out a currency reform.

The plan was evidently to return to the traditional bimetallic system based on the relationship between gold and silver. The weight of the dinar was fixed at 4.25 grams, that of the canonic dinar. Eight surviving specimens of this emission confirm that the weight of the dinar in 800 H. was still the same as at the time of its adoption more than seven hundred years earlier.1 In the same way, Barsbāy's silver demonstrates that the dirhem retained its original weight of 2.90 grm. through the centuries.2 At the same time copper was once more relegated by the reform to the secondary role of token currency.

Faraj's first reform, which seemed so simple in theory, turned out to be disastrous when actually applied. Such a large-scale salvaging operation could meet with success only if the enormous quantities of worthless circulating money could be absorbed and replaced by the government with a new, healthy currency. A heavy task, difficult to carry out. As Faraj evidently did not possess the necessary funds to meet the expenses of this venture, the reform was abandoned within two years.

Yielding to the ever increasing economic pressure, Faraj, in 810 H., introduced a second monetary reform. This too was based on the gold-silver system; however, not on the dinar, but on the weight of the Venetian zecchino. The new gold coin had an average weight of only 3.40, which is slightly less than the weight of the sequin (3.50–3.55 grm.). This was the so called dinar Nāṣiri (Maqrīzi, Sulūk, Paris Ms. 1728, fol. 71 V°). Contrary to Maqrīzi's statement that the sequin-weight gold coin was introduced only in 811, we possess many such dinars of the year 810 H. It is not entirely excluded that the small difference of weight was intended to enable the new Mamlūk coin to compete with its formidable prototype, the much coveted Venetian sequin.

In later times the weight of the coin was reduced by a few centigrams, and even the fineness of the gold was tampered with; it is therefore natural that, in those circumstances, the sequin soon superseded the Burji gold coin.

A third and last attempt was made by al-Mu'ayyad Shaykh to rescue the badly shaken finances; he once more struck gold coins based on the traditional monetary mithqāl (= dinar) standard in 821 and 823 H. Two of the surviving coins present the denomination "mithqāl, in the centre of the field; the third is a half-mithqāl = "niṣf." Naturally, this optimistic experiment, which, like the earlier reforms, had no solid basis, disappeared without any trace just as quickly as Faraj's first reform, and left the field once again to the sequin-type gold.

The strain imposed on Egypt's economy was too great, and a drastic reduction of the weight of the silver dirhem followed. The first "light-weight" silver dirhems appeared under the Caliph-sultan al-Musta'īn-bi'llāh (about 1.50 grams). Under al-Mu'ayyad Shaykh (we have at least 260 specimens of his silver dirhems) their weight had dropped to around 1.30 grams.3 Then, unexpectedly, there is a certain improvement during Barsbāy's reign: his dirhems are a little heavier and reach an average of 2 grams. Under Jaqmaq, however, silver is once more reduced to 1.50 grams at which weight it remained for a long time. Finally, Qānṣūh al-Ghūri's dirhems, under the pressure of the last struggle against the Osmanli Turks, were drastically reduced to a mere 1 gram.

After Faraj's death, the minting of copper was discontinued. The earlier fulūs which circulated, and continued to circulate in enormous quantities, were more than sufficient for Egypt's tottering, crumbling economy. And as if things were not bad enough, during the final agony of the Mamlūk era, Qāitbāi, al-Nāṣir Muḥammad and Qānṣūh al-Ghūri once again dumped copper into circulation for the few remaining years of the Mamlūk rule.

The ill-fated battle of Marj Dābiq, fought and lost on the 25th of Rajab 922 H., put an end to the Mamlūk empire and to its incredibly varied coinage.

To end this chapter of confusing monetary history, we must return to the problem of the fantastic increase of the exchange rate between the dirhem and the dinar, from the beginning of the Baḥri dynasty up to the end of the Burjis. It has been described by chroniclers and contemporary travellers, and studied by modern numismatists and students of economic history of the Mamlūk era.1 Neither the chroniclers nor the modern authors have succeeded in giving a satisfactory explanation of the chaotic situation.

Mediaeval literary sources agree that the rate of exchange between the Mamlūk dinar and the dirhem at the beginning of the Baḥri era was 1 to 20. Towards the end of that rule, however, the ratio began to rise and soon reached high proportions. At the beginning of the Burji dynasty, the dirhem lost more of its value at an accelerated pace and, after Faraj's ruinous reform, the situation got completely out of hand. During the following 40 to 60 years, the dinar was exchanged in quick succession at the rate of 60, 120, 240 and finally 480 dirhems.

If we compare these figures with the data of the preserved silver dirhems in our collections, we are confronted with a startling contradiction. The early Baḥri dirhem, weighing about three grams, had a dinar exchange rate of 1 to 20. The weight of the small Burji dirhems was reduced to 1.50 and finally to 1 gram. Therefore one would expect that the rate of exchange should not exceed 1 to 40 or 1 to 60. Instead, the highest recorded exchange rate is 1 to 480. This seems paradoxical, if one does not assume an extreme debasement of the alloy of the dirhem. In order to elucidate the question we had a series of Baḥri and Burji dirhems analyzed by cupellation with lead (see above, p. 40) to ascertain the fineness of the silver content. The results were surprising:

BAḤRI MAMLŪKS:

Baybars I: 66, 66, 73, 77% silver content.

Al-Nāṣir Muḥammad "black": 46, 49.5, 65, 66, 73%

normal flan: 68, 72.5%

Al-Sāliḥ Ismā'il: 66, 68, 69, 70%

Al-Kāmil Sha'bān: 63%

BURJI MAMLŪKS:

Al-Mu'ayyad Shaykh: 90, 90, 91.5, 92.5, 94.5%

Barsbāy: 92, 94.5, 95, 95.5, 96%

Aynāl: 96, 96%

Qā'itbāy: 82.7, 90, 92.5, 95%

The assays performed show that the dirhem, throughout the Baḥri period, remained fairly good; with not too much fluctuation the fineness was between 65 and 77%. A few low-grade "black" dirhems were an exception. Contrary to all expectations, the Burji dirhem is made of a finer alloy than its Baḥri predecessor. Never less than 90%, it often rose to 95 or even 96%, and remained at the same level to the very end. Instead of being debased, it stayed on a higher standard than the Baḥri silver-coin.

The logical conclusion to be drawn from the aforesaid is that the real silver dirhem could not have reached the exchange rate recorded by the historians.

When speaking of the dirhem, we naturally think of a silver coin. But it has already been stated that silver, a commodity not indigenous to Egypt, had to be imported against payment in gold which was even scarcer than silver. The only current coin was the copper fals. Copper was extremely abundant, cheap and becoming cheaper daily; it was practically the only currency available. Formerly a real currency, the dirhem now became money of account only: so many fulūs per dirhem. Gradually, the expression "dirhem-fals" was introduced and, finally, the only existing coin, the fals, was identified with the money of account. Therefore, if we translate the word "dirhem" instead of by its specific meaning into the general term "money," the problem is solved, and the fantastic exchange rate automatically explained.1

The manuscript of this work had been in the hands of the editor for some time when William Popper's Egypt and Syria under the Circassion Sultans, Systematic Notes to Ibn Taghrî Birdî's Chronicles of Egypt , (University of California Publications in Semitic Philology, vol. 16), Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1957, came to my attention. Popper's admirable work presents so many important notes on currency referred to in the chronicles, interpreted and explained by the author, that it is imperative to include a few remarks on these notes (pp. 41–73):

Gold

On p. 41, second and third paragraph, the gold dinar of 4.25 grams is described as the standard of coinage, which served to reckon the value of the subsidiary coinage, i.e., silver and copper. This is true; one has to remember, however, that at that time, gold was issued in the form of coin-shaped ingots of irregular weight and the standard gold dinar was only a nominal unit. We could even borrow for it the term which Popper so appropriately applies to the dirhem of account, and, just as he designated the latter as "trade-dirhem" so I would call the fictitious unit of gold a "trade-dinar."

The Sālimi dinar, as mentioned by the historians and discussed in the first three paragraphs on p. 48 of Popper's Notes, is now quite well known, eight specimens being included in our catalogue. They reveal that Qalqashandi's description is the correct one, and Faraj's name is indeed inscribed in a circle on the obverse. Maqrīzi's and Qalqashandi's reference to the legend "Islamic coinage" is true, as the reverse, as on most Islamic coins, bears the kalīma.

The second paragraph of the same page mentions the denominations of this issue, according to Ṣubḥ (III, 441.3). Our series contains specimens of 1/2, 1, 2 and 3 mithqāls, but none of 1/2 or 1/4 mithqāl. The Sālimi dinar was the result of a genuine reform, as it weighed exactly one mithqāl, or a fraction or multiples of a mithqāl, and was not a coin of account, but a real currency standard. The reform broke down on the simple fact that there was not enough bullion to satisfy the needs of circulation.

Before we proceed with the discussion of the second reform introduced by Faraj, i.e., the sequin-type Nāṣiri "dinar," it should be mentioned that another attempt to restore the mithqāl-weight gold coin to a position of monetary standard was made by al-Mu'ayyad Shaykh in 823 H. Of this issue I have found no record in the chronicles, and in the numismatic literature only the coins No. 1142 of Lavoix and No. 1560 in Lane-Poole's Catalogue of the Khedivial Library. Although the weight of this latter specimen is not recorded, the weight of the former coin and of another is known. One, in my collection, is 4.37 grams, the other—L. 1142— weighs 2.06. Accordingly the latter coin is inscribed with niṣf, one-half, and the two larger ones with mithqāl. Needless to say, al-Mu'ayyad Shaykh's experiment failed as quickly as that of Faraj and for the same reason.

We now come to the "Nāṣiri dinar," or sequin-type issue, commented on by Popper in pp. 48–49. Although according to Qalqashandi this coin had already been issued in 808 H., Popper knows of two specimens of the year 810 H. only. To these, we may now add six more, all of the same year; there are others of later date, but none earlier. Until proof to the contrary is provided, therefore, we also believe that the sequin-type gold was struck only from 810 H. onwards.

The weight of these Nāṣiri sequins is said by Qalqashandi to have been around that of the ducat, and the two coins mentioned by Popper are near that figure. The other coins in our catalogue, however, are slightly less. The weight of the other ten specimens known to us varies uniformly from 3.50 to 3.32 grams. On the whole, the Nāṣiri is lighter than the ducat, and an exchange rate a little less favourable than that of the ducat (or sequin) is fully justified. The question raised in the last two lines on the same page 48, namely, that according to Maqrīzi the alloy also was adulterated, has yet to be investigated.

Popper's remarks on the sequin issues of al-Musta'īn bi'llāh and al-Mu'ayyad Shaykh are fully confirmed by the coins of our catalogue, except that one specimen of al-Musta'īn weighs as much as 3.60, and another 3.48; all the coins of al-Mu'ayyad are around 3.40, with one exception of 3.50 grams.

We also agree with Popper on the weight of the Ashrafi dinar of Barsbāy, that the extant coins weigh less than those recorded by Ibn Taghri Birdi. In our series, the extreme weights are from 3.34 to 3.43, although the bulk—15 specimens—weigh between 3.40 and 3.41 grams. It is equally true that the gold of the later Burji sultans remained under 3.43 grams. The average weight of 3.40 grams, according to the coins, was maintained until Qā'itbāy; under this sultan, a small decrease is noticed: min. 3.33, max. 3.44, the bulk (38 coins out of a total of 47) weigh between 3.37 and 3.41.

Under al-Nāṣir Muḥammad b. Qā'itbāy, the decrease in weight continues; of 14 coins (min. 3.34 and max. 3.42), eight weigh between 3.35 and 3.38 grams. Subsequently, a maximal weight of 3.40 is rarely attained, and at the last stages (al-Ghūri and al-Ashraf Ṭūmānbāy) figures as low as 3.20 also occur.

Silver

On page 54, 2nd paragraph, Popper records from 'Ali Pasha, and Maqrīzi-Sacy, that as early as 781 H., the introduction of Ḥamawi dirhems caused disadvantage to the public. Popper is right in supposing that they might have been defective, but the defect could only have been caused by clipping or loss of weight by wear, because in a recent study we have proved that there was no adulteration in the alloy at this period, which, in Egypt as well as in Syria, contained two-thirds of fine silver against one-third of copper.

We are in a good position to confirm Popper's references of the chroniclers (last paragraph on p. 56 and first paragraph on p. 57) on the Mu'ayyadi dirhem. He says that, according to Maqrīzi, this coin contained 2.6 grams of "good silver." A lot of 153 Mu'ayyadi silver coins in our collection contains 23 dirhems, 121 halves and 9 quarters. If this proportion corresponds to the relative numbers of the different denominations which circulated at the time of the emission, then it must be accepted that not only were there half dirhems as well as entire dirhems, but that they were the majority. I should even say that the half dirhems made up the greatest part of the emission. The public probably saw little else in circulation than the small but nearly pure silver half-dirhem and promptly accepted it as the unit of currency.

Indeed, Popper says that "Many, probably a large proportion, of half Mu'ayyadis .... were struck." He also states that "in later years values were often quoted by the half Mu'ayyadi even when it was not specified."

To go back to the question of the weight of the Mu'ayyadi dirhem, the average in our series is around 2.63 grams, the half dirhem 1.30 gram and the quarter 0.64. In our assayings, the pure silver content varied between 90 and 94.5%, which has to be deducted from the total weight, i.e., silver and copper. Thus the records left by the chroniclers are pleasingly confirmed by practical numismatic methods.

According to the historians, says Popper of the Ashrafi dirhem (of Barsbāy) on page 58, this coin was also of "good silver," with a weight of 2.478 grams calculated on a theoretical basis. He adds, however, that the extant coins weigh less than this figure (around 2 grams).

Not only can we confirm that the unit of the Ashrafi silver weighed only 2.08 grams on the average, but we can give an explanation for this curious monetary value. Many, though not all silver coins of Barsbāy have the denomination inscribed on them: quarter, quarter and eighth, half, and half and quarter. The corresponding weights are, more or less accurately: 0.77, 1.03, 1.62 and 2.08 grams. There is not one entire dirhem in the catalogue. It was probably the increasing price of silver which caused the introduction of a lighter weight standard.

This is why we believe that, when Popper speaks, on p. 50, of the new, Ẓāhiri dirhem issued by Jaqmaq in 843 H., which was to pass by tale at 24 dirhems (of account), only a theoretical dirhem is meant. The existing forty specimens are all half-dirhems and there also are two quarters. At this stage, the unit was evidently the half-dirhem.

On the same page 50, Popper describes the Īnāli dirhem as having been issued in two distinct emissions. The first, struck in Aleppo and Damascus, should, according to Ibn Taghri Birdi, have a low silver content. The second, issued in the same year 861 and early in 862, on the contrary, is said to contain 96% silver. Are we right in supposing that the second emission is meant to come from the Cairo mint?

In this case, we are completely at variance with Ibn Taghri Birdi. We have analyzed several half dirhems of Aynāl and found that all specimens, struck in Cairo as well as in Damascus, have a very high fine silver content: 95.5 to 97.2%; no difference was found between the Cairo and Damascus coins.

Though Popper records that the new dirhem weighed 2.975 grams, the only existing specimens of which he knows are half dirhems. Indeed, not one of the 76 coins known by us exceeds the half-dirhem; on the contrary, 75 are halves and only one is a quarter. Of the 76 coins, 47 are in the catalogue, and 29 more have been acquired since the completion of the corpus.

In fact, the half-dirhem continued to function as the unit of the silver coinage until the end of Mamlūk rule and under Qānṣūh al-Ghūri there is a final, important reduction in the weight of the coins. Whereas an average of 1.50–1.42 grams was maintained until al-Nāṣir Muḥammad, al-Ghūri reduced it to 1.19 gram. This is another detail which confirms Popper's comments (his p. 60, 4th paragraph).

Copper

A long chapter (pp. 67–73) is devoted by Popper to the copper coinage. Of special interest to our work are the following references:

In 724 H. the copper fals weighed one dirhem ('Ali Pasha XX. 50.), p. 67, 2nd paragraph of chapter IV.

In 759 H. new copper coins were struck, each coin weighing one mithqāl (Ṣubḥ, III, 444.1), p. 68, 2nd paragraph.

The numerous other references, though of great importance to the continuously fluctuating economy of the period, are not of direct issue on the problems of metrology. They refer only to the rates of exchange.

At the time the present work was completed, only 478 Mamlūk copper coins with recorded weight were known. However, since this book went to the printers, a very large hoard of Mamlūk fulūs has been discovered. 230 specimens were too worn to be of any use, but the remaining 581 coins belonged to Qāitbāy, to his son al-Nāṣir Muḥammad and to Qānṣūh al-Ghūri. We examined these 581 coins as well as the already known 478 Baḥri and Burji coppers of our catalogue and arrived at conclusions which will be published in the NC of 1963. The results of our studies, which roughly correspond with Taghri Birdi's account, are as follows:

The weight-unit of the copper coinage since the beginning of the Baḥri rule until 759 H, during the second reign of al-Nāṣir Ḥasan, was the dirhem. At this time the mithqāl was officially proclaimed as the unit of weight. Whereas before 759 H. the copper could pass by tale, even though for modest transactions only, after that time it had to be weighed for any business deal. Whereas the Burji fals continued to weigh roughly one mithqāl, an important change took place under Qāitbāy; after that time all control ceased on the weight of the copper coinage.

End Notes

1 This and other findings seem to indicate that during the early stages of Islamic coinage, the weight of the coins was more important for the determination as to whether they were of full value or not than the fineness of their alloy. Ehrenkreutz, in several articles of excellent quality, points out that there are differences of a few per cent in fineness between various emissions (JAOS 1954 and 1956). He stresses the importance of these differences. We do not believe that the Moslem minters in the Middle Ages were able to control whether their dinars contained 98, 96 or even 94% gold. It seems to us that the fineness (and color) of the coins depended on the source from which the gold came. We know, for instance, that the early 'Abbāsid dinars of Egypt came from ancient Egyptian and Greco-Roman gold-treasures dug up systematically by order of the authorities (Maqrīzi in MMAF 1895 and 1900, and MIFAO 1906, p. 214). Cases in which especially low grade gold is manifest, as in the dinars of al-Rāḍi bi'llāh, are exceptional. Ehrenkreutz believes that the Ikhshīdīd period is one of great economic stability; we think, on the other hand, that it shows evident signs of inflation. Cf. A. S. Ehrenkreutz in JESHO 1959, pp. 152–4; Balog in RBN 1955, p. 110.
1 A determined amount of silver (0.5 gr.) was cut from the coin and accurately weighed, then melted in the presence of lead in a porous terra cotta container. The container absorbs the lead which carries with it the non-precious elements from the molten drop of metal and the pure silver remains. The fineness is then calculated from the difference of weight between the original alloy and the remaining pure silver.
1 See Raugé van Gennep, "Le ducat Vénitien en Egypte," p. 11 (full reference in footnote –, below).
1 Cf. M. de Boūard, L'Egypte comtemporaine, XXXe année, No. 185, Mai 1939, pp. 427–459; A. Raugé van Gennep, "Le ducat vénitien en Egypte," RN 1897, pp. 373–381, 494–508 (= pp. 1–25 of the offprint); A. S. Ehrenkreutz, BSOAS 1953, pp. 502–514 and 1954, pp. 423–447, JAOS 1954, pp. 162–166 and 1956, pp. 178–184; D. Ayalon, JESHO I, pp. 37ff. and 257ff.
1 Maqrīzi, in his "Traité des famines" (transl. G. Wiet, Leiden, 1962, p. 68) says: one dirhem of account is worth 24 fulūs. If we translate this into the original value of the silver dirhem, then one dirhem = 24 fulūs, and one mithqāl gold = 20 dirhems = 480 fulūs (dirhem-fals). In the same way, the Italian soldo, once a coin of specific value, today only means "money;" similiarly, in modem Egypt, the "dirhem" is sometimes employed to signify "small change." It would not be the first time that copper coins were called dirhems; the copper "dirhems" of the Urtuqis and other Turcoman dynasties struck during the 12th and 13th centuries in 'Irāqi Jazīrah are well known. Cf. J. Karabacek, "Über muhammedanische Vicariatsmünzen und Kupferdrachmen des XII–XIII Jahrhunderts," NZ I, 1869, pp. 265–300; also Maqrīzi: Nuqūd, ed. Constantinople, 1928, pp. 15, n.21ff.; Khiṭaṭ, II, 396, 1.6 (biography of Maḥmūd), 397, 1.4.
2 Barsbāy struck silver coins with the following denominations: 1/2 + 1/4 = 3/4 dirhem, of 1.45 + 0.725 grm. = 2.175 grm. and 1/4 + 1/8 = 3/8 dirhem, of 0.725 + 0.312 grm. = 1,370 grm. Both weights correspond narrowly to that of the Umayyad dirhem of 2.90 or 2.88 grm.
3 Cf. Supplement of the Catalogue, pp. 387–393.

MINT NOTES

The Mamlūks never used more than six mints to issue coins; two in Egypt (Cairo and Alexandria) and four in Syria (Damascus, Aleppo, Ḥamāh and Tripoli). The two tables of reference at the end of this section give a graphic picture of the relative importance of the different mints, as well as of the metals employed.

CAIRO

Cairo, in Arabic al-Qāhirah (القاهرة), or Cairo the well-guarded (القاهرة المحروسة) as it was sometimes called, was the most important mint of the realm. From the very beginning coins were issued almost without interruption up to the end of the Burji dynasty. As was only natural Cairo provided gold throughout the whole period, as well as silver. The copper emissions are unknown before al-Nāṣir Muḥammad (possibly a few fulūs of Baybars I and Qalā'ūn without the mint name came from the Cairo mint); later they crop up from time to time. With al-Manṣūr Muḥammad, an avalanche of copper coinage begins, which then ends abruptly after Barqūq's first reign. Later on, fulūs seem to have been struck in Cairo only sporadically; at least very few of them have come down to us. Towards the end of Burji rule, Qāitbāy, al-Nāṣir Muḥammad b. Qā'itbāy and Qānṣūh al-Ghūri are once again represented in modern collections by a fair number of fulūs.

ALEXANDRIA

Alexandria is spelt: al-Iskandarīyah (الاسكندرية), Iskandarīyah (اسكندرية), or exceptionally only Skandarīyah (سكندرية). On three gold coins, however, the mint-name is preceded by an epithet (a unique dinar of al-Ashraf Khalīl and two gold coins of al-Nāṣir Faraj): Thaghr Skandarīyah (ثفر سكندرية). In modern arabic ثغر means a port, or the mouth of a river (Hans Wehr, Arabisches Wörterbuch, Leipzig, 1954, I, p. 91). In classical Arabic dictionaries thaghr is a "gap, breach, frontier-way of access to a country, part of a country from which the invasion of an enemy is feared, frontier of a hostile country, a place that is a boundary between the countries of the Muslims and the unbelievers" (E. W. Lane, Arabic-English Lexicon, London, 1863, Book I, Part 1, p. 338, last paragraph, and p. 339, first paragraph). Cf. also Dozy: Suppl., I, p. 159, "Place frontière," "Place, ville de guerre, forteresse," and Marius Canard, Histoire de la Dynastie des Hamdanides de Jazira et de Syrie (Alger, 1951), p. 243: "Les places frontières musulmanes sont appelées thughūr, proprement brèches, bouches, c'est-à-dire endroits exposés aux attaques de l'ennemi, du singulier 'thaghr'."

The three above-mentioned dinars are the only coins specifying Alexandria as a frontier-post. The word ثغر (in the plural ثغور), however, has been observed on copper coins issued at Ṭarsūs around 290–292 H. by George C. Miles in "Islamic Coins from the Tarsus Excavations of 1935–1937," in The Aegean and the Near East: Studies presented to Hetty Goldman, Locust Valley, N. Y., p. 305, no. 24. On these fulūs, the mint is: الثغور الشامية طرسوس = "Ṭarsūs of the Syrian Marches." The two Ṭarsūs fulūs are four hundred years earlier than Khalīl's dinar.

Further examples of the occurrence of thaghr, ثغر, or its plural thughūr, ثغور, have been published by Mrs. Ulla S. Linder Welin in "Commentationes de nummis Saeculorum IX–XI in Suecia repertis," (Kungl. Vitterhets Histori och Antikvitets Akademien Handlingar, Antikvariska Serien 9, Lund 1961): Coin no. 29 is a Ḥamdānid dirhem struck in al-thughūr Mayafāriqīn in 349 H., and no. 31, also a Ḥamdānid dirhem struck in thaghr al-Shāmīyah (Maṣṣīṣah ?) in 350 H.

The minting of gold in Alexandria started only under Aybak; Baybars issued both dinars and dirhems there, but the mint did not prosper and after about three decades, under Khalīl, work was abandoned altogether. About sixty years later the emission of gold was again resumed under al-Ṣāliḥ Ṣāliḥ. The striking of copper fulūs was begun under al-Ashraf Sha'bān and lasted until Faraj's reign, a period which corresponds with the experiment to replace silver by copper. After al-Mu'ayyad Shaykh, the Alexandria mint ceased to function.

DAMASCUS

Damascus was the second important mint for the emission of gold, silver and copper. It started to strike coins under Baybars I and was still functioning at the time of the Ottoman conquest. Its activity, during the later Burji period, however, was somewhat restricted.

On the coins the word Damascus is written either Dimishq (دمشق) or Damascus the guarded = Dimishq al-maḥrūsa (دمشق المحروسة).

ALEPPO

Under Qālā'ūn and al-Nāṣir Muḥammad only sporadically active, Aleppo steadily increased in importance from al-Ṣālih Isma'īl's reign onwards. It reached its peak under Barqūq and Faraj, whose gold emissions are among the handsomest of the kind. Under the Burji sultans many small dirhems were struck which can safely be attributed to Aleppo, although the mint is not mentioned. The stereotyped religious legend of the reverse is engraved in the pseudo-archaic Mongol or Ilkhānid Kufic characteristic of that city.

Aleppo is written on the coins as Ḥalab (حلب), Madinat Ḥalab (مدينة حلب) or Ḥalab al-maḥrūsa (حلب المحروسة).

ḤAMĀH

A mint of lesser importance, it issued silver and copper coins, sometimes with long interruptions nearly to the end of the Mamlūk regime. Gold was issued only once, under al-Nāṣir Muḥammad. Its name is written حماة; on a fals of Faraj: حماة المحروسة Ḥamāh the guarded.

TRIPOLI

The least active of all mints was Ṭarāblus (طرابلس), sometimes called Ṭarāblus al-Maḥrūsa (طرابلس المحروسة). It functioned sporadically, striking gold only under Faraj.

The following two tables summarize the activity of the Egyptian and Syrian mints under the Baḥri and Burji sultans.

TABLE OF MINT ACTIVITY
BAḤRI MAMLŪKS

Sultan Cairo Alexandria Damascus Ḥamāh Tripoli Aleppo
Shajar al-Durr image
Al-Ashraf Mūsâ image
Aybak image
Al-Manṣūr 'Ali image
Quṭuz image Cu
Baybars I image image image Cu image
Baraka Qā;n image image
Salāmish image image
Qalā'ūn image image Cu image image
Khalīl image image Cu
Al-Nāṣir Muḥammad image Cu Ꜹ Cu image image Cu image Cu
Kitbughā image image Cu = no mint
Lājīn image image Cu
Baybars II image Cu
Al-Manṣūr abū-Bakr Cu
Al-Nāṣir Aḥmad image image
Al-Ṣāliḥ Ismā'īl image Cu image Cu image Cu image Cu
Al-Kāmil Sha'bān image Cu image
Al-Muẓaffar Ḥājji image Cu Cu
Al-Nāṣir Ḥasan image image image image Cu image Cu
Al-Ṣāliḥ Ṣāliḥ Ꜹ Cu Ꜹ Cu image Cu
Al-Manṣūr Muḥammad Ꜹ Cu Ꜹ Cu Cu
Al-Ashraf Sha'bān image Cu Ꜹ Cu image Cu image Cu Cu image Cu
Al-Manṣūr 'Ali Ꜹ Cu Ꜹ Cu Ꜹ Cu Cu
Al-Ṣāliḥ Hājji Ꜹ Cu Cu Ꜹ Cu image
Barqūq image Cu Ꜹ Cu Ꜹ Cu image Cu Cu image Cu
Faraj image Ꜹ Cu image Cu Cu Ꜹ Cu image Cu
Al-Musta'īn-bi'llāh image (?) image
Al-Mu'ayyad Shaykh image image image
Al-Muẓaffar Aḥmad Cu (?) image
Al-Ṣāliḥ Muḥammad image
Barsbāy Ꜹ. Cu (?) image image image
Al-'Azīz Yūsuf
Jaqmaq image image image Cu image Cu
Al-Manṣūr 'Uthmān Cu
Aynāl image Cu image Cu image Cu
Al-Mu'ayyad Aḥmad image
Khūshqadam image Cu image Cu
Temirbughā image.Cu(?)
Qā'itbāy image Cu image image
Al-Nāṣir Muḥammad image Cu Cu
Al-Ẓāhir Qānṣūh Cu
Jānbalāṭ
Al-'Adil Ṭūmānbāy
Qānṣūh al-Ghūri Ꜹ Cu image image
Al-Ashraf Ṭūmānbāy

MINTING TECHNIQUE

Our rather scarce knowledge of the minting procedures employed by the Moslems is based on literary sources which have survived and on modern analyses of the existing numismatic material. Both mediaeval texts and modern research studies are scanty.

To my knowledge only two treatises have been published on minting in Moslem countries. One is Al-dawḥat al-mushtabika fī dawābit dār al-sikka of Ḥusain Munis, by Abū'l-Ḥasan 'Ali b. Yūsuf al-Ḥakīm, in Rivista del Instituto de Estudios Islamicos en Madrid, VI (1958), pp. 63–204. It contains no information concerning the minting technique itself.

The other treatise, composed by a retired official of the Ayyūbid mint of Cairo, has been partially translated and published by A. S. Ehrenkreutz: Extracts from the technical manual of the Ayyūbid mint of Cairo, written by Manṣūr b. Ba'ra al-Dhababi al-Kāmili , in BSOAS XV (1953). Its extensive description of the methods used in the preparation and refining of the metals for the striking of coins is supplemented by important paragraphs on the manufacture of flans. Maqrīzi's work on Moslem coinage is not concerned with problems of technique.

Although Ibn Ba'ra wrote his manual during the last period of the Ayyūbid dynasty, we can safely presume that the technique employed under the Mamlūks did not differ much from that in use a little earlier; therefore, this treatise is of great importance to us.

Only a few modern studies on minting are known to me. Stanley Lane-Poole published a pair of bronze (gun metal) dies in Fasti Arabici (p. 45 of the offprint which contains all seven articles). L. A. Mayer described dies, one half of which belonged to al-'Azīz, the other to al-Ḥakīm, in QDAP I (1931), p. 34. Finally, G. Marçais published a pair of pegged iron dies of an Almoravid dinar in Annales de l'Inst. d'Etudes Orientales, Alger, II (1936), pp. 180–188.

The present writer also has contributed the description of coin dies, all earlier than Mamlūk (NC 1955, pp. 195–202), and divers observations on aspects of the technique of minting (BIE XXXI, 1949, pp. 95–105, XXXIII, 1951, pp. 1–42, and XXXV, 1952, pp. 427–429; NC 1955, pp. 195–202).

There follows a short description of the minting procedure which in our opinion was in use in the Middle East during the period with which we are concerned:

Flan. The flan of the gold coins was manufactured by casting. A few paper-thin dinars and half-dinars of Barqūq and Faraj were struck on a laminated flan, but these are exceptions. At the beginning of the Baḥri rule the diameter did not increase much beyond that of the Ayyūbid gold. It soon became larger, however; from al-Nāṣir Muḥammad's third reign through the entire Baḥri dynasty, and even under the first Burji sultans, only large flan dinars were minted. Faraj introduced a new, smaller and lighter dinar. This sequin type flan became the standard coin, but later, after Barsbāy's reign, it shrank to an even smaller size.

During the first stage, which we call the "pseudo-Ayyūbid" period, the globular flan was employed for the dirhem. Actually one of the best and clearest descriptions in Ibn Ba'ra's manual is the paragraph on the production of the nuqrah flans for the dirhem: "the molten silver is poured over a wooden cone which is covered with a layer of charcoal; the liquid silver, split into droplets of different sizes, squirts over this conical surface and drops into an underlying basin of cold water, where it congeals into separate, amorphous, globular masses. These masses are then heated and struck in the dies," without previous weighing and adjustment, which explains the irregularity in the weight and size of these curious silver pieces.

Aybak introduced the thin, normal-width dirhem flan which survived the Baḥri rule and was still in use under Barqūq and Faraj. Then, suddenly, it was reduced in size and remained so until the end. Contemporarily with the normal flan dirhems, another type of flan was manufactured by the Baḥri Mamlūks from the time of Nāṣir Muḥammad, the so called "black dirhems," which were a speciality of the Cairo mint from the day they were introduced by the later Fāṭimids. These black dirhems had roughly (and irregularly) square flans; the latter were cut from a long and narrow ribbon of silver and then struck without heating (Balog). But whereas the Fāṭimid and Ayyūbid black dirhem consisted of a very low grade silver-alloy (25–30% silver content), its Mamlūk counterpart was more or less of the same fineness as the ordinary round-flan coins (65–75%) (Balog).

Whereas the black dirhems had a flan cut from a cast tongue of silver, the thin, round, larger dirhems seem to have been struck on rounds punched out from a laminated sheet previous to the striking.

The copper fals being the least valuable of all three coin metals, its manufacture must perforce be the least expensive and the quickest. Therefore much less care was devoted to the preparation of the flan than for silver or gold. The early fulūs were struck on laminated flans trimmed to size, but later more or less accurately measured pieces were cut with hammer and chisel from a copper plate, and struck without, or with insufficient, heating. On most of the late Baḥri copper coins, the border actually shows traces of hurried cutting. Naturally these copper coins struck in mass production are neither uniform in size or contour, nor accurately struck.

Although smaller in size, the Burji fulūs show similar characteristics, until Qā'itbāy's time, when a new-style fals was introduced. Struck on a thick flan which was also larger, and inscribed with longer legends, the new fals became the forerunner of the thick Osmanli copper coin.

Composition of the Mamlūk fulūs. Chemical (nitric acid) tests have been made on a large number of different Baḥri and Burji fulūs. The results leave no doubt that most Baḥri and Burji fulūs are made of pure copper, and only a small number of Qānṣūh al-Ghūri's coins are of bronze.

Preparation of the die. It has been pointed out in our articles in the Bulletin de l'Institut d'Egypte and the Numismatic Chronicle that the die engraving could not have been executed directly on the hard surface of the die itself; the text of the legend was incised into the soft and malleable face of lead plaques, of which a cast was taken in clay. This cast, stuck onto the end of a short clay pipe, was then baked and, when ready, filled with molten bronze. After cooling, the clay mould was broken away and the bronze die was ready for striking. The casting of the die accounts for the frequent imperfections and blurs which occur on Islamic coins.

The dies consist of the trussel (upper half) and the pile (lower half). Both are cylindrical and of different length. The trussel is either short, in cases where it had to be held in place by forceps, or a little longer, when held by hand. The pile is longer, the bottom tapering into a blunt point, or a pair of tooth-shaped points, obviously made to be driven into a wooden base. There are no genuine mediaeval Moslem pegged-dies. This corresponds with the fact that there is no mediaeval Moslem coin on which regular orientation of the axes of obverse and reverse can be detected.

Striking. The striking was always done by hand; the very numerous traces of double striking and insufficient impression of the engraving are a convincing argument. Generally, the flan was well heated, not only to receive the engravings of the die deeply enough, but also to yield to the pressure and obtain an evenly round shape. In many cases the heating must have been insufficient, because one to four pointed projections on the border reveal where the four corners of the originally square flan were situated before striking (silver and copper).

The less the flan was heated, the more pronounced were the angular, spire-like protrusions. Finally, many coins struck without any heating at all on flans simply cut from thick silver or copper ribbons, have retained their original square form.


NOTES ON THE ORGANIZATION OF THE CATALOGUE

Gold and silver are indicated by the conventional signs Ꜹ and image.

All copper issues are designated Cu, and those of bronze Æ.

The side on which the ruler's name appears is considered the obverse. When the protocol continues on the other side, or the sultan's name is absent, the side with the beginning of the legend in considered the obverse. If only the mint and date appear, the mint is on the obverse. When one side is anepigraphic, the inscribed side is the obverse.

The notation left and right is to be understood as seen by the reader. For instance, "lion passant to left" means a lion walking towards the reader's left; in conventional heraldic language it would be the contrary. Also, when a coin is divided by lines or segments, left and right mean the reader's left and right.

Segments

image

Marginal legend is a peripheral legend separated from the field by a simple or double linear circle, or a scalloped line. Usually it runs counter-clockwise.

An asterisk (*) has been used in front of the catalogue number to mark unpublished coins.

Circular legend is mostly smaller than the central inscription and is not separated from the field. The circular legend runs either clockwise or counter-clockwise.

Exergue (a term borrowed from classical numismatics), is a space below the legend in the field.

No mint means that the mint name is not mentioned. Otherwise: mint missing.

Undated: date not mentioned. Otherwise: date missing. The diameter (in millimeters) and the weight (in grams) are recorded whenever possible. Unfortunately, both data are not always available, even on coins in my own collection.


TRANSLITERATION OF ARABIC LETTERS

  • 1. ا a
  • 2. ب b
  • 3. ت t
  • 4. ث th
  • 5. ج j
  • 6. ح ḥ
  • 7. خ kh
  • 8. د d
  • 9. ذ dh
  • 10. ر r
  • 11. ز z
  • 12. س s
  • 13. ش sh
  • 14. ص ṣ
  • 15. ض ḍ
  • 16. ط ṭ
  • 17. ظ ẓ
  • 18. ع '
  • 19. غ gh
  • 20. ف f
  • 21. ق q
  • 22. ك k
  • 23. ل l
  • 24. م m
  • 25. ن n
  • 26. ه h
  • 27. و w or v
  • 28. ى y or i

BIBLIOGRAPHY

The number at the left preceding the title is the serial number of L. A. Mayer's Bibliography of Moslem Numismatics, 2nd edition, 1954.

76 Anonymous: Catalogue of coins in the collection of the Government Central Museum Madras . Madras, 1874, pp. 20–25.
88 Appel, Joseph: Repertorium zur Münzkunde des Mittelalters und der neueren Zeit. Vol. IV, Wien, 1828.
92 Arigoni, Honorius: Numismata quaedam cujuscunque formae et metalli musei Honorii Arigoni Veneti. Tarvisii, 1741–59.
105 Assemani, Simone: Catalogo de' codici manoscritti orientali delle BibliothecaNaniana ... Vi's aggiunge l'illustrazione delle monete cufiche del Museo Naniano... Padova, stamperia del seminario, 1787.
— Ayalon, David: "The System of Payment in Mamluk Military Society." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol. I, Pt. 1 (Aug. 1957), pp. 37–65; Vol. I, Pt. 3 (Oct. 1958), pp. 257–296.
124 Balog, Paul: "Deux dinars inédits du dernier roi Ayoubite d'Egypte, Al Malek al Ashraf Abou'l Fath Moussa." BIE XXXI, 1949, pp. 187–190.
127 —: "Concerning the dies of Al Moëzz Eizzeddin Aybek, first Mamluk king of Egypt." Spink's Numismatic Circular , December 1949, cols. 610f.
2051 —: "Quelques dinars du début de l'ère mamelouk bahrite." BIE XXXII, 1950, pp. 229–252.
2052 —: "Un faux d'époque: dinar fourré de Barsbay, sultan mamelouk d'Egypte." BIE XXXII, 1950, p. 253.
2053 —: "Un quart de dinar du sultan Nāser Mohamed ben Qalaoun." BIE XXXII, 1950, p. 255.
— —: "Etudes numismatiques de l'Egypte musulmane, II." BIE XXXIV, 1952, PP. 17–55.
— —: "Etudes numismatiques de l'Egypte musulmane, III." BIE XXXV, 1953, pp. 401–429.
160 Bellinger, A. R.: Coins from Jerash 1928–34. New York, 1938 (NNM-81).
170 Berezin, E.: Catalogue des monnaies et médailles du cabinet numismatique de l'université impériale de Casan. Kazan, 1855.
177 Bergmann, E. v.: "Zur muhammedanischen Münzkunde." NZ, Bd. VIII, 1876, pp. 28–44.
179 Bernard, D. S.: "Mémoire sur les monnoies d'Egypte." Description de l'Egypte, 2nd ed. Vol. XVI, pp. 267–506, Paris, 1825.
196 Blancard, L.: Le bezant d'or sarrazinas pendant les Croisades. Marseilles, 1880.
209 Blau, Otto: Die orientalischen Münzen der Kaiserlichen Historisch-Archaeologischen Gesellschaft zu Odessa . Odessa, 1876.
210 Blau, Otto and Stickel, J. G.: "Zur muhammedanischen Numismatik und Epigraphik." ZDMG XI, 1857, PP. 443–474.
302 Chartraire, E.: Inventaire du trésor de l'église primatiale de Sens. Sens, 1877, p. 101.
346 Codrington, H. W.: Catalogue of coins in the Colombo museum. Pt. I, Hertford, 1914.
348 —: Ceylon coins and currency. (Memoirs of the Colombo museum) Colombo, 1924.
350 Codrington, Oliver: "On a hoard of coins found at Broach." JBBRAS XV, 1881–82, publ. 1883, pp. 339–370.
354 —: "Notes on the cabinet of coins of the Bombay branch, R. A. S." JBBRAS XVIII, 1890–94, publ. 1894, pp. 30–38.
356 —: A manual of musalman numismatics. London, 1904. (RAS monographs, Vol. VII).
371 Cottevieille-Giraudet, R.: "La collection Decourdemanche." RN 1934, 4-e série, t. 37, pp. 199–219.
377 Cunha, J. Gerson da: Catalogue of the Coins in the Numismatic Cabinet belonging to J. Gerson da Cunha. Parts I-IV, Bombay, 1888–89.
402 Delgado, A.: "Nota de las cuatrociento cuatro monedas, adquiridas en Jerusalen.." Memorial Histórico Español I, 1851.
404 —: (further gift by A. Lopez) ibid. IV, 1852.
405 —: Explicación de las diez y seis monedas..." ibid. IV, 1852.
421 Djevdet Effendi: "Coup d'oeil sur les monnaies musulmanes." JA XX, 5-e série, 1862, pp. 183–197.
466 Dorn, B. (and Gamazoff): Monnaies de différentes dynasties musulmanes. St. Petersburg, 1881 (Collections scientifiques de l'Institut de langues orientales, IV).
— Ehrenkreutz, A. S.: "Kashf al-asrār al-'ilmiya bi dār al-ḍarb al-Miṣriya, of Manṣūr ibn Bara al-Dhahabi al-Kāmili." BSOAS XV (1953), pp. 423–447.
507 Erman, A.: "Mittelalterliche und neuere Münzen." Katalog der Bibliothek der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, II, Leipzig, 1881, pp. 57–77.
547 Fraehn, C. M.: Das muhammedanische Münzkabinet des Asiatischen Museums der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu St. Petersburg. Vorläufiger Bericht. St. Petersburg, 1821.
560 —: Recensio numorum muhammedanorum Academiae Imp. Scienti. Petropolitanae... Petropoli, 1826.
573 —: "Paralipomena numorum in tabb. III et IV delineatorum..." Mémoires de l'académie impériale des sciences de St. Petersbourg , 1834.
578 —: "Einige Berichtigungen zu Hn. Lelewel's Numismatique du Moyen Age." Bull. Scientifique II, 1837, cols. 177–192.
591 —: "Nachricht von den verschiedenen orientalischen Münzsammlungen der K. Eremitage." Bull. Scientifique IV, 1838, cols. 305–318.
597 —: "Bericht über eine, der Akademie aus Ägypten zugekommene Bereicherung der Numismatischen Abtheilung ihres Asiatischen Museums." Bull. Scientifique VII, 1840, cols. 134–143.
598 —: "Verzeichnis der zweiten, dem orientalischen Münzkabinet der Akademie aus Aegypten erworbenen Sendung." Bull. Scientifique VII, 1840, col. 336.
600 Fraehn, C. M.: "Einige für das Münzkabinet des Asiatischen Museums erworbene Inedita." Bull. Scientifique IX, 1841, cols. 289–294.
618 —: Opusculorum postumorum... Nova Supplementa (edited by B. Dorn) I, Petropoli, 1855. pp. 94–96.
618 —: Ibid. Additamenta ad Nova Supplementa, p. 282.
639 Friedlaender, J.: "Die Erwerbungen des K. Münzkabinets im Jahre 1881." ZfN X, 1883, pp. 1–8.
688 Gennep, A. Raugé van: "Le ducat vénitien en Egypte..." RN 1897, pp.373–381; 494–508.
710 Gordon, T. Crouther: "Some arab coins from Ophel and Siloam." Quarterly statements of the Palestine Exploration Fund 1925, pp. 183–189.
764 Hamilton, R. W.: "Excavations against the North Wall of Jerusalem, 1937–38." QDAP X, 1940, pp. 1–54.
786 Hartmann, M.: "Drei unedierte Silberstücke des Chalifen und Sultans Abul-Fadl Al-Abbas Ibn Mohammed und einige Mamluken Dinare." ZfN IX, 1882, pp. 85–89.
787 —: "Zwei unedierte Silbermünzen des Mamelukensultans Salamisch." ZfN XVIII, 1892, pp. 1–4.
— Hinz, W.: Islamische Masse und Gewichte. Leiden, 1955, p. 3.
849 Ingholt, H.: Rapport préliminaire sur la première campagne de fouilles de Hama. Copenhagen, 1934.
866 Johnston, J. M. C.: "Mohammedan coins." NC XIX, 1899, 3rd ser., pp. 265–268.
870 Jungfleisch, Marcel: "L'apparition de la formule عز نصره sur les monnaies musulmanes." BIE IX, 1927, pp. 51–55.
877 —: "Tentative d'identifier les petits bronzes frappés par les deux Muayyad." BIE XXIX, 1948, pp. 45–48.
879 —: "Monnaies ou poids, ou "monnaies-poids" du sultan mamelouk Haggy II." BIE XXXI, 1949, pp. 39–47.
890 Karabacek, Joseph v.: "Zur orientalischen Münzkunde." WNMh III, 1867, pp.35–42.
892 —: "Die kufischen Münzen des Steiermärkisch-Ständischen Joanneums in Graz." WNMh IV, 1868, pp. 12–82.
942 Krafft, A. "Die Münzen der Mamelukensultane von Aegypten im K. K. Münzkabinete." Jahrbücher der Literatur, Bd. 89, No. LXXXIX, 1840, pp. 1–30.
946 Krehl, L. De numis muhammedanis in numophylacio regio Dresdnensi asservatis commentatio. Lipsiae, 1856.
963 Lagumina, B. M.: Catalogo delle monete arabe esistenti nella Biblioteca comunale di Palermo, Palermo, Virzi, 1892.
984 Lane-Poole, Stanley: Catalogue of oriental coins in the British Museum. London, 1875–1890, IV and IX.
1002 —: "Fasti arabici. Mr. Johnston's cabinet." NC XII, 3rd ser., 1892, pp. 160–173.
1003 —: Catalogue of the collection of Arabic coins preserved in the Khedivial Library at Cairo. London, 1897.
1034 Lavoix, Henri: Catalogue des monnaies musulmanes de la Bibliothèque Nationale. III, Paris, 1896.
1094 Loewe, L.: "Notice of a Mamlúk Coin, struck by command of the Sultan Melik Dháher Rokn-ed-Din Bibárs Bondokdari. "NC XIX, 1856–57, pp. 71–84.
— Maqrīzi: Description topographique et historique de l'Égypte, traduite en français pour la première fois par U. Bouriant. Pt. I (1895), Pt. II (1900), MMAF, vol. XVII.
—: Description topographique et historique de l'Égypte, traduite en français par P. Casanova. MIFAO (1906), vol. III, and MIFAO (1920), vol. IV.
1123 Markoff, A. K.: "Ob odnom zageriyskom dirgemiye mamelukskavo sultana Bibersa I." V yestnik archeologii istorii, fasc. 4, 1885, pp. 53–62.
1139 Marsden, William: Numismata orientalia illustrata. London, 1823–25.
1163 Mayer, L. A.: Saracenic Heraldry. Oxford, 1933. (Contains a complete bibliography of the previously published literature on Mamlūk heraldry).
1164 —: "Lead coins of Barqūq." QDAP III, 1933, pp. 20–23.
1165 —: "A hoard of Mamluk coins." QDAP III, 1933, pp. 167–171.
1168 —: "Some problems of Mamluk coinage." Transactions of the international numismatic congress , 1936. London, 1938.
1199 Miles, George C.: "Islamic coins" in Antioch-on-the-Orontes, IV, Pt. 1, Princeton University Press, 1948, pp. 109–124.
1222 Möller, J.H.: De numis orientalibus in numophylacio Gothano, asservatis commentatio altera , ... Erfordiae et Gothae, 1831.
1243 Moritz, B.: "Additions à la collection numismatique de la Bibliothèque Khédiviale." BIE No. 4, 4-e série, 1903, pp. 199–204.
1268 Münter, F. C.: Museum Münterianum, pars III. Hauniae, 1839 (Sales catalogue).
1334 Østrup, J.: Catalogue des monnaies arabes et turques du Cabinet Royal des Médailles du Musée National de Copenhague. Copenhagen, 1938.
1360 Pertsch, W.: "Verzeichnis der aus Fleischer's Nachlass der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft überkommenen Münzen." ZDMG XLV, 1891, pp. 292–294.
1367 Pietraszewski, I. v.: Numi mohammedani. Berolini, 1843.
1441 Rodgers, C. J.: Catalogue of the coins of the Indian Museum... Pt. IV. Calcutta, 1896.
1108 Sacy, A. I. Sylvestre de: (Translated by), "Traité des Monnoies Musulmanes, traduit de l'arabe de Maḳrizi." Magasin Encyclopédique VI (1796).
—: "Suite du Traité des Monnoies Musulmanes." Magasin Encyclopédique I (1797).
1511 Sauvaire, H.: "Matériaux pour servir à l'histoire de la numismatique et de la métrologie musulmanes, traduits ou recueillis et mis en ordre." JA 1879, 7e sér. t. XIV, pp. 455–533; 1880, t. XV, pp. 228–277, 421–478; 1881, t. XVIII, pp. 499–516; 1882, t. XIX, pp. 23–77, 97–163 281–327.
1574 Sawaszkiewicz, L. L.: Le génie de l'Orient, commenté par ses monuments monétaires... Bruxelles, 1846.
1586 Schiepati, G.: Descrizione di alcune monete cufiche del museo di Stefano de Mainono. Milano, 1820.
Schulman, J. Sales catalogues:
— —: List No. 19. Date?
— —: Collection White-King III, 26. 6. 1905.
— —: Sale of February , 1907.
905 Schulmann, J. Sales catalogues: Collection v. Karabacek. November, 1907.
1255 —: Collection Mustafa Beyram bey. May, 1909.
1579 —: Collection prince Saxe-Coburg-Gotha. May, 1928.
— —: Catalogue aux prix marqués. March, 1929.
1328 —: Collection Osman Noury bey. May, 1929.
1646 Siouffi, Nicolas: Catalogue des monnaies arabes de sa collection. Mossoul, 1879–80.
1647 —: Liste des monnaies musulmanes. Mossoul, 1880.
1649 —: Supplément No. 1 au catalogue des monnaies arabes publié en 1879. Mossoul, 1891.
1674 Soret, F. J.: "Lettre à M. Sawelief... Seconde Lettre...." RNB 1854, pp. 273–299, 377–416.
1677 —: "Lettre à... de Dorn. Troisième lettre sur les médailles orientales inédites de la collection de M. F. Soret." RNB 1856, pp. 1–41, 129–177.
1699 Stephanik, J. W.: Catalogue van de Muntverzameling. Amsterdam, 1897.
1708 Stickel, J. G.: "Über einige muhammedanische Münzen." ZDMG IX, 1855, pp. 249–255.
1713 —: "Die orientalische Münzsammlung des Obrist-Lieutenant von Gemming in Nürnberg." ZDMG XII, 1858, pp. 324–330.
1772 Thorburn, Philip: "Coinage of muhammedan Queens." Seaby's Coin and Medal Bulletin , 1848, pp. 547–549.
1789 Tiesenhausen, W. de: "Moneti S. I. Chakhotina." ZVO I, 1886, pp. 311–315; II, 1887, P. 63.
1875 Valentine, W. H.: Modern Copper Coins of the Muhammadan States. London, 1911.
1974 Welzl v. Wellenheim, L.: Verzeichnis der Münz- und Medaillensammlung. II, Pt. 2, Wien, 1845, pp. 551–564, 573–599.
1976 Weyl, Adolph: Verzeichnis von Münzen und Denkmünzen... verschiedener mohammedanischer Dynastien der Jules Fonrobert'schen Sammlung. Berlin, 1878.
1978 Weyl, Adolph: Sammlung Fürst Gagarine. Verkaufskatalog.
2009 Zambaur, E. v.: Kollektion Ernst Prinz zu Windisch-Graetz. VII. I Teil: Orientalische Münzen, Wien, 1906.
2026 Zia Bey, Ahmad: Meskukati islamiyeh. Constantinople, 1328 H.

ABBREVIATIONS

  • 1. Unpublished coins:
  • ANS — American Numismatic Society, New York City.
  • Antioch hoard — In March 1935, the ANS acquired, from an unrecorded Antioch source, 795 Mamlūk copper coins. Though nothing is known of the provenance of this lot, the coins, all issued within a short period, present a remarkably uniform appearance, are covered with the same patina and show traces of the same sandy soil. It is not entirely improbable therefore that they were found together. For reasons of convenience, this lot is referred to as the "Antioch hoard."
  • Ashmol. — Ashmolean Museum, Oxford.
  • AUB — American University, Beirut.
  • Bajocchi — Raoul Bajocchi collection, Cairo.
  • Balog — Prof. Dr. Paul Balog, unpublished coins.
  • Bern — Historisches Museum, Bern.
  • Beirut — Musée National, Beirut.
  • BM — British Museum, unpublished coins.
  • Damascus — Musée National Syrien, Damascus.
  • Flagell. — Convent of the Flagellation, Jerusalem.
  • Horovitz — Th. & O. Horovitz collection.
  • Jungfleisch — Marcel Jungfleisch collection, Cairo. Now dispersed.
  • München — Staatliche Münzsammlung, München.
  • P — Cabinet des Médailles, Paris. Unpublished coins.
  • PAM — Palestine Archeological Museum, Jerusalem.
  • Thorburn — Philip Thorburn collection, Cranleigh, Surrey, England.
  • Wien — Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna.
  • 2. Periodicals, catalogues and special articles:
  • ANSMN — American Numismatic Society Museum Notes.
  • Beyram — Coll. Mustafa Beyram bey, May 1909 (J. Schulman Sales Catalogue).
  • BIE — Bulletin de l'Institut d'Egypte, Cairo.
  • Blau — O. Blau: Die Orientalischen Münzen der K. Historisch-Archaeologischen Gesellschaft zu Odessa. Odessa, 1876.
  • BMC — Stanley Lane-Poole: Catalogue of Oriental Coins in the British Museum. Vol IV, The Coinage of Egypt... under the Fátimee Khaleefehs, the Ayyoobees and the Memlook Sultans. London, 1879, Vol. IX, Additions to the Oriental Collection, 1876–1888. Pt. I, Additions to vols. I-IV , London, 1889.
  • Broach — O. Codrington: "On a hoard of coins found at Broach." Journal of the Bombay Branch, RAS 1883, XV, pp. 339–370.
  • BSOAS — Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies.
  • Cunha — J. Gerson da Cunha: Catalogue of the Coins in the numismatic cabinet belonging to J. Gerson da Cunha. Pts. I-IV, Bombay 1888–89.
  • Dorn et Gamazoff — Monnaies de différentes dynasties musulmanes. St. Petersbourg, 1881 (Collections scientifiques de l'Institut de langues orientales, IV).
  • Ermann — "Mittelalterliche und neuere Münzen." Katalog der Bibliothek der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, II, Leipzig, 1881.
  • Fonrobert — A. Weyl: Verzeichnis der Münzen und Denkmünzen... verschiedener mohammedanischer Dynastien der Jules Fonrobert'schen Sammlung. Berlin, 1878.
  • Fraehn — Das muhammedanische Münzkabinet des Asiatischen Museums der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu St. Petersburg. Vorläufiger Bericht , St. Petersburg, 1821.
  • Fraehn — Opusculorum postumorum... Nova Supplementa (edited by B. Dorn) I, Petropoli, 1855.
  • Fraehn — Recensio numorum muhammedanorum Academiae Imp. Scienti. Petropolitanae... Petropoli, 1826.
  • Gagarine — Adolph Weyl, Verzeichnis der reichhaltigen Sammlung orientalischer Münzen ... des Fürsten G........ Berlin, Apr. 1885. [Sales catalogue].
  • Gotha — Coll, prince de Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, May, 1928 (J. Schulman Sales catalogue).
  • Hamilton — "Excavations against the North Wall of Jerusalem." 1937–38, QDAP X, 1940.
  • JA — Journal Asiatique, Paris.
  • JAOS — Journal of the American Oriental Society.
  • JESHO — Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient.
  • Johnston — "Mohammedan coins." NC XIX, 3rd series, 1899.
  • JRAS — Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society.
  • Karabacek — Coll. v. Karabacek, Nov. 1907 (J. Schulman Sales catalogue).
  • Khediv. — Stanley Lane-Poole: Catalogue of the collection of Arabic coins preserved in the Khedivial Library in Cairo. London, 1897.
  • Lagumina — B. M. Lagumina: Catalogo delle monete arae esistenti nella Biblioteca comunale di Palermo. Palermo, 1892.
  • L — H. Lavoix: Catalogue des Monnaies Musulmanes de la Bibliothèque Nationale. Paris, 1896.
  • Marsden — Numismata orientalia illustrata. London, 1823–25.
  • Mayer — L. A. Mayer: "A hoard of Mamluk coins." QDAP III, 1933, pp. 167–171.
  • Mayer, SH — L. A. Mayer: Saracenic Heraldry. Oxford, 1933.
  • Méry-Tocchi — L. Méry, Notice sur la coll. de médailles et monnaies musulmanes recueillies par M. E. Tocchi... Marseille, 1855.
  • MIFAO — Mémoires publiés par les Membres de l'Institut Français d'Archéologie Orientale au Caire.
  • Miles — "Islamic coins" in Antioch-on-the-Orontes, IV, Pt. 1, Princeton University Press, 1948.
  • MMAF — Mémoires publiés par les Membres de la Mission Archéologique Française au Caire.
  • Münter — Museum, Münterianum, pars III. Hauniae, 1839 (Sales catalogue).
  • NC — Numismatic Chronicle.
  • NNM — Numismatic Notes & Monographs.
  • Noury — Coll. Osman Noury bey, May 1929 (J. Schulman Sales catalogue).
  • NZ — Numismatische Zeitschrift.
  • Østrup — Catalogue des monnaies arabes et turques du Cabinet Royal des Médailles du Musée National de Copenhague. Copenhagen, 1938.
  • Pertsch — "Verzeichnis der aus Fleischer's Nachlass der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft überkommenen Münzen." ZDMG XLV, 1891.
  • QDAP — Quarterly of the Department of Antiquities of the Government of Palestine.
  • RAS — Royal Asiatic Society, London.
  • RN — Revue Numismatique, Paris.
  • RNB — Revue de la Numismatique Belge (now: RBN — Revue Belge de Numismatique).
  • Schulman 19 — List No. 19 (date?).
  • Schulman Febr. 1907 — Sale of February, 1907.
  • Schulman March 1929 — Catalogue aux prix marqéus, March, 1929.
  • Siouffi — Catalogue des monnaies arabes de sa collection. Mossoul, 1879–80.
  • Welzl v. Wellenheim — Verzeichnis der Münz- und Medaillensammlung. II, Pt. 2, Wien, 1845.
  • White-King — Coll. White-King, III, 26. 6. 1905 (J. Schulman Sales catalogue).
  • Windisch-Graetz — E. v. Zambaur, Kollektion Ernst Prinz Windisch-Graetz. VII Bände. I Teil, Orientalische Münzen. Wien, 1906.
  • WNMh — Wiener Numismatische Monatshefte.
  • ZDMG — Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, Berlin.
  • ZfN — Zeitschrift für Numismatik.
  • ZVO — Zapiski Vostochnavo Otdeleniya Russkavo, Imp. Archeol. Obshchestva.

THE CATALOGUE

BAḤRI MAMLŪKS

A.H. A.D. Page
Shajar al-Durr 648 1250 71– 72
Al-Ashraf Abu al-Fatḥ Mūsâ 649–650 1251–1253 73– 74
Al-Mu'izz 'Izz al-Dīn Aybak 648–655 1250–1257 75– 77
Al-Manṣūr Nūr al-Dīn 'Ali 655–657 1257–1259 78– 81
Al-Muẓaffar Sayf al-Dīn Quṭuz 657–658 1259–1260 82– 84
Al-Ẓāhir Rukn al-Dīn Baybars I 658–676 1260–1277 85–106
Al-Sa'īd Nāṣir al-Dīn Baraka Qān 676–678 1277–1279 107–109
Al-'Ādil Badr al-Dīn Salāmish 678 1279 110-111
Al-Manṣūr Sayf al-Dīn Qalā'ūn 678–689 1279–1290 112–119
Al-Ashraf Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn Khalīl 689–693 1290–1293 120–124
Al-Nāṣir Nāṣir al-Dīn Muḥammad, 1st reign 693–694 1293–1294 (No coins)
Al-'Ādil Zayn al-Dīn Kitbughā 694–696 1294–1296 126–128
Al-Manṣūr Ḥusām al-Dīn Lājīn 696–698 1296–1299 129–131
Al-Nāṣir Nāṣir al-Dīn Muḥammad, 2nd reign 698–708 1299–1309 132–134
Al-Muẓaffar Rukn al-Dīn Baybars II 708–709 1309–1310 135–136
Al-Nāṣir Nāṣir al-Din Muḥammad, 3rd reign 709–741 1310–1341 137–163
Al-Manṣūr Sayf al-Dīn Abu Bakr 741–742 1341 164–165
Al-Ashraf 'Alā al-Dīn Kujuk 742 1341-1342 166
Al-Nāṣir Shihāb al-Dīn Aḥmad 742–743 1342 167–168
Al-Ṣāliḥ 'Imād al-Dīn Ismā'īl 743–746 1342–1345 169–176
Al-Kāmil Sayf al-Dīn Sha'bān I 746–747 1345–1346 177–179
Al-Muẓaffar Sayf al-Dīn Ḥājji I 747–748 1346–1347 180–183
Al-Nāṣir Nāṣir al-Dīn Ḥasan, 1st reign 748–752 1347–1351 184–187
Al-Ṣāliḥ Ṣāliḥ al-Dīn Ṣāliḥ 752–755 1351–1354 188–191
Al-Nāṣir Nāṣir al-Dīn Ḥasan, 2nd reign 755–762 1354–1361 192–200
Al-Manṣūr Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn Muḥammad 762–764 1361-1363 201–207
Al-Ashraf Nāṣir al-Dīn Sha'bān II 764–778 1363–1377 208–229
Al-Manṣūr 'Alā al-Dīn 'Ali 778–783 1377–1381 230–237
Al-Ṣāliḥ Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn Ḥājji II, 1st reign 783–784 1381–1382 238–245
Al-Ṣāliḥ Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn Ḥājji II, 2nd reign 791–792 1389–1390 245–246

SHAJAR AL-DURR
648 H. = 1250 A.D.

Shajar al-Durr's coins are all exceedingly rare, designed in the best Ayyūbid tradition and style. Her title to the throne is based on her having been a wife of al-Ṣāliḥ Ayyūb's and the mother of the long dead heir al-Manṣūr Khalīl. Only two dinars and a handful of dirhems are known.

All the marginal legends run counter-clockwise.

Gold
CAIRO, 648 H.

1. Border on both sides: circular line.

لا اله الا الله محمد رسول الله ارسله بالهدى

ودين الحق ليظهره على الدين كله

Double circular line.

المومنين

المسنعصمية الصالحية

ملكة المسلمين والدة

الملك المنصور خليل

امير

بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم صرب هذا الدينار

بالقاهرة سنة ثمان واربعين وستماية

Double circular line.

الامام

المستعصم

بالله ابو احمد عبد

الله امير المومنين

• •

BMC 469 (23, 4.40). Balog, BIE 1950, p. 231 (20, edges filed, 4.32). Plate I.

Silver
CAIRO, 648 H.

The few existing dirhems are all globular (dirhem nuqra), similar to the type introduced by the Cairo mint after the 622 H. reform of the Ayyūbid al-Kāmil Muḥammad.

2. Border on both sides: circular line.

لا اله الا الله محمد رسول الله ارسله بالهدى

(ثمان واربعين و (ستماية

Circular line.

والدة الملك

image

المنصور

• •

Circular line.

الامام

image

المستعصم

• •

Balog, BIE 1952, no. 1 (14×18, 3.73) Plate I, a; no. 2 (13×19, 2.97) Plate I, b; no. 3 (13, 2.52); no. 4 (8×12, 0.72) Plate I, c. Balog (12×14, 3.04). ANS. BM.

Copper

Siouffi, in his Liste p. 78, describes a copper coin as follows:.

موسيى

الملك العادل

شجرة الدر

ايوب

الامام الناصر

Siouffi's attribution of this coin to Shajar al-Durr does not seem to be correct. Shajar al-Durr is not known to have used her proper name on any official document, and the less so on her coins. Her coin-protocol on the dinar is "al-Muṣta'ṣimīyah, al-Ṣāliḥīyah, Malikat al-Muslimīn, Wālidat al-Malik al-Manṣūr" and on the dirhem simply "Wālidat al-Malik al-Manṣūr." Besides, the Caliph al-Nāṣir died in 622 H. and the Caliph during the queen's reign was al-Musta 'ṣim. This coin should rather be attributed to the Ayyūbid al-'Ādil I. The obverse probably reads:

يوسف

الملك العادل

سيف الدين>

بن) ايوب)

AL-ASHRAF MUẒAFFAR AL-DĪN ABŪ'L-FATḤ MŪSÂ II
648–650 H. = 1250–1252 A.D.

Al-Ashraf Mūsâ's 1 coins are as rare as Shajar al-Durr's. Their style and the royal protocol also are Ayyūbid. This is not astonishing, as he was the son of the last Ayyūbid king of the Yemen. His coinage is, however, rightly incorporated into the Mamlūk series, because he was appointed as a co-regent by Aybak, as a mere puppet to serve as figurehead for Mamlūk political propaganda.

It is to be noted that all three of his coins bear his name alone, without mention of Aybak. This clearly contradicts Maqrīzi who stated that after the nomination of the six year old child to the throne, coins were issued in the two regents' joint names.

The marginal legends run counter-clockwise on all coins.

Gold
CAIRO, 649 H.

3. Border on both sides: circular line.

لا اله الا الله محمد رسول الله ارسله بالهدى

ودين الحق ليظهره على الدين كله

Double circular line.

• ايوب

الملك الصالح

الملك الاشرف

ابو الفتح موسى

ابن • •

بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم ضرب هذا الدينار بالقاهرة

سنة تسع واربعين وستماية

Double circular line.

الامام

image

المستعصم

بالله ابو احمد عبد

الله امير المومنين

• •

Balog, BIE 1949, pp. 187–190 (21, 4.99). Plate I.

CAIRO, 650 H.

4. As above.

Circular legend ends with:

بالقاهرة سنة خمسين وستماية ...

Center:

الامام

image

المستعصم

بالله ابو احمد عبد

الله امير المومنين

• • •

Balog, BIE 1949, pp. 187–190 (22, 4.26). Plate I.

End Notes
1 The designation "Mūsâ II" (rather than "Mūsâ I") follows Zambaur's Manuel de Généalogie in order to avoid confusion with the three other Ayyūbid princes of the same name.

Silver
CAIRO, DATE MISSING
Globular dirhem

5. Border on both sides: circular line.

..... بالهدى ودين .....

Inner circle

الملك

الاشرف

..... بالقاهر[ة .....

Inner circle.

الامام

image

المستعصم

Balog, BIE 1952, p. 426 (11×17, 2.30). Plate I.

AL-MU'IZZ 'IZZ AL-DĪN AYBAK
648–655 H. = 1250–1257 A.D.

(Coinage from 652 H. only)

Aybak's gold coins are very scarce; only seven dinars are known. His dirhems were previously rare also, but since the Fayyūm hoard was discovered, many others have come to light from this and other sources. Although de facto in power from 648 H. on, he seems to have struck dirhems in his name for the first time in 652 H. They were regularly issued each year afterwards. The only recorded date occurring on his dinars is 654 H.

As already pointed out in the introduction, Aybak wanted to maintain a semblance of legitimacy on his coinage by inscribing al-Ṣāliḥ Ayyūb's protocol, to which he simply added his proper name. This was to make believe that he still functioned as a lieutenant of the Ayyūbid king, now dead for several years.

The dinar is so similar to the coins of al-Ṣāliḥ Ayyūb that until recently scholars were under the impression that old dies of the Ayyūbid king had been recut for the new Mamlūk issue. We have pointed out, however (Num. Circular, Spink, 1949, p. 610), that it is impossible to recut a die and replace parts of the inscriptions and that especially prepared new dies had to be cut for the purpose. Since the publication of my article, a paper by J. Friedländer (ZfN 1883, p. 6) has come to my attention. Describing a dirhem struck in Cairo, 653 H., this author had already recognized that the die in question had been cut especially for Aybak.

Gold

All marginal legends counter-clockwise.

CAIRO, 654 H.

6. Border on both sides: circular line.

لا اله الا الله محمد رسول الله ارسله بالهدى

ودين الحق ليظهر على الدين كله

Double circular line.

الملك الصالح

نجم الدين ايوب بن

الملك الكامل

ايبك

بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم صرب هذا الدينار بالقاهرة

سنة اربع وخمسين وستماية

Double circular line.

الامام

image

المستعصم

بالله ابو احمد عبد

الله امير المومنين

• • •

Thorburn. BMC IX, 470a (20, 4.21).

ALEXANDRIA, 654 H.

7. As above.

As above, but marginal legend ends:

باسكندرية سنة اربع وخمسين وستماية ...

L 700 (21, 4.75) Plate I. BMC IX, 470 f (20, 3.82). BMC IV, 470 (23, 4.67) date missing. Siouffi p. 18.

MINT AND DATE MISSING

Balog, BIE 1950, p. 233.

Silver

CAIRO

Similar to the wide-flan, Damascus-type dirhem of the Ayyūbids, with double, dotted and linear square inscribed in double, dotted and linear circle. The marginal legend runs counter-clockwise in the segments. All the legends are in Naskhi except Aybak's name, written in elongated neo-Kufic. Aybak's "tamgha" separates his name from the royal protocol: ∴ image

image

All the known dirhems are from the Cairo mint. Whereas the obverse is the same on all coins, the marginal legend of the reverse is arranged differently for the various dates.

Obv. on all dirhems:

Segments:

B بالهدى | L ل الله ارسله | T لله محمد رسو | R لا اله الا ا

Center:

الملك الصالح

نجم الدين ايوب

image

ابيك

Rev. (segments):

652 H.

8. B وستماية | L اثنتين وخمسين | T ب بالقاهرة سنة | R بسم الله ضر

Balog, BIE 1952, pp. 43–44 (two specimens) Plate I, 8. BMC IX, 470m (20, 2.78). Jungfleisch (21, 2.91).

653 H.

9. B خمسين وستماية | L سنة ثلث و | T ب بالقاهرة | R بسم الله ضر

Balog, BIE 1952, pp. 43–44 (ten specimens) cf. Plate I. Khediv. 1465.

654 H.

10. B خمسين ستماية | L سنة اربع و | T ب بالقاهرة | R بسم الله ضر

Balog, BIE 1952, pp. 43–44 (two specimens) Plate I. Khediv. 1466.

655 H.
A

11. B ستماية | L سنة خمس وخمسين | T ب بالقاهرة | R بسم الله ضر

Balog, BIE 1952, pp. 43–44 (two specimens). ANS, three specimens: (19, 2.80); (21, 2.74); (20, 2.84).

B

12. B ستماية | L خمس وخمسين | T بالقاهرة سنة | R بسم الله ضرب

Balog, BIE 1952, pp. 43–44. Plate I.

Rev. center for every year:

الامام

المستعصم

بالله ابو احمد عبد

الله امير المومنين

In the Fayyūm hoard (BIE 1952, pp. 43–44), the average diameters are 19 to 22, the weights are 2.54 to 2.96.

Fractions of the dirhem

13. Several half-dirhems exist; struck with the dirhem-die, but on a small, irregular flan, the mint and date written in the segments are always off flan.

Balog, three specimens. cf. Plate I (15, 1.42).

DIRHEMS WITH MINT AND/OR DATE MISSING

Ashm., Soret, 2 e lettre à M. Sawélieff, 1854, p. 56, No. 70. Harold Glidden coll. Jungfleisch (two specimens).

AL-MANṢŪR NŪR AL-DĪN 'ALI
655–657 H. = 1257–1259 A.D.

Nūr al-Din 'Ali's coinage is designed in the traditional Ayyūbid style, but the by this time fictitious Ayyūbid overlord is not mentioned any more. The reverse on the 655 and 656 H. emissions still presents the protocol of the last 'Abbāsid Caliph, al-Musta 'ṣim bi'llāh; the latter had been murdered by Hulagu, after his victory over the Caliph's army near Baghdad, early in 656 H. The 657 H. issue has, for the first time, a purely religious legend in the center of the reverse.

Gold

On all dinars: border on both sides a circular line; marginal legends counter-clockwise, separated from the center by a double circular line.

ALEXANDRIA
655 H.
Marginal legends:

14. لا اله الا الله محمد رسول الله ارسله

بالهدى ودين الحق ليظهره على الدين كله

بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم ضرب هذا الدينار بالسكندرية سنة

خمس وخمسين وستماية

Central legends:

ابيك

الملك المنصور

نور الدين على بن

الملك المعز

• • •

الامام

المستعصم

بالله ابو احمد عبد

الله امير المومنين

• • •

BMC IX, 470t (21, 3.17). Balog, BIE 1950, p. 237, no. 1 (21, 7.10). Plate I.

656 H.

15. As above.

Last word: المعز ٧

In exergue no pellets.

Marginal legend ends:

باسكندرية سنة ست وخمسين وستماية ....

Central legend as above, but:

image

المستعصم

and in exergue two pellets: • •

Balog, BIE 1950, p. 237, no. 2 (22, 6.36). Plate I.

657 H.
A

16. As above, in exergue two pellets: • •

Marginal legend ends:

باسكندرية سنة ست وخمسين وستماية .....

Center:

الحق

لا اله الا الله

محمد رسول الله

ارسله بالهدى

ودين

In exergue no pellets.

Balog, BIE 1950, pp. 237–8, no. 4 (22, 6.36) Plate I; no. 5 (22, 6.33).

B

17. As above, but in exergue three pellets: • • •

As above, but الله at the end of third line.

In exergue no pellets.

Balog, BIE 1950, p. 238, no. 6 (22, 6.94) Plate II; no. 7 (22, 5.75); no. 8 (23, 6. 25); no. 9 (23, 722). Siouffi p. 18. ANS (24, 5.07).

CAIRO

No dinars of 655 and 656 H. have been preserved.

657 H.

18. As above.

In exergue no pellets.

Marginal legend ends:

بالقاهرة سنة سبع وخمسين وستماية ....

Center as above, but pellet following the first line: •الحق

Balog, BIE 1950, p. 237, no. 3 (22, 5.80) Plate II. Gotha no. 1046 (4.58).

Silver

The dirhem is similar to the wide-flan Damascus-type Ayyūbid silver: linear circle in circle of dots, in which linear square in square of dots. Only Cairo issues are preserved, of 655 H., with the Caliph's protocol, and of 657 H., with religious legend on the reverse. No dirhems of 656 H. have yet been found.

CAIRO
655 H.

19. Segments:

B بالهدى | L ل الله ارسله | T لله محمد رسو | R لا اله الاا

Center:

الملك المنصور

نور الدين على

ابن ايبك

Segments:

B خمسين و ستماية | L سنة خمس و | T ضرب بالقاهرة | R بسم الله

Center:

الامام

المستعصم

بالله ابو احمد عبد

الله امير المومنين

A

last line of obv.: ٧ ٧ ابن ايبك

BMC 471 (19, 2.88). Østrup no. 1997. Balog, five specimens: (20, 2.92) Plate II, 19a; (21, 2.94); (22, 2.85); (16, 1.31) half-dirhem; Plate II, 19b; (10, 1.14) half-dirhem.

B

last line of obv.: ٧ ٧ ٧ ابن ايبك

Balog, five specimens: (21, 2.94); (19, 2.82); (16, 1.30) half-dirhem; (10 16, 1.06) half-dirhem; (12 15, 1.60) half-dirhem. ANS (13, 1.32) half-dirhem.

657 H.

*20. Segments as above.

Segments:

B خمسين وستماية | L سنة سبع و | T ضرب بالقاهرة | R بسم الله

A

Center:

الملك المنصور

نور الدين على

٧ ٧ ٧ ابن ايبك

Center:

لا اله الا الله

محمد رسول الله

ارسله بالهدى

Balog, five specimens: (19, 2.73) Plate II, 20; (20, 1.94); (16, 1.48) half-dirhem; (14, 0.70) quarter-dirhem; (13, 0.82) quarter-dirhem. ANS (20, 2.51).

B

*21. Segments as above.

Center:

الملك المنصور

نور الدينا وا

لدين على بن ايبك

Segments as above.

Center as above.

Balog (10×17, 1.14) half-dirhem, Plate II. ANS (19, 2.92).

Incomplete, or insufficient description

Gagarine no. 1330. Mayer. Ashmol. A large hoard in the Museum of Islamic Art, Cairo, unregistered and unstudied.

AL-MUẒAFFAR SAYF AL-DĪN QUṬUZ
657–658 H. = 1259–60 A.D.

The gold coins are very scarce; only two had been published previous to the group of 23 dinars which I described in 1950. Since then another small hoard, probably less than a dozen coins, was acquired by a Cairo dealer. Dirhems were completely unknown; the silver coin no. 472 of the BMC, attributed to Quṭuz, belongs to al-Muẓaffar Ḥājji. Even today, less than a score of dirhems have come to light.

Although in appearance Quṭuz's coinage still remains similar to the Ayyūbid issues, there is a definite change. No more reference is made to the late Ayyūbid dynasty; as on al-Manṣūr 'Alī's coins, the protocol is already purely Mamlūk. The style of writing has also become stocky, heavier and less artistic.

The Alexandria dinars were struck on a wider flan, the Cairo gold is thick and has a smaller diameter; there are wide discrepancies in the individual weights.

All dinars present, on both sides, a border consisting of a circular line, then a counter-clockwise marginal legend which is separated by a double circular line from the central legend.

Gold
ALEXANDRIA, 658 H.

22. Marginal legend: profession of faith formula, ending with: على الدين كله

Center:

• • • • •

الملك المظهر

image

سيف الدينا

٧ والدين قطز

Marginal legend:

بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم ضرب هذا الدينار باسكندرية

سنة ثمان وخمسين وستماية

Center:

الحق

لا اله الا الله

محمد رسول الله

ارسله بالهدى

ودين

Balog, BIE 1950, pp. 239–249, no. 1 (23, 5.80) Plate II; no. 2 (23, 5.43); no. 3 (21.5, 5.11); no. 4 (23, 6.48); no. 5 (21, 4.63); no. 6 (23 5, 7.14); no. 7 (23, 4.71); no. 8 (23.5, 7.09). L 703 (8.10). BMC 471 (23, 6.67).

CAIRO, 658 H.

23. As above.

Marginal legend ends with:

بالقاهرة سنة ثمان وخمسين وستماية ...

Center as above.

Balog, BIE 1950, pp. 239–249, no. 9 (21.5, 6.0); no. 10 (21.5, 5.25); no. 11 (21, 7.14); no. 12 (20.5, 6.0); no. 13 (20.5, 5.49); no. 14 (20, 7.49); no. 15 (21.5, 5.49); no. 16 (22, 7.46); no. 17 (21, 6.41); no. 18 (21, 5.85); no. 19 (20, 9.38); no. 20 (20, 5.34); no. 21 (19.5, 5.24) Plate II; no. 22 (22.5, 5.24); no. 23 (22, 5.30). ANS (22).

Silver

Dirhems are very scarce and have been mentioned in the literature only by Mayer ("A hoard of Mamlūk coins") and by Schulman (Beyram), but no description was given.

CAIRO, 657 H.

24. Border on both sides: circular line in circle of dots. Counter-clockwise marginal legend in the segments:

B بالهدى | L ل الله ارسله | T لله محمد رسو | R لا اله الا ا

B خمسين وستماية | L سنة سبع و | T ب بالقاهرة | R بسم الله ضر

On both sides: linear square in square of dots.

Center:

الملك المظفر

image

سيف الدين

٧ والدين قطز

Center:

لا اله الا الله

محمد رسول الله

ارسله بالهدى

Mayer, three specimens: mint and date missing, one specimen: mint missing, (65) 7 H. Beyram 242. Balog, nine specimens: (19, 2.61) Plate II, 24a; (20, 2.10) Plate II, 24b; (17, 2.85); (18, 1.82); (12×17, 0.92) Plate II, 24c; (10×15, 1.50); (14, 1.48); (15, 1.91); (13, 1.56) Plate II, 24d. Ashmol.

658 H.

*25. As above.

As above, but date in left and bottom segment:

B خمسين وستماية | L سنة ثمان و

Balog (20).

Copper

Only two specimens have so far been observed. Fortunately the legends, only partially preserved on each of the two coins, complete each other to a great extent.

CAIRO, 858 H.

*26. Border on both sides: circular line.

Counter-clockwise marginal legend:

لا اله الا الله محمد رسول الله

..... ينه ?القاهرة سنة ثمان?....

On both sides: linear hexalobe.

Center:

قطز

٧ الملك المظفر

سيف الديناو

الدين

Center:

بالهدى ودين

لا اله الا الله

محمد رسول الله

ارسله

ANS (17, 3.87) Plate II, 26. München (19, 3.12) Plate XLI, 26a.

The mint and date are preserved on the München specimen, preceded by سه...? which probably is the ending of the epithet المحروسة? (al-maḥrūsah) = the guarded, not infrequent on coins of the Cairo mint. The existing three letters are, however, not clear and Dr. Peter Jaeckel of the Munich State Collection suggests the word مدينة = madīnah. We do not know, however, of any Cairo issue with the name Madīnat al-Qāhirah, and this would therefore be, if true, its first occurrence. The only known Mamlūk mint with Madīnah is Madīnat Ḥalab.

AL-ẒĀHIR RUKN AL-DĪN BAYBARS I
658–676 H. = 1260–1277 A.D.

In 659 H. Baybars granted asylum to the 'Abbāsid prince Abū'l-Qāsim Aḥmad, who, after having escaped the general slaughter of his family by Hulagu in 656 H., settled in the Egyptian capital. Baybars also set him up as the new 'Abbāsid Caliph, receiving, in exchange, official recognition as sultan of Egypt. The investiture is plainly reflected on the new coinage, because in 659 H. the title "al-sulṭān al-malik" appears on Mamlūk coins for the first time. Nevertheless, the simpler and less exalted title "al-malik" continues to be used on some of the issues, even in later years.

The Caliph's protocol also is inscribed on the reverse from 659 H. on; first al-Mustanṣir, then, after his death, al-Ḥākim I. The name of the latter, however, does not appear on the gold, but only on silver and copper. At the same time, simultaneously with these issues, many more coins were struck with a religious legend on the reverse; there seems to be no reason for the substitution of the Caliphal protocol, as both types continue to circulate side by side.

An entirely new feature of the coinage is the inclusion of the blason. The lion passant to left is Baybars's heraldic device to be found on all his coins, except the very first silver issue of Ayyūbid type. Incidentally he and his son, Baraka Qān, were the only Mamlūk sultans who inscribed their blasons not only on the copper, but also on silver and gold.

Gold

Considering the long 18-year rule of Baybars, the number of gold coins which has come down to us is pitifully small. Fifteen or twenty years ago they were still very common in the goldsmith's bazars in Cairo, but astonishingly few have been acquired for the many private and public collections to which we have had access. Today they have vanished from the numismatic market altogether.

Two types can be distinguished: religious legend on the reverse or the Caliph al-Mustanṣir's protocol. The types subdivide according to the sultan's protocol.

On all dinars, on both sides, border: circular line, in which counter-clockwise marginal legend. In this double circular line and central legend.

>Type I. Reverse: religious legend
Title: al-Malik
ALEXANDRIA
658 H.

27. Marginal legend:

لا اله الا الله محمد رسول الله ارسله بالهدى

ودين الحق ليظهره

Marginal legend:

بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم ضرب هذا الدينار

بالاسكندرية سنة تسع وخمسين وستماية

Center:

ببرس الصالحى

الملك الظاهر

٧ ركن الدنيا والدين

image

Center:

الحق

لا اله الا الله

image

محمد رسول الله

٧ ٧ ارسله بالهدى

ودين

Karabacek no. 909.

659 H.

28. As above.

BMC 473 (24, 5.08). ANS (23, 7.24).

As above.

Balog (23, 7.45) Plate II.

CAIRO

663 H.

29. Marginal legend: profession of faith formula ending with:

ليظهره

Center:

الصالحى

الملك الظاهر

ركن الدين ببرس

image

Marginal legend:

.... بسم الله ضرب هذا الدينار بالقاهرة سنة ثلاث وستين

Center:

لا اله الا

الله محمد رسو

ل الله ارسله

بالهدى

Beyram no. 243 (19, 2.10). Half-dinar. Schulman's illustration is, unfortunately, not good enough for reproduction.

Title: al-Sulṭān al-Malik
ALEXANDRIA
66l H.

*30. Marginal legend: profession of faith formula.

Marginal legend:

ضرب هذا الدينار بالاسكنديرة سنة

احد وستين وستماية

Baybars I

Center:

الصالحى

السلطان الملك

الظاهر ركن الدنيا والدين

ببرس قسيم امير المومنين

image

Center:

لا اله الا

image

الله محمد رسول

image ٧ ٧

الله ارسله بالهدى

٧ ودين الحق ليظهره

على الدين

ANS (24, 6.44).

667 H.

31. Marginal legend: profession of faith formula.

Center: as above.

BMC 474 (24, 5.95). L 704 (8.20).

Marginal legend:

سنة سبع وستين وستماية ....

Center: as above.

668 H.

*32. Marginal legend:

ثمان وستين وستماية ....

Center: as above.

Balog (24, 7.35).

Marginal legend:

(بالاسكندرية (سنة)..وستين و (ستماية .....

Center: as above.

673 H.

33. H. W. Codrington, Ceylon Coins and Currency, p. 159, nos. 4, 5, 6 and 7.

DATE INCOMPLETE OR MISSING

33. a BMC 475 (23, 7.46). L 705 (5.18). Méry-Tocchi.

33. b DATE MISSING, ALEXANDRIA, ON TOP OF REV. CENTER WITHOUT ضرب

BMC 476 (23, 5.64); 477 (23, 4.45). Ashmol.

CAIRO
659 H.

*34. Marginal legend: profession of faith formula ending with: ليظهره

Marginal legend:

بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم ضرب هذا الدينار بالقاهرة

سنة تسع وخمسين وستماية

Center:

الصالحى

٧ السلطان الملك

الظاهر ركن الدنيا والدين

image ٧ ٧

ببرس قسيم امير المومنين

image

Center:

الحق

image

لا الله الا الله

ω محمد رسول الله

ارسله بالهدى

ودين

Balog (23, 5.61) Plate II, 34.

660 H.

35. As above.

Marginal legend ends with:

بالقاهرة في سنة ستين وستماية هجرية ...

Center:

الحق

ω لا الله الا الله

image

محمد رسول الله

٧ ٧ ٧ ارسله بالهدى

ودين

Siouffi p. 18. Balog (23, 5.28).

661 H.

36. As above.

Marginal legend ends with:

بالقاهرة في سنة احدو ستين وستماية ....

Center:

٧ بسم الله

ω لا اله الا الله

image

محمد رسول

image

ارسله بالهدى

ودين الحق

L 707 (5.80). Balog (25, 4.45) Plate II.

36. a DATE MISSING

Karabacek no. 910. ANS (24, 5.33).

Type II. Reverse: the Caliph al-Mustanṣir
MINT MISSING, 659 H.

37. Marginal legend: profession of faith formula.

Center: as above, but small ornament on:

٧ الظاهر

Marginal legend ends with:

.... سنة تسع وخمسين و

Center:

الامام

image

٧ المستنصر بالله

image

٧ ابو القسم احمد بن

٧ الامام الظاهر امير

المومنين

L 706 (6.20).

MINT AND DATE MISSING

38. As above.

Marginal legend ends with:

ستين وستماية هجرية ....

Center: as above.

L 708 (5.50) Plate II. ANS (23, 5.70).

Silver
AYYŪBID STYLE (NON-HERALDIC)

This is the only non-heraldic issue of Baybars I, probably his first dirhem emission, struck in Damascus. Only two coins have been published by L. A. Mayer and a third is in the collection of the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford. Unfortunately Mayer's description is summary and he does not mention the date; the Ashmolean Museum specimen is in a worn state of preservation, and the date missing. Therefore part of the legend cannot be reconstructed until a better preserved specimen is available. On the coin of the Ashmolean the last line of the obverse center is obliterated, so that we must rely on Mayer's statement that there is a legend and not the lion passant.

The following is a description of the Ashmolean Museum dirhem:

DAMASCUS

39. Border on both sides: circular line in circle of dots; in this is inscribed a linear square within a square of dots.

Segments:

R ... | B ... | L .... | T ضرب بدمشق |

Segments obliterated.

Center:

٧ الملك الظاهر

image

ركن) الدنيا)

......

Center:

image

......

image

علم الدنيا

الدين ببرس

Mayer, two dirhems. Ashmol. (20, 2.80).

ARMENIAN STYLE (HERALDIC)
MINT MISSING, UNDATED

*40. Border on both sides: circular line within circle of dots.

Central legend only:

الصالحى

الملك الظاهر

ركن الدينا والدين

ببرس

In smaller script, counter-clockwise, on the left: ضرب, but the mint (on the right) is missing.

Counter-clockwise marginal legend:

... محمد رسول الله ارسله بالهدى ....

Circle of dots, in which lion passant to right, tail curled back.

ANS (19, 2.98) Plate II.

MINT MISSING (OR NO MINT), 658 H.

*41. Border on both sides: circular line in circle of dots.

Counter-clockwise circular legend:

.... ثمان وخمسين

Center:

الملك الظاهر

ركن الديناوا

لدين ببرس

Counter-clockwise marginal legend:

.... ارسله بالهدى ....

Circle of dots, in which lion passant to left, tail curled back.

ANS (19, 2.54) Plate II.

MAMLŪK STYLE (HERALDIC)
Type I. With Caliph al-Mustanṣir

Title: al-Malik

NO MINT, UNDATED

Struck with normal dirhem dies

42. Border on both sides: circular line in circle of dots. There is no marginal legend, only a counter-clockwise circular inscription which is part of the central field.

Circular legend:

R الرحيم L الرحمن Top بسم الله

Center:

image

ببرس الصالحى

٧ الملك الظاهر

ω ركن الدنيا والدين

image

Circular legend:

لا اله الا الله وحده لا شريك له محمد رسول الله

Center:

image

الامام المستنصر

image

بالله ابو القاسم

image

احمد امير المومنين

L 728. 2.85. Mayer no. 2. Lagumina, 93, no. 1 (24, 2.80). Balog, three specimens: (22, 2.80); (23, 2.76) Plate III; (15, 1.40) Half-dirhem. ANS (23, 2.74).

Struck with special half-dirhem dies

43. Border on both sides: circular line in circle of dots.

Counter-clockwise circular legend starting on top, continuing on left and ending on right:

بسم الله |الرحمن |الرحيم

Center:

الملك

الظاهر

Counter-clockwise circular legend starting on right side:

لا اله|الا الله |محمد |رسول الله

Center:

الامام

بالله

المستنصر

Balog, (16, 1.17) Plate III, 43a. ANS (18, 1.38). L 743 (14, 1.20) lion passant to right. Plate III, 43b. Rev. circular legend: L لا الله Top اله ا R لا

Title: al-Sulṭān al-Malik
NO MINT, UNDATED
Dirhems

*44. Border on both sides: circular line in circle of dots.

No circular legend.

الصالحى

image

السلطان الملك

الظاهر ركن الدنيا والدين

٧ ببرس قسيم امير المومنين

image

امير المومنين

بالله

الامام المستنصر ω ٧

ابو القاسم احمد بن

الامام الظاهر

Balog, four specimens: (22, 2.98) Plate III; (22, 2.90); (23, 2.91); (23, 3.37). ANS, ten specimens: (22, 2.14); (23, 3.01); (22, 2.11); (22, 2.97); (22, 2.78); (22, 2.80); (24, 2.71); (22, 2.27); (24, 2.86); (25, 2.43).

Half-dirhems struck with special dies

*45. Border on both sides: circular line in circle of dots.

No circular legend.

السلطان

الملك الظاهر

image

الامام

بالله

المستنصر

Balog, two specimens: (14, 1.25); (15, 1.22).

WITH MINT AND DATE
CAIRO, WHEN DATE PRESERVED: 660 H.

46. Border on both sides: circular line in circle of dots.

No circular legend.

الصالحى

السلطان الملك

الظاهر ركن الدينا والدين

ببرس قسيم امير المومنين

image

Counter-clockwise circular legend starting on left side:

ضرب بالقا|هرة سنة ستين|وستماية

Center:

المومنين

بالله

الامام المستنصر

ابو القاسم احمد بن

الامام الظاهر امير

BMC 481 (20, 2.47). L 724 (2.96); 725 (2.55); 742 (1.38) Half-dirhem. ANS, five specimens: (21, 2.80); (20, 2.90); (22, 2.65); (21, 2.58); (22, 2.50). Balog, three specimens: (20, 2.95); (20, 2.37); (15, 1.37) Half-dirhem.

DAMASCUS, DATE MISSING

47. As above.

L 713 (2.50).

As above, but circular legend starts on left side: بدمشق

ḤAMĀH, 660 H.

48. As above.

As above, but no circular legend. Mint and date on top of center:

ستين

بحماة سنة ستماية

Gagarine no. 1338. ANS (23, 3.21).

Type II. With Caliph Al-Ḥākim

Title: al-Malik

NO MINT, UNDATED

Dirhem

*49. Border on both sides: linear octolobe in octolobe of dots. In center of obverse, small lion passant to left, in the midst of the writing.

الملك الظاهر

لحى image الصا

ركن الدنيا والدين

الامام الحاكم

بامر الله ابو العباس

احمد امير المومنين

ANS (24, 3.43) Plate III.

Half-dirhems, struck with special dies

50. Border on both sides: circular line in circle of dots.

Counter-clockwise circular legend:

٧ بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم

Center:

٧ الملك

٧ الظاهر

image

Counter-clockwise circular legend:

الا اله الا الله محمد رسول الله ٧

Center:

الامام

الحاكم

L 735 (1.52); 736 (0.90); 737 (1.48) in the four corners of the circular legend on the rev.: ∴ instead of: O; 738 (1.19); 739 (0.99). Mayer no. 13. Balog, nine specimens: (13, 0.90) Plate III, 50a; (14, 1.40); (15, 1.82) Plate III, 50b; (14, 1.67); (14, 1.52); (14, 1.69); (14, 1.47); (11, 1.44); (10, 1.45). ANS (14, 1.33).

Title: al-Sulṭān al-Malik
DAMASCUS WITH YEAR BUT WITHOUT MONTH

This seems to be a late issue; few coins have the complete date, which is always between 670 and 674 H. On two coins the decade is missing (6 × 6), and we think it should read 676 H.

Border on all coins, on both sides: circular line in circle of dots.

670 H.

51. No circular legend.

الصالحى

image

السلطان الملك

الظاهر ركن الدينا والدين

٧ ببرس قسيم امير المومنين

image

Counter-clockwise circular legend, starting on top:

ضرب بدمشق|سنة |سبعين و |ستماية

Center:

الامام الحاكم

image

بامر الله ابو

image

العباس احمد

Mayer no. 7. Balog (17, 1.07) Half-dirhem. Note ornament on top of al-'Abbās on rev.: image العباس. It is common to all coins of this issue. Plate III.

673 H.

*52. As above.

As above, but date:

... سنة ثلاث وسبعين ....

ANS (21, 2.95).

674 H.

*53. As above.

As above, but date.:

سنة اربع وسبعين

Balog (17, 2.91) Plate III.

675 H.

*54. As above, but "Rukn" written thus:

ركن instead of the customary: ركن

As above, but date:

سنة خمس وسبعين

Balog (21, 2.72) Plate III.

54.a INCOMPLETE OR MISSING DATES

Mayer (35 specimens). BMC 484 (24, 2.78) date: 6..6 H., may be 676 H. because 666 H. would be early for this emission; 485 (23, 2.76) date missing. L 714 (3.10) date missing; 715 (2.50) date missing. Lagumina p. 94, no. 2 (21, 2.78) date missing. Ashmol., three specimens: date missing. ANS, six specimens: (22, 3.01) 6..4 H.; (22, 2.97) 6..6 H.; (23, 2.78) 67.. H.; (23, 2.61) date missing; (22, 2.77) date missing; (22, 2.84) date missing.

*55. There exist numerous fractions of this issue; struck on small square flans generally insufficiently heated; these small coins retain the four spike-like protrusions remaining from the edges and represent all the transitions between the square and the circle. Only the central portion of the die-inscriptions is on the flan. Although the mint is invariably missing, the attribution to Damascus is assured by the style of writing and even more through the tiny ornament on top of the letter sīn of the Caliph's name on the reverse:

Balog, seven specimens: (12, 1.41) Plate III, 55a; (14, 1.62) Plate III, 55b; (15, 17.5); (12, 1.65); (12, 1.48); (11, 0.69) Plate III, 55c; (11, 0.74). ANS (13, 1.03) the obv. of this specimen has been struck with the ordinary dirhem die, the reverse with a special half-dirhem die.

WITH YEAR AND MONTH
AND DAMASCUS WRITTEN: DAMASCUS THE GUARDED = دمشق المحروسة

666 H. DHŪ AL-QĀ'DAH

*56. As above.

Counter-clockwise circular legend starting on top:

| B القعدة سنة ست | L الحروسة بذى | T ضرب بدمشق R وستين وستماية

Center:

الامام الحاكم

image

امر الله ابو

image

العباس احمد

ANS (24, 3.04) Plate III.

667 H. ṢAFAR

*57. As above.

As above, but date:

المحروسة فى صفر سنة سبع وستين وستماية ....

ANS (24, 2.56).

667 H. JUMĀDĀ AL-ĀKHIR

*58. As above.

As above, but date:

المحروسة بجمادى الاخر سبع وستين وستماية ....

Ornaments:

image

العباس احمد

ANS (22, 2.94) Plate III.

668 H. ṢAFAR

*59. As above.

As above, but date:

فى صفر سنة ثمان وستين وستماية ....

ANS (22, 2.94).

669 H. ṢAFAR

*60. As above.

As above, but date:

فى صفر سنة تسع وستين وستماية ....

ANS (22, 2.73).

669 H. JUMĀDĀ AL-AWWAL

61. As above.

As above, but date:

بجمادى الاول سنة تسع ستين و ستماية ....

Mayer, diameter and weight not given.

669 H. RAJAB

62. As above.

As above, but date:

فى رجب سنة تسع وتسين وستماية ....

Mayer, diameter and weight not given.

674 H. RAJAB OR RAMAḌĀN

*63. As above.

As above, but only the first letter of the month visible; it may be Rajab or Ramaḍān. The year is clearly visible.

ANS (22, 2.90).

ḤAMĀH

Two varieties of this issue exist. On the first, the mint and date formula is in the circular legend; on the second, it is on top and bottom, always on the reverse.

A
666 H.

*64. No circular legend.

الصالحى

السلطان الملك

الظاهر ركن الدنيا والدين

image

ببرس قسيم امير المومنين

image

No circular legend.

وستين وستماية

(sic!)الامام الحاكم بالله

image

ابو العباس بن

image

امير المومنين ضرب بحماة

سنة ست

ANS (22, 2.89).

668 H.

65. As above.

As above, but date at the last line:

سنه ثمان

L 710 (379); 711 (2.86).

673 H.

66. As above.

As above, but first line missing.

Last line: سنة ثلاث

BMC 482 (24, 2.63) the decade is missing; this issue seems, however, to be a late emission; we think it should be 673 rather than 663 H.

DATE MISSING, BUT THE SAME ISSUE

66.a BMC 483 (22, 2.68). Mayer no. 3 and 5. Balog (23) date: 67.. H. ANS (20, 2.39).

B

DATE MISSING

*67. As above.

Counter-clockwise circular legend, starting on top:

ضرب بحما(ة)|....|....|وستماية

Center:

الامام الحاكم

بامر الله ابو

العباس

ANS (22, 2.81).

Type III: With religious legend

Title: al-Malik

NO MINT, UNDATED

Half-dirhem

*68. Circular legend, counter-clockwise:

R الرحيم L الرحمن T الله

Center:

الملك ا

لظاهر

image

Circular legend, counter-clockwise:

R الرحيم L الحمن T الله

Center:

لا اله الا

الله محمد

رسول الله

ANS (14, 1.32).

CAIRO
658 H.

*69. Counter-clockwise circular legend:

R الرحيم L الرحمن T بسم الله

Center:

image

ببرس الصالحى

الملك ا لظاهر

image

ركن الدنيا والدينا

image

Counter-clockwise circular legend:

ضرب بالقاهرة|سنة ثمان|وخمسين |وستماية

Center:

ω لا اله الا الله

image

محمد رسول الله

٧ ٧ ٧ ارسله بالهدى

Balog (19, 2.51).

659 H.

*70. As above.

As above, but date:

.... سنة تسع ....

Balog (20, 2.58) Plate III, 70a.

DATE MISSING, SAME ISSUE

L 716 (2.98) date: 65.. H. Mayer, no. 8. ANS, three specimens: (19, 2.19); (20, 2.78); (19, 2.53). Balog (14, 1.53) Half-dirhem. Plate III, 70b.

DAMASCUS, DATE MISSING

*71. As above.

Counter-clockwise circular legend:

ضرب بدمشق|....|....|وستماية

Center:

٧ لا اله الا الله

٧ محمد رسول الله

٧ ٧ ارسله بالهدى

ANS (22, 2.80).

Title: al-Sulṭān al-Malik
CAIRO

All the following dirhems belong to the CAIRO mint. Three slight varieties can be distinguished:

  • a) 660–663 H. The mint and date formula starts on the left side of the reverse, in the counter-clockwise circular legend.
  • b) 662–664 H. The mint and date formula starts on the right side of the reverse.
  • c) 662–676 H. The mint and date formula starts on top of the reverse.

On all three varieties:

No circular legend on the obverse.

Border on both sides: circular line in circle of dots.

A
MINT AND DATE FORMULA STARTS ON LEFT SIDE
660 H.

*72.

الصالحى

السلطان الملك ا

لظاهر ركن الدنيا الدين

٧ ٧ ببرس قسيم امير المومنين

image

Circular legend:

R وستماية | B هرة سنة ستين | L ضرب بالقا

Center:

ودين الحق

ω لا اله الا الله

image

ω محمد رسول الله

image

ارسله بالهدى

ANS, three specimens: (21, 2.72); (21, 2.83); (21, 2.78).

661 H.

*73. As above.

Circular legend:

R وستماية | B سنة احد وستين | L ضرب بالقاهرة

Center as above.

ANS, two specimens: (21, 2.20); (22, 2.25) holed.

663 H.

*74. As above.

As above, but date:

... سنة ثلاث وستين ...

ANS (22, 3.02).

B
MINT AND DATE FORMULA STARTS ON RIGHT SIDE
662 H.

*75.

الصالحى

السلطان الملك

الظاهر ركن الدنيا والدين

٧ ٧ ببرس قسيم امير المومنين

image

Circular legend:

L ستين وستماية | T ةسنة اثنىو | R ضرب بالقاهرة

Center:

ω لا اله الا الله

image

محمد رسول الله

image

٧ ارسله بالهدى

ودين الحق

ANS, two specimens: (20, 2.79); (21, 2.22).

663 H.

*76. As above.

As above, but circular legend on top:

بالقاهر)ة سنة ثلاث)

Balog (20, 2.66).

664 H.

*77. As above.

As above, but circular legend on top:

بالقاهر)ة سنة اربع)

Balog, three specimens: (22, 3.09); (22, 2.70); (20, 3.04). ANS, two specimens: (20, 1.98); (22, 2.64).

77.a DATE MISSING

ANS, seven specimens: (20, 2.79); (20, 3.09); (20, 2.48); (20, 1.98); (21, 2.62); (21, 2.81); (22, 2.29). Balog (16, 1.81).

C

MINT AND DATE FORMULA STARTS AT TOP

662 H.

78.

الصالحى

٧ السلطان الملك

الظاهر ركن الدنيا والدين

٧ ببرس قسيم امير المومنين

image

Circular legend:

R وستماية | B وستين | L سنة اثنين | T ضرب بالقاهرة

Center:

ω لا اله الا الله

image

محمد رسول الله

٧ ٧ ٧ ارسله بالهدى

Mayer no. 9.

663 H.

79. As above.

As above, but date:

ثلاث وستين

Mayer no. 9.

664 H.

80. As above.

As above, but date:

اربع وستين

Mayer no. 9.

665 H.

81. As above.

As above, but date:

خمس وستين

Mayer no. 9. Jungfleisch (22, 2.66). ANS, three specimens: 1. (21, 2.87); 2. (22, 2.65); 3. (22, 2.10). Balog, two specimens: 21, 2.86) Plate III; (20, 2.65).

666 H.

82. As above.

As above, but date:

ست وستين

L 717 (2.68). Mayer no. 9. ANS (22, 2.37).

667 H.

83. As above.

As above, but date:

سبع وستين

L 718 (2.48). ANS (21).

668 H.

84. As above.

As above, but date:

ثمان وستين

Beyram no. 245.

669 H.

85. As above.

As above, but date:

تسع وستين

Mayer no. 9.

670 H.

86. As above.

As above, but date:

سنة سبعين وستماية

Balog, two specimens: (20, 2.95) Plate III; (20, 2.88). Mayer no. 9. Jungfleisch (20, 2.81).

671 H.

87. As above.

As above, but date:

... سنة احد وسبعين

Mayer no. 9. ANS (22, 2.61). Balog (20, 2.71).

672 H.

*88. As above.

As above, but date:

... سنة اثنين وسبعين

Balog (20, 2.83) Plate IV.

673 H.

No coins.

674 H.

89. As above.

As above, but date:

... سنة اربع وسبعين

L 719 (2.75). Fonrobert no. 6554. ANS (21, 2.74). Balog, two specimens: (21, 2.77); (20, 2.92).

675 H.

90. As above.

As above, but date:

سنة خمس وسبعين

Mayer no. 9. Balog, two specimens: (20, 2.76); (20).

676 H.

*91. As above.

As above, but date:

سنة ست وسبعين

Balog, two specimens: (22, 2.83) Plate IV; (20, 2.88).

MISSING DATE, ENDING WITH: هجرية

*92. As above.

As above, but on right side the date ends with: هجرية

ANS (21, 3.00).

Fractions of the dirhem

93. It has been established that all dirhems with a religious legend on the reverse were issued by the Cairo mint; the only exception is a single coin (ANS) with the title "al-Malik," from Damascus.

On the other hand, there exist many fractions of this dirhem, struck on narrow flans after more or less heating, on which the whole peripheral portion of the legends is missing. Consequently, on all these coins the mint as well as the date is always off flan. Nevertheless, they are easy to identify with the Cairo emission, because of the regal title "al-Sulṭān al-Malik" and especially from the small scroll-like ornament image on top of the word رسول on the reverse. Of the numerous specimens we have seen, here are a few:

L 731 (1.25); 732 (0.90); 733 (1.16). ANS, six specimens: (13, 0.74); (13, 0.96); (14, 1.03); (14, 1.08); (16, 1.60); (13, 158). Balog, six specimens: (12, 0.65); (15, 0.88) Plate IV, 93a; (13,1.06); (13,1.21) Plate IV, 93b; (11, 1.68); (14,1.70). BM, six specimens.

Copper

Baybars' copper coins are scarce enough; usually much worn, the legends are often incomplete. They still often imitate the Ayyūbid-style arrangement of the legends, with a linear square or a hexagon. In general the fulūs belong to four groups.

All copper coins present Baybars' coat of arms, the lion passant to left.

With the Caliph al-Mustanṣir
MINT AND DATE MISSING

94. Border on both sides: circular line, in which linear square. In the resulting segments the legends have vanished.

Center:

السلطان

الملك الظاهر

image

Center:

الامام

المستنصر

بالله ابو القسم

احمد امير المومنين

BMC 490 (18). Balog (18).

NO MINT, UNDATED

*95. Border on both sides: circle of dots, in which circular line.

Segments:

R ببرس | B .... | L والدين | T الصالحى

In the square:

الملك الظا

ركن الدنيا هر

الامام

المستنصر بالله

امير المومنين

The legend, beginning in the square, continues in the segments; the complete reading is: الملك الظاهر ركن الدنيا والدين ....ببرس الصالحى

ANS (21, 2.60) Plate IV.

With the Caliph al-Ḥākim

MINT AND DATE MISSING, OR NOT MENTIONED

*96 Border missing on both sides. Linear square, in which:

السلطان

الملك الظاهر

image

الامام

الحاكم ا

مير المومنين

Balog (17) Plate IV.

DAMASCUS, 674 H.

*97. Border on both sides: circular line in circle of dots.

No circular legend.

الصالحى

السلطان الملك

الظاهر ركن الدنيا والدين

٧ ببرس قسيم امير المومنين

image

Counter-clockwise circular legend, starting on top:

R وستماية | B سبعين | L سنة اربع و | T ضرب بدمشق

Balog (25, 2.80) Plate IV.

With religious legend

DAMASCUS, DATE MISSING

98. Border on both sides: circle of dots in which circular line:

Horizontal cartouche of dots, being the central segment of a hexagram.

In upper segment: السلطان

In central segment: image

In lower segment: الملك الظاهر

Linear hexagram. In the external angles, illegible traces of mint and date. In center:

لله

لا اله الا ا

محمد رسول ا

لله

BMC 488 (18). BM, Sir R. Burn 1949, 8–3–431; no number (16). Ashmol. (19) Plate IV. ANS (22, 1.69); (21, 2.11); (18, 3.17). Balog, three specimens: (17); (16) badly worn; (15) badly worn.

DAMASCUS, DATE MISSING

99. As above.

As above, but center:

image

لا اله الا الله

محمد رسول الله

image

BMC 489 (18). Jungfleisch (12, 2.73). Jungfleisch read the mint: Damascus.

DAMASCUS, 6 6/7 1 H.

100. Border circular line, in which concave-sided linear square:

Segments:

| ∴ B الظاهر ∴ | ∴ L الملك ∴ | ∴ T السلطان ∴ ∴ R ركن الدين ∴

Border circular line, in which linear square.

Segments:

R سنة احدى | B بدمشق | L .... | T ....

Center:

image

Center:

لا اله الا

الله محمد

رسول الله

L 744 (18, 1.27) Plate IV. Jungfleisch (19, 2.41).

On both coins the segment on the right, and with it the decade, is missing.

NO MINT, UNDATED

101. Border on both sides: circle of dots, in which linear circle.

Var. A

السلطان

image

الملك الظاهر

لا اله الا

الله محمد رسو

ل الله

BMC 486 (22) Plate IV, 101a. L 746 (2.88). Khediv. 1492, 1493. Dorn et Gamazoff p. 73. Fonrobert no. 6552. Miles, "Antioch" no. 168. Wien no. 688. ANS, four specimens: (18, 1.63); (22, 2.69); (21, 2.90); (20, 2.55). Balog (20, 2.45) Plate IV, 101 b.

B

102.

الملك الظاهر

image

السلطان

As above.

BMC 487 (21). Jungfleisch (18), 2.82). Balog (18, 1.84).

With royal protocol only

103. Border on both sides: circular line in circle of dots.

الظاهر

السلطان

الملك

image

BM, T.W. Armitage 1936 5–19 (13) Plate IV. Soret 3–e lettre (à Dorn), no. 160. Soret attributed it to Aybak, but it belongs here.

AL-SA'ĪD NĀṢIR AL-DĪN BARAKA QĀN
676–678 H. = 1277–79 A.D.

Baraka displayed the blason he inherited from his father, the lion passant to left, on all his coins. The gold is represented by two dinars only, but his silver is a little more common, although not frequent.

Gold
ALEXANDRIA, 676 H.

104. Border on both sides: circular line; then counter-clockwise marginal legend, separated from the center by a double circular line.

Marginal legend missing.

Marginal legend:

... ضرب بالاسكندرية سنة ست وسبعين

Center:

امير المومنين

الملك السعيد ناصر

الدنيا والدين يركه قان بن

الملك الظاهر قسيم

Center:

ضرب بالاسكندريه

ω لا اله الا الله

image

محمد رسول الله

٧ ارسله بالهدى

ودين الحق

L 747 (20, 3.28) Plate IV, 104a. ANS (21, 4.26). Balog (19, 3.23) clipped. Plate IV, 104b.

Silver

On all dirhems, border on both sides; circular line in circle of dots. No circular legend on obverse; counter-clockwise circular legend, containing the mint and date formula on the reverse.

CAIRO
676 H.

105. As above, but ornament on top of

السعيد ٧

Circular legend:

R وستماية | B وسبعين | L سنة ست | T ضرب بالقاهرة

Center:

ω ضرب بالقاهرة

image

محمد رسول الله

ارسله بالهدى

Mayer. ANS (20, 2.94). Balog (21).

677 H.

*106. As above.

As above, but date:

سنة سبع وسبعين

ANS (21, 2.24).

678 H.

107. As above.

As above, but date:

سنة ثمان وسبعين

Mayer. Balog, three specimens: (20, 2.79) Plate IV, 107a; (21, 2.82) Plate IV, 107b; (19, 2.52).

107.a DATE MISSING

L 751 (3.28). ANS (21, 2.89). Balog (20, 2.78).

Half-dirhems

*108. ANS (15,1.44). Balog, nine specimens: (9, 1.65); (9, 1.43); (10, 1.83); (9, 1.69); (10, 1.47); (9, 1.47): (15, 1.64) Plate IV, 108a; (15, 1.45) Plate IV, 108b; (15, 1.85) Plate V, 108c.

The Cairo dirhems have two characteristics which enable us to identify them even when the mint is missing: On the obverse, there is no ornament in front of the lion's head. On the reverse, a pretty scroll-like floral ornament is engraved on top of the image word رسول. We shall see that the Damascus dirhems have different characteristic marks.

DAMASCUS
676 H.

109. As above, but with Baraka's Tamgha in front of the lion's head:

image

Circular legend:

R وستماية | B وسبعين | L سنة ست | T ضرب بدمشق

Center:

لا اله الا الله

image

محمد رسول الله

image

ارسله بالهدى

L 748 (2.63). BM, J. Harrison-Ball 1938 5–13–28. ANS (22, 2.77). Balog (21, 2.76) Plate V.

677 H.

110. As above.

As above, but date:

سنة سبع وسبعين

L 749 (2.99). Mayer. BM, no number. ANS (20, 2.94). Balog, three specimens: (20, 2.41); (21, 2.85) Plate V; (21).

678 H.

111. As above.

As above, but date:

سنة ثمان وسبعين

Mayer. Khediv. no. 1494. ANS (20, 2.77). Balog (20, 2.80).

111.a DATE MISSING

L 750 (2,76), Khediv. no. 1495. Beyram no. 246. ANS, four specimens: (20, 3.25); (20, 3.64); (20, 2.84); (14, 1.48) Half-dirhem. Balog (14, 1.57) Half-dirhem.

The Damascus dirhems have a small triangular symbol, the edges looped, engraved in front of the lion's head: image. On the reverse, on top of the word رسول, the elegant scroll-like floral ornament of the Cairo coin has been transformed into a somewhat simpler, more compact ornament: image. Both signs are sufficient to recognize dirhems on which the mint is missing, as belonging to Damascus.

ḤAMĀH, 678 H.

112. Mayer, no details.

Loewe, in NC XIX, 1856–7, pp. 71–84, attributed a silver coin to Baybars I. The illustration which accompanies his article, leaves no doubt that the coin is a dirhem of Baraka Qān.

AL-'ĀDIL BADR AL-DĪN SALĀMISH
678 H. = 1279 A.D.

Baybars's youngest son, Salāmish, was permitted to remain on the throne for a hundred days only by his regent, Qalā'ūn; accordingly, his coins are rather scarce and consist of dirhems only. His regal title on the Cairo emissions is al-Malik, on those of Damascus: al-Sulṭān al-Malik.

CAIRO, 678 H.

*113. Border on all coins, on both sides: circular line in circle of dots.

A

No circular legend.

الصالحى

الملك العادل

• ٧ ٧ ٧ بدر الدنيا والدين

سلامش

Counter-clockwise circular legend:

R وستماية | B وسبعين | L سنة ثمان | T ضرب بالقهرة

Center:

ω لا اله الا الله

image

ω محمد رسول الله

٧ ارسله بالهدى

Balog, two specimens: (20, 2.75) (23, 2.72). Here again, note the characteristic floral-scroll ornament on the reverse, on top of the word رسول: image Plate V.

B

114. المومنين

٧ الملك العادل

٧ بدر الدينا والدين سلامش

٧ بن الملك الظاهر

(قسيم (امير

Circular legend as above. Center: as above, ornaments slightly different.

BM, Gayer-Anderson 1947 7–6–27 (20) Plate V. Hartmann: ZfN XVIII, 1892, pp. 1–4, no. 2 (22, 2.68). Thorburn. ANS, two specimens: (21, 3.31); (22, 3.17).

DAMASCUS 678 H.

115. Border on both sides: circular line in circle of dots.

No circular legend.

المومنين

السلطان الملك

العادل بدر الدنبا والدين

سلامش بن الملك الظاهر

○ قسم امير

Counter-clockwise circular legend:

ضرب بدمشق سنة ثمان وسبعين وستماية

Center: as above, but no ornaments.

L 754 (3.14). Hartmann, ZfN XVIII, 1892, pp. 1–4, no. 2 (22, 2.79). Siouffi p. 18. Mayer ANS (20, 2.86) Plate V.

INCOMPLETE

Siouffi p. 18. ANS (23, 2.86). Ashmol.

AL-MANṢŪR SAYF AL-DĪN QALĀ'ŪN
678–689 H. = 1279–1290 A.D.

Notwithstanding his eleven year reign, few coins of Qalā'ūn have come down to us. As the date is either incomplete or entirely missing on many coins, this series does not give a satisfactory picture of the sequence of his emissions.

Gold
CAIRO, DATE MISSING

Mint at top of obverse area

116. Border on both sides: circular line.

Counter-clockwise marginal legend: traces of profession of faith formula.

Linear multilobe, with small pellet in each external angle.

Center:

ضرب بالقاهرة

السطان الملك ا

لمنصور سيف الدنيا والدين

قلاون الصالحى قسيم

امير المومنين

Marginal legend: illegible traces.

Linear multilobe, with small pellet in each external angle.

Center:

الحق

لا اله الا الله

image

٧ محمد رسول الله

٧ ارسله بالهدى

ودين

BMC 491, s. (18, 2.75) Half-dinar Plate V. L 757 (6.30) Lavoix read in the rev. marginal legend of this coin the date 692 H.: ... ضرب هذا الدينار) المبارك سنة اثنين وتسعين و). This is impossible, because Qalā'ūn died in 689 H. Khediv. 1499, 1500.

Mint at top of reverse area

687 H.

*117. Border on both sides: circular line.

Counter-clockwise marginal legend: profession of faith formula ending with:

بالهدى ودين الحق ....

Counter-clockwise marginal legend:

ضرب هذا الدينار المبارك بالقاهرة سنة سبع وثمانين وستماية

وستماية

Double linear circle; center:

المومنين

السلطان الملك

المنصور سيف الدنيا والدين

قلاون الصالحى

قسيم امير

Double linear circle; center:

ضرب بالقاهرة

ω لا اله الا الله ◯

image

٧ ٧ محمد رسول الله

ارسله بالهدى

ودين الحق

ANS (21, 6.81).

688 H.

118. As above.

As above, but date:

سنه ثمان وثمانين

Khediv. 1497.

DATE MISSING

Khediv. 1496, 1498. Broach p. 341 (23, 7.26). ANS (23, 6.02). Balog (22, 5.35) Plate V.

ALEXANDRIA
681 H.

*119. Border on both sides: circular line.

Counter-clockwise marginal legend: profession of faith formula.

Linear dodekalobe; center:

• المومنين •

السلطان الملك

المنصور سيف الدنيا والدين

٧ قلاون الصالحى

٧ قسيم امير

Counter-clockwise marginal legend:

... ضرب بالا]سكندرية سنة احد وثمانين و

Linear dodekalobe, center:

• الحق •

ω لا اله الا الله

image

٧ محمد رسول الله

٧ ٧ ارسله بالهدى

ودين

Balog (26, 4.76) Plate V.

119.a DATE MISSING

L 755 (5–38). BMC 491, k (23, 5.12); 491, n (23, 5.12); 491, o (21, 4.04).

Although the mint is missing, they can be safely attributed to Alexandria through the type of the legend.

DAMASCUS
682 H.

*120. Border on both sides: circular line.

Counter-clockwise marginal legend: profession of faith formula.

Linear dodekalobe, pellet in each external angle.

Center:

ضرب بدمشق

image

السلطان الملك ا

لمنصور سيف الدينا والدين

امير المومنين

Counter-clockwise marginal legend:

سنة اثنين وثمانبن وستماية ....

Linear dodekalobe, pellet in each external angle.

Center:

• الحق •

ω لا اله الا الله

image

٧ محمد رسول الله

ارسله بالهدى

ودين

Balog (21, 5.54) Plate V.

DATE MISSING

L 756 (4.90). Cunha 1470. ANS (22, 5.44).

MINT AND DATE MISSING, NO DETAILS

Fonrobert 6555 (22, 5.60). Codrington, Ceylon Coins and Currency no. 10.

Silver

All silver coins are of the same type. Border on both sides: dodekalobe of dots between two linear dodekalobes. No marginal legend, but on the reverse, a counter-clockwise circular inscription starting at the top, containing the mint and date formula.

CAIRO
A

678 OR 679 H.

121. قسيم امير

٧ السلطان الملك

المنصور سيف الدنيا والدين

٧ قلاون الصالحى

المومنين • •

Circular legend:

ضرب بالقارهرة (سنة ...)وسبعين

Center:

ω لا اله الا الله

image

محمد رسول الله

٧ ٧ ارسله بالهدى

Mayer, two coins. The digit of the date is missing; the coins can, therefore, belong to either Qalā'ūn's first or to his second year.

681 H.

122. As above.

As above, but date:

سنة احد وثمانين وستماية

L 767 (2.48); 768 (2.90). Mayer, three coins. Balog (22, 2.44) Plate V. ANS (22, 2.82).

683 H.

123. As above.

As above, but date:

سنة ثلاث وثمانين وستماية

Mayer, one coin.

685 H.

*124. As above.

As above, but date:

سنة خمس وثمانين وستماية

ANS (22, 2.94).

688 H.

*125. As above.

As above, but date:

سنة ثمان وثمانين وستماية

ANS (21, 2.81).

DATE INCOMPLETE OR MISSING

ANS (21, 2.82) 68.. H.; (23, 2.48). L 764 (2.95) 68.. H.; 769 (2. 75) 6..7/9 H.; 771 (1.30) Half-dirhem. Mayer 68.. H. nine coins. Jungfleisch (23, 2.49) Plate V. Balog (21, 2.11) 6–9 H.; (21, 2.87).

B

126. المومنين

السلطان الملك

المنصور سيف الدنيا

والدين قلاون الصالحى

(قسيم (امير

As above.

L 766 (2.84) 68– H.; 770 (2. 69) 6— H. Balog (21, 2.82).

127. All the Cairo dirhems show a characteristic floral-scroll ornament image on top of the word رسول of the reverse legend. Consequently, the following dirhem-fractions, all with the mint missing, have been struck in Cairo:

L 780 (1.78) 687 H. the word سبع, seven, is preserved in the circular legend; 781 (1.50) 68– H.; 783 (1.22) Plate V, 127a; 784 (2.05); 785 (1.05); 786 (1.80) Plate V, 127b; 787 (1.93); 788 (1.10); 789 (0.90); 790 (2.35); 791 (2.10); 792 (1.50. ANS (15, 2.44); (14, 1.49). Balog, three specimens: (13, 1.84); (17, 1.41); (14, 1.56). Ashmol. Beyram.

ALEXANDRIA, 684 H.

*128. As Cairo, var. A.

As above, but mint and date:

R وستماية | B وثمانين | L سنة اربع | T (ضرب بالاس(كندرية

ANS (22, 3.27).

DAMASCUS
A
681 H.

129. امير المومنين

image

السلطان الملك ا

لمنصور سيف الدنيا والدين

قلاون الصالحى

قسيم

Circular legend:

ضرب بدمشق سنة احد وثمانين وستماية

Center:

image

ضرب بدمشق سنة احد وثمانين وستماية

image

محمد رسول الله

image

ارسله بالهدى

L 772 (3.0)

683 H.

130. As above.

As above, but date:

ثلاث وثمانين وستماية

L 773 (2.92).

685 H.

131. As above.

As above, but date:

خمس وثمانين وستماية

L 774 (2.91); 775 (2.66); 776 (3.03) Plate V, 131a.

DATE MISSING

L 777 (3.18); 778 (2.29). Balog, three specimens: (20, 2.39); (20, 3.26) ornament on top of image image رسول Plate V, 131b; (22, 2.60) ornament on top of رسول. Jungfleisch (15, 0.89) Half-dirhem. Obv.: المنصور Plate V, 131c. ANS, two specimens: (20, 3.07); (20, 3.70).

image

B
687 H.

132. ω الصالحى image

السلطان الملك ا

٧ لمنصور سيف الدينا والدين

image قلاون image

Counter-clockwise circular legend:

ضرب بدمشق سنة سبع وثمانين وستماية

Center:

ω لا اله الا الله

image

محمد رسول الله

ω ارسله بالهدى

Gagarine 1349. ANS (22, 2.77).

688 H.

*133. As above.

As above, but date:

سنة ثمان ثمانين وستماية

ANS (21, 2.90).

689 H.

134. As above.

As above, but date:

سنة تسع ثمانين وستماية

L 761 (2.73); 762 (2.79). ANS, two specimens: (21, 2.81); (21, 2.89). Jungfleisch (22, 2.92) Plate V. Balog (21, 2.82).

DATE MISSING

Khediv. 1501, 1502, 1503, 1504–7. L 759 (3.04); 778 (3.55); 763 (2.83).

DATE MISSING, NO DETAILS

Broach, four coins. Mayer 681 H.; 683 H.; 684 H. Although no description given, these coins should belong to var. A. Fonrobert 6556 (21, 3.20).

ḤAMĀH

135. Mayer p. 171, 679 H. three coins. L 758 (2.92) date missing. Lavoix' description does not seem to correspond entirely with this type of dirhem. For dirhems and half dirhems of 689 H. infra p. 394.

ALEPPO

136. Mayer p. 171, date missing.

UNCERTAIN MINT, DATE MISSING

137. Coarse writing

As above, but profession of faith formula on reverse ends with: ليظهره على الدين كله BMC 494 (23, 2.20). Balog (17, 1.41) Half-dirhem. Plate V.

Copper
NO MINT, UNDATED
A

*138. Border on both sides: circular line. In it, linear square, in a square of dots. Legends in the segments: missing.

السلطان

الملك المنصور

سيف

الدنيا والدين

قلاو

image ن image

BM, no number (22) Plate V.

B

139. Border on both sides: circular line in circle of dots.

الملك

سيف

المنصور

الدين

الدين

لا اله الا الله

image

محمد رسول

الله

Blau 291. Balog (18, 2.30) Plate V.

CAIRO, 678 H.

*140. Border on both sides missing.

المومنين

السلطان الملك ا

لمنصور سيف الدنيا والدين

قلاون الصالحى

قسيم امير

Circular legend:

ضرب بالقاهرة سنة ثمان وسبعين وستماية

Center:

ω لا اله اله الله

image

محمد رسول الله

ارسله بالهدى

Ashmol. Balog (21, 2.82) Plate V.

DAMASCUS, DATE MISSING

141. As above.

As above, but mint: ضرب بدمشق and date missing.

Erman B/35–1 (22).

AL-ASHRAF ṢALĀḤ AL-DĪN KHALĪL
689-693 H. = 1290-1293 A.D.

Although few dinars have been preserved, we have a fairly representative series of different mints. The dirhems are somewhat more numerous, but astonishingly few complete dates are known and it seems that only Cairo and Damascus issued silver. Finally, copper is represented by only two specimens.

Gold
CAIRO
690 H.

*142. Border on both sides: circular line.

On both sides, counter-clockwise marginal legend:

بسم الله لا اله الا الله محمد رسول الله ارسله

بالهدى ودين الحق

ضرب هذا الدينار)المبارك بالقاهرة المحروسة)

.... سنة تسعين

On both sides, double circular line.

Center:

image قلاوة image

٧ ω السلطان الملك الاشرف

image

صلاح الدين ناصر الملة المحمديه

image

محى الدولة العباسية

٧ خليل بن

Center:

الدين كله

ω لا اله الا الله محمد

image

رسول الله ارسله

image

٧ بالهدى ودين الحق

ليظهره على

Balog (24, 4.60) Plate VI.

691 H.

*143. Border missing.

Marginal legend missing.

Double circular line.

Center: as above.

ANS (23, 6.80).

Border: circular line.

Counter-clockwise marginal legend:

[ه المحروسة سنة احد وتسعين وستما[بة[....

Double circular line. محى الدولة العباسية

Center: as above.

692 H.

144. Border on both sides: circular line.

On both sides counter-clockwise marginal legend:

لا اله الا الله محمد رسول الله ارسله بالهدى ودين الحق

.... الدينار المبارك بالقاهرة سنة اثنين ...

On both sides: circular line.

Center:

image قلاون image

السلطان الملك الا شرفimage

صلاح الدين ناصر الملة المحمدية

image

محى الدولة العباسية

خليل بن image

Center:

image image

ω لا اله الا الله محمد

٧ ω ٧ رسول الله ارسله بالهدى

ودين الحق ليظهره على

image الدين image

BMC 495 (23, 6.42). Khediv. 1510. ANS (22, 3.84). Balog (23, 5.89) Plate VI.

DATE MISSING

145. Border on both sides: circular line.

Counter-clockwise marginal legend:

Traces of profession of faith formula

... الدينار المبارك ....

On both sides: double circular line.

Center:

السلطان الملك

الاشرف صلاح الدنيا والدين

خليل قسيم امير المومنين

بن الملك المنصور

Center:

ضرب بالقاهرة

لااله الا الله

محمد رسول الله

ارسله بالهدى

ودين الحق

Khediv. 1509. Cunha 1471, 1472. White-King 2229 (7.10).

On all Cairo dinars the mint is: بالقاهرة المحروسة = "Cairo the Guarded."

ALEXANDRIA, 690 H.

146. As Cairo 690 H.

Border: circular line.

Counter-clockwise marginal legend:

بالاسكندرية سنة تسعين وستماية ...

Circular line. Center: as Cairo 690 H.

Siouffi p. 18.

ALEXANDRIA, "FORTIFIED PLACE," 692 H.

*147. Border on both sides: circular line.

Counter-clockwise marginal legend on both sides:

Profession of faith formula ending:

على الدين كله

Circular line on both sides.

Center: as Cairo 692 H.

ضرب هذا الدينار المبارك بثغر

الاسكندرية سنة اثنتين وتسعين و ستماية

Center: as Cairo 692 H., but first and last line flanked by triple pellets:

image كله image / image الدين image

ANS (24, 8.41).

This is one of the exceptionally rare occurrences of the mint-name: ثغر الاسكندرية. cf. mint-notes.

DAMASCUS, 690 H.

148. As Cairo 690 H.

As Cairo 690 H., but marginal legend:

بدمشق المحروسة سنة تسعين وستماية

L 793 (7.51). Siouffi p. 78.

Silver

Border on both sides: dodekalobe of dots between two linear dodekalobes, on all dirhems.

CAIRO, DATE MISSING ON ALL COINS

149. No circular legend.

قلاون

السلطان الملك الاشرف

صلاح الدين ناصر الملة المحمدية

محى الدولة الدولة العباسية

خليل بن

Counter-clockwise circular legend:

...... ضرب بالقاهرة سنة

Center:

ω لا اله الا الله محمد

image

رسول الله ارسله

بالهدى ودين الحق

L 797 (2.93); 798 (2.81); 799 (0.96); 800 (1.29); 801 (3.75); 802 (1.09); 803 (1.28); 804 (1.11); 805 (1.29); 806 (1.46); 807 (1.54) Plate VI; 808 (1.73); 809 (2.13). Balog (22, 2.79). Thorburn (0.97).

PROBABLY CAIRO, DATE MISSING

150.

السلطان الملك

.... الاشرف صلاح

.... خليل قسيم امير

لا اله الا الله

محمد رسول الله ارسله

بالهدى ودين الحق

BMC 496 (22, 2.80) similar to the dinar Khediv. 1509, therefore, likely to have been struck in Cairo.

DAMASCUS
690 H.

151. Counter-clockwise circular legend on both sides:

T المنصور

R الملك

B السلطان

L مولانا

R وستماية

B تسعين

L سنة

T ضرب بدمشق

Center:

ضرب بدمشق

الاشرف صلاح الدنيا

والدين خليل بن

....

Center:

لا اله الا الله

image

٧ محمد رسول الله

ارسله بالهدى

Balog (21, 2.88) Plate VI, 151a. Jungfleisch (22, 2.88) Plate VI, 151b. L 796 (3.24) Plate VI, 151c.

DATE MISSING

152. No circular legend.

بن قلاون

بالسلطان الملك الاشرف

صلاح الدين ناصر الملة المحمدية

محى الدولة العباسبة

خليل

Counter-clockwise circular legend:

...... ضرب بدمشق

Center: as above.

L 794 (3.03) Circular legend: ....; 795 (2.82) Obv. Center: خليل بن/قلاون Rev. Center: /ودين الحق

MINT MISSING

L 801 (3.75); 802 (1.09); 803 (1.28); 804 (1.11); 805 (1.29); 806 (1.46); 807 (1.54); 808 (1.73); 809 (2.13).

Copper
DAMASCUS, UNDATED

*153. On both sides: border of dots.

image

الملك الاشرف/

صلاح الدنيا

image

ضرب

والدين خليل

ابن قلاون

....

Thorburn (18, 1.71).

MINT AND DATE MISSING

*154. Border missing on both sides.

ا]لسطان الملك ا[لاشرف

صلاح الدين ناصر الملة المحمد[ية

ومحى]الدولة العبا[سية

خليل

لا]اله الا الله

محمد]رسول الله ارسله

بالهدى ودين

[الحق]

ANS (16, 1.36). Epigraphy and arrangement of legends suggest Egyptian origin.

AL-NĀṢIR NĀṢIR AL-DĪN MUḤAMMAD
1ST REIGN: 693-694 H. = 1293-1294 A.D.
2ND REIGN: 698-708 H. = 1299-1309 A.D.
3RD REIGN: 709-741 H. = 1310-1341 A.D.

In a footnote on page 150 of his Catalogue of the Oriental Coins in the British Museum, vol. IV, Stanley Lane-Poole wrote: "After many fruitless attempts to distinguish the coinage of the first reign from that of the second reign, and this latter from the third, I am obliged to arrange the whole series together; seeing that not one coin in it can definitely be ascribed to the first or second reign."

Eighty years have passed since these lines were written. Although we have now many more coins than Lane-Poole had, the material is still not sufficiently abundant. Only two dinars, with date complete, belong with certainty to the second reign and these two were already known to Lane-Poole. There are still none of the first reign.

It would seem, therefore, that we have not advanced very much since the conclusion of the British Museum Catalogue. Yet it is possible now to arrange al-Nāṣir Muḥammad's coinage in fairly good chronological order to a certain extent.

A distinct evolution is apparent, if we compare the gold and silver issues with each other and with the successive coinages of both al-Nāṣir Muḥammad's predecessors and successors. Specimens with complete date are comparatively scarce; there is, however, no doubt that coins similar to Baybars I and Qalā'ūn's issues must be early. The heavy dinars, struck on a wide flan and without a marginal legend, must on the other hand, represent the coinage of the later years; they served as prototype for his successors.

With al-Nāṣir Muḥammad's accession, the emission of copper suddenly became abundant. Many fulūs are undated; it is not possible to attribute them specifically to any of the three reigns.

As, however, all the dated copper coins belong to the third reign, for practical purposes this is where the entire copper coinage shall be listed.

1ST REIGN: 693–694 H. = 1293–1294 A.D.

No coins

AL-'ĀDIL ZAYN AL-DĪN KITBUGHĀ
694-696 H. = 1294-1296 A.D.

Kitbughā's coins are all of great rarity; the 17 dirhems in the Paris collection probably come from a single hoard.

Gold
CAIRO, 695 H.

155. Border on both sides: linear circle.

Counter-clockwise marginal legend on both sides:

Profession of faith formula to: ليظهره

بسم الله هدا الدينار المبارك بالقاهرة

سنة خمس وتسعين وستماية

Double circular line on both sides.

Center:

المنصورى

السلطان الملك

العادل زين الدنيا والدين

image

٧ كتبغا قسيم امير

image المومنين image

Center:

ضرب بالقاهرة image

لا اله الا الله

image

محمد رسول الله

image

ارسله بالهدى

ودين الحق

L 835 (5.94). Siouffi p. 18. Balog (22, 6.60) Plate VI.

DAMASCUS, 695 H.

*156. Border on both sides: circular line.

Counter-clockwise marginal legend on both sides:

Profession of faith formula to: بالهدى

بسم الله ضرب هذا الدرينار بدمشق المحروسة

.... سنة خمس و

Circular line on both sides.

Center:

كتبنا

السلطان الملك

٧ ٧ العادل ناصر الملة

image

المحمدية زين الدينار

image الدين image

Center:

الحق

ω لااله الا الله

image

ωمحمد رسول الله image image

image

ارسله بالهدى

image ودين image

Wien Inv. no. 6332 (24, 8.50) Plate VI.

Silver
CAIRO
694 H.

157. Border on both sides: circular line in circle of dots.

No circular legend.

المنصورى

السلطان الملك

العادل زين الدنيا والدين

كتبغا قسيم امير

المومنين

Counter-clockwise circular legend:

R وستماية|

B وتسعين|

L سنة اربع|

T ضرب بالقاهرة

Center:

لا اله الا الله

image

محمد رسول الله

٧ ٧ ارسله بالهدى

L 837 (2.74); 843 (3.25).

695 H.

158. As above.

As above, but digit of date:

سنة خمس

L 838 (2.80). Balog (13, 1.37) Plate VI, 158a. ANS (21, 3.01).

DATE INCOMPLETE OR MISSING

L 839 (3.39) 69– H.; 840 (2.45) 69– H.; 844 (3.40) 69– H.; 846 (1.63) 69– H.; 841 (2.12); 842 (1.60) Plate VI, 158b; 845 (1.72); 847 (1.37); 848 (1.38); 849 (1.19); 850 (1.00); 851 (0.92); 852 (0.90). Gagarine (1334) Half-dirhem. ANS, three specimens: (22, 2.97); (14, 1.15); (12, 1.31). Balog (12, 1.31). Thorburn 0.97.

DAMASCUS, 695 H.

159. Border on both sides: linear dodekalobe in dodekalobe of dots.

No circular legend.

image

imageكتبغا

السلطان الملك

image

٧ ٧ العادل ناصر الملة

image

٧ المحمدية زين الدنيا

والدين

Counter-clockwise circular legend:

R وستماية|

B وتسعين|

L سنة خمس|

T ضرب بالقاهرة

Center:

ω لا اله الا الله

image

محمد رسول الله

image

٧ ارسله بالهدى

Balog, two specimens: (22, 3.10) Plate VI, 159a (date missing); (20, 2.82) Plate VI, 159b. L 836 (2.57) Lavoix misread Kitbughā's name for the date. BMC 497 (20, 2.42) date missing. ANS, two specimens: (21, 2.97) incomplete; (13, 1.13) Half-dirhem, incomplete.

Copper
NO MINT, UNDATED

Epigraphic

*160. Border missing on both sides.

الملك

العادل

زين)الدين)

كتبنا

قسم ا)مير المومنين)

ANS (17) unique fals. Plate VI, 160.

Heraldic

161. Border on both sides: linear circle in circle of dots.

السلطا

ن الملك ا

لعادل

No legend. In field: chalice.

image

Mayer, SH, Pl. XX, nos. 2 and 4. BM, Marsden CCCI (16) Plate VI, 161a. Balog, two specimens: (8) Plate VI, 161b; (19). Jungfleisch, three coins: (14, 1.67); (16, 2.58); (20, 3.69).

AL-MANṢŪR ḤUSĀM AL-DĪN LĀJĪN
696-698 H. = 1296-1299 A.D.

Gold
CAIRO, 697 H.

162. Border on both sides missing (probably circular line).

On both sides, counter-clockwise marginal legend: سبع وتسعين وستماية .. Profession of faith formula, ending with: الحق

Center:

image خلد الله image

السلطان الملك image

المنصور حسام الدنيا والدين

ابو الفتح لاجين المنصورى

image سلطانه image

Center:

ضرب بالقاهرة

ω لا اله الا الله

image image image image

محمد رسول الله

٧ ٧ ارسله بالهدى

ودين الحق

BM, Salurgie 1901 10–681 (20, 5.50) Plate VI, 162a. ANS (21, 6.35) Plate VI, 162b date missing. L 845 (22, 5.37) Plate VI, 162c date missing. Siouffi p. 18.

Note the invocation سلطانه | خلد الله on obv.

MINT? (POSSIBLY DAMASCUS) 698 H.

163. Border on both sides: circular line.

On both sides: counter-clockwise marginal legend:

Missing (profession of faith formula). .... المحروسة سنة ثمان وتسعين

On both sides: circular line.

Center:

image لاجين image

السلطان الملك

image image

المنصور ناصر الملة

المحمدية حسام الدنيا

والدينimage

Center:

image الحق image

ω لا اله الا الله image

image

ω محمد رسول الله

ارسله بالهدى ω

....

L 853 (20, 4.85) Plate VII.

Lavoix (p. 561 of the Catalogue des Monnaies Musulmanes, Additions & Corrections) notes the difficulties in reading the date, which on the coin is clearly جمل. We believe, that it is simply a misspelling for eight ثمان, the logical date for Lājīn being 698. Of the mint, only the epithet "the Guarded", المحروسة, is preserved; it applies to Cairo as well as to Damascus, but as the Damascus dirhem is of the same type, the dinar may as well belong there.

Silver
MINT? (PROBABLY CAIRO; SAME VARIETY AS THE CAIRO DINAR).
DATE MISSING

164. Border on both sides: dodekalobe of dots between two linear dodekalobes.

No circular legend.

Center:

خلد الله

السلطان الملك

المنصور حسام الدنيا والدين

ابو الفتح لاجين المنصورى

سلطانه

Circular legend missing.

Center:

لا اله الا الله

محمد رسول الله

ارسله بالهدى

BMC 498 (20, 3.88). ANS (21, 3.25).

DAMASCUS, 696 H.

165. Border on both sides: dodekalobe of dots between two linear dodekalobes.

No circular legend.

Counter-clockwise circular legend:

ضرب بدمشق سنة ست تسعين وستماية

Center:

image لاجين image

image

السلطان الملك

image

المنصور ناصر الملة

المحمدية حسام الدنيا

والدين

Center:

ω لا اله الا الله

image

ω محمد رسول الله

٧ ٧ ارسله بالهدى

L 855 (3.12). ANS, three specimens: (22, 2.82); (20, 2.92); (20, 3.08) date missing. Balog (21, 3.16) Plate VII. Gagarine 1355.

Copper
DAMASCUS, UNDATED

166. Border: circle of dots.

السطا

ن الملك

المنصور

image

Border: circle of dots in circular line. Counter-clockwise marginal legend:

لاجين ضرب بدمشق

Center: Lājīn's blason: a fesse.

Mayer, SH p. 148 (17.5, 1.60) Plate VII; p. 149 (18, 1.57). ANS Balog (16).

AL-NĀṢIR NĀṢIR AL-DĪN MUḤAMMAD
2ND REIGN: 698–708 H. = 1299–1309 A.D.

Two dinars can be attributed to the second reign with certainty. One has the complete date, the digit is missing on the other, but it is of the same type as the first; therefore, it is safe to place it in the same reign. A few more dinars are known of the same type, that is, with a marginal legend on both sides; although the date is missing, there is little doubt that they also were struck during al-Nāṣir Muḥammad's second reign. A unique fals, anonymous but dated 701 H., is known, but no silver.

Gold
CAIRO
69– H.

167. Border on both sides: circular line.

Counter-clockwise marginal legend on both sides:

....لا اله الا الله محمد

ضرب هذا .....تسعين وسنماية

On both sides: double circular line.

Center:

قلاون

السلطان الملك

ناصر ناصر الدنيا والدين ω ω

محمد ابن الملك

image المنصور image

Center:

image ضرب بالقاهرة image

ω لا اله الا الله

ω ٧ محمد رسول الله

٧ ارسله بالهدى

ودين الحق

BMC 498,k (22, 3.69).

707 H.

168. As above.

Marginal legend:

ضرب هذا الدينار المبارك بالقاهرة المحروسة سنة سبع وسبعماية

Center as above.

BMC 498.m (23, 6.09). Thorburn.

DATE MISSING

Border on both sides: circular line.

Counter-clockwise marginal legend on both sides.

On both sides: double circular line.

Central legend: as above.

BMC 502,d (27, 4.34) Rev. margin: .... بالقاهرة المحروسة سنه ست و ... L. 815 (22, 5.92) Rev. margin: ... المارك بالقاهرة سنة خمس ... 695?. Broach no. 3 (23, 5.57). Balog BIE XXXII 1950, p. 255 (18, 1.18) Half-dinar. Plate VII.

ḤAMĀH, DATE MISSING

169. Border missing.

Marginal legend missing.

Circular line.

Center:

قلاون image

السلطان الملك

image

الناصر ناصر الديناوا

image

لدين محمد بن الملك

٧ المنصور image

Border missing.

Counter-clockwise marginal legend:

... بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم ضرب هذا

Circular line.

Center:

image ضرب بحماة ○

لا اله الا الله

image

محمد رسول الله image

image

ارسله بالهدى

ودين الحق ○

L 810 (22, 5.15) Plate VII, Retouched.

DAMASCUS, DATE MISSING

170. Border on both sides missing.

Counter-clockwise marginal legend on both sides:

... بد)مشق المحروسة سنة) ...

.... المبارك سنة ....

Center:

As above.

Center:

ضرب بدمشق

لا اله الا الله

محمد رسول الله

ارسله بالهدى

المحروسة

L 813 (4.11). BMC 502, f (20, 6.61).

Copper
ALEPPO, 701 H.

*171. Border on both sides: missing.

On both sides: linear hexagram, in which:

ضرب

بحلب

احدو

سبعماية

This is an anonymous coin, struck in Aleppo in 701 H. There can be no doubt therefore that fulūs were struck during al-Nāṣir Muḥammad's second reign.

ANS (18, 2.86) Plate VII.

image

AL-MUẒAFFAR RUKN AL-DĪN BAYBARS II
708-709 H. = 1309-1310 A.D.

Only a few coppers coins were hitherto known, and now a half-dozen dirhems have come to light; dinars are as yet unknown.

Silver

On all dirhems, border on both sides: circular line in circle of dots.

TRIPOLI, 709 H.

*172. No circular legend.

Counter-clockwise circular legend.

R وسبعماية|

L سنة تسع| ٧

T ضرب بطرابلس

Center:

image

السلطان الملك

المظفر ركن الدنيا والدين

ببرس المنصورى ٧

Center:

لا اله الا الله

ω ٧ ٧ محمد رسول الله

٧ ارسله بالهدى

ودين الحق

Balog, three coins: (23) Plate VII, 172a; (20) Plate VII, 172b; (14) Plate VII, 172c.

MINT MISSING, 709 H.
A

*173.

المنصورى

السلطان الملك

المظفر ركن الدينا وا

٧ لبين ببرس قسيم

(امير المومنين)

Counter-clockwise circular legend:

R وسبعماية|

B تسع|

L سنة|

T .... ضرب

Center:

لا اله الا الله

ω ٧ ٧ محمد رسول الله

٧ ارسله بالهدى

Balog (19, 2.20) Plate VII.

B

*174.

المنصورى

السلطان الملك

المظفر ركن الدنيا والدين

ابو الفتح ببرس قسيم

(امير المومنين)

Counter-clockwise circular legend:

R وسبعماية|

L سنة تسع|

T .... ضربimage

Center:

لا اله الا الله

image

محمد رسول الله

image

ارسله بالهدى

ودين الحق

Balog (20, 3.16) Plate VII.

Copper
TRIPOLI, 709 H.

175. Border on both sides: double circle of dots.

On both sides: counter-clockwise marginal legend:

السلطان الملك المظفر ركن الدنيا والدين

٧ ٧ ٧ ضرب بطرابلس المحروسة سنة تسع

On both sides: inner circle of dots.

Center:

٧ ببرس

Center:

وسبعماية

Fraehn, Recensio pp. 173–4; Münzkabinett . BMC 491 BM, no number (both coins first attributed to Baybars I, later transfered to Baybars II). Gagarine 1361, 1362 (al-Nāṣir Muḥammad or Baybars II?). P.A.M. 498. ANS München. Thorburn. Balog, five specimens: (20), Plate VII, 175a; (20); (20); (20); (17) Half-fals. Plate VII, 175b.

AL-NĀṢIR NĀṢIR AL-DĪN MUḤAMMAD
3RD REIGN: 709–741 H. = 1310–1341 A.D.

Gold

Only dinars minted in Cairo and Damascus are extant from the third reign. Two types can be distinguished:

I. Early issues which still show a marginal legend. The mint and date formula is in the marginal legend of the reverse. One exception is known: BMC 499 t, Cairo 738 H., still has marginal legends.

II. New type on a wide flan, without marginal or circular legends. Border on both sides, on all dinars, a thick circular line. Only one dinar is dated 724 H., all the others are later than 730 H.

Type I
CAIRO
711 H.

176. Border on both sides: circular line.

Counter-clockwise marginal legend on both sides:

لا اله الا الله محمد رسول الله ارسله بالهدى ودين الحق

٧ ضرب هذا الدينار المبارك)بالقاهرة سنة احد وعشر)

وسبعماية

Double circular line on both sides.

Center:

الله

وما النصر الا من عند

السلطان الملك الناصر

ناصر الدنيا والدين محمد

ابن الملك المنصور

قلاون

Center:

الله

وما النصر الامن عند

ω لا اله الا الله محمد

image image

ω رسول الله ارسله

بالهدى ودين

الحق

BMC 498,s (23, 5.44) Plate VII.

713 H.

177. As above.

As above, but marginal legend:

.... عشر (sic) سنة ثالث ....

BMC 499 (24, 5.95). Mint missing, but same arrangement of legends, therefore: Cairo.

DATE MISSING

Khediv. (1512, 1513). L 816 (7.82). Balog (23, 5.10) Plate VII.

DAMASCUS
711 H.

178. Border on both sides: circular line.

Counter-clockwise marginal legend on both sides:

(sic) بسم الله...بدمشق المحروسة سنة احد عشر وسبعما

(sic) على الدين (كله)...ضرب بدمشق سنة احد عشر

Circular line on both sides.

Center:

قلاون

السطان الملك

ω ω الناصر ناصر الدنياو

الدبن محمد بن الملك

image المنصور image

Center:

image ليظهره image

ω لا الا الا الله image

ω محمد رسول الله

image

ارسله بالهدى

image

ودين الحق

L 811 (21, 4.15) Plate VII.

Obv.: marginal legend contains the mint and date formula. Rev.: Religious legend starting in the field continues in the margin and ends with the mint and date formula once more.

713 H.

179. As above, but marginal legend:

بدمشق سنة ثلث عشر وسبعماية

As above, but marginal legend:

المحروسة سنة ثلث عشر وسبعماية...

L 812 (7.11). Siouffi, two specimens: pp. 18 and 78.

Type II

All coins of this type: border on both sides a thick circular line. No marginal or circular legends.

CAIRO
724 H.

*180.

بالقاهرة

السلطان الملك النا

صر الدنيا والدين محمد ω

بن المالك المنصور قلاون

اربع وعشرين وسبعماية

الله

وما النصر الا من عند

ω لاال