|1. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P||COS III|
|Bust of Hadrian draped, bare, r.||Legionary eagle between two standards with vexilla.|
RIC 517 (b); Cohen 453; Herzfelder, p. 22, pl. 6, 5. For an issue of identical description but different style, see below, no. 52.
|1*||1||1||10.47||↑||Obv. on obv. Augustus, RIC 10||Vienna|
|2. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P||COS III|
|Bust of Hadrian draped, bare, r.||Bundle of six grain stalks.|
BMCRE p. 391 || (Paris); RIC 518 (b); Cohen 440; Pinder 89; Herzfelder, p. 22, pl. 6, 4.
|3. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P||COS III|
|2-5/>Bust of Hadrian draped, bare, r.||Asclepius draped, naked to waist, standing front, head l., holding serpent-wreathed rod on ground to r., l. arm at side.|
BMCRE 1053, pl. 72, 2; RIC 481 (b); Cohen 291; Pinder 63, pl. 7, 16; Herzfelder, p. 16, pl. 3, 8.
|3*||1||3||10.10||↑||Obv. on rev. Antonius, CRR 1197||Brussels|
|4*||1||4||Traces||H. M. F. Schulman, 20 May 1966, 2980|
|5b*||2||5||8.60||↑||Obv. on obv. Augustus, temple rev.||Oxford|
|7*||4||7||10.20||↙||Obv. on rev. Antonius, CRR 1197||Vienna|
|4. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P||COS III|
|Head of Hadrian, bare, r.||Asclepius as on no. 3.|
Previously unpublished in this style; cf. nos. 20, 90.
10 coins, 8 certainly overstruck
9 die combinations
6 obverse dies
9 reverse dies
Three types, one of them known in two varieties, are here assigned to the mint of Pergamum. The first three share a common obverse die, and their origin from the same mint is thus beyond dispute; to them must be added type 4; the extremely crude rendering of its reverse die is very similar to that of rev. die 3.
Legionary Eagle with Standards
The type of a legionary eagle flanked by standards first occurs on the denarii of C. Valerius Flaccus in 82 B.C. 1 His type is fairly elaborate: the standards bear the letters H and P, probably abbreviating hasti and principes. The type was repeated by C. Nerius, proquaestor in 49;2 but its most extensive and important use was by M. Antonius on his legionary aurei and denarii, which drop the H and P but add the numbers of specific legions.3 The continued currency of his denarii probably accounts for the survival of the type, which disappears for nearly a century; the general peace of the early empire was not conducive to the extensive use of military types. The eagle and standards reappear, appropriately enough, near the outbreak of the civil wars, and again under Galba and Vespasian;4 the type is also employed by Domitian and Trajan, and appears among Hadrian's early issues.5
The earliest bearers of the type are all denarii, the most practical coin for payment of the legions; it is these earlier issues which seem to have most direct connection with military events.6 Subsequent issues, mainly commemorative, employ all metals: Galba used the type on asses,7 and Titus introduced it to the cistophori.8 Its first appearance may simply have "recalled his military prowess in the East," as Mattingly suggested, but subsequent occurrences have not even this vague association. One looks in vain for so much as a military garrison in the pacified province of Asia.9 Whatever the stimulus for its first occurrence, its reappearance under subsequent emperors must be ascribed to mere repetition. Pre-Hadrianic cistophori were far less varied in their selection of types than Roman coins in general, and a type once introduced often recurred.
Six Grain Stalks
The reverse type of bundled grain stalks was indigenous to the cistophori. According to the chronology of the Augustan cistophori established by Sutherland, the type first appeared in 27-26 B.C. in connection with two others, Capricorn and Sphinx, both of which have direct personal reference to Augustus.10 Rejecting the suggestion of Kraay that the type expresses the concept of "beneficent growth" (i. e. augeo, cf. Augustus) or refers to "a fertile hexapolis in provincia Asia," Sutherland concludes that, as his earlier coins had celebrated the return of peace, Augustus here celebrated the return of plenty. It is hardly necessary to illustrate the symbolism of grain stalks and their connection with gods of vegetation and fertility.11
Although the cult of Asclepius at PERGAMUM reached its zenith only later in the second century, it had flourished locally since the fourth century B.C. at least.12 The god's early importance is reflected by his prominence on PERGAMUM's coinage. His first numismatic appearance is in the seated position, on Attalid bronzes.13 His serpent- wreathed rod appears on the city's cistophori,14 and his head on bronzes with rev. serpent.15 The first occurrence of the familiar standing figure, the origins of which are uncertain, dates from the late second or first century B.C., and thereafter becomes regular;16 variations in rendering of the figure seem to be due only to the idiosyncrasies of the die sinker. The god regularly represents PERGAMUM on alliance coinages.
Of these types, only Asclepius was assigned to PERGAMUM by Herzfelder; his only reservation was that the surviving specimens are "too few to account for all the series of so large a city as PERGAMUM." Unaware of the die link between the Asclepius coins and those with rev. grain stalks and eagle and standards, he regarded those two types as too general to be attributed.
The die link is of course decisive, but even the addition of two new types to the mint does nothing to weaken Herzfelder's observation: in terms of numbers, both of surviving coins and known dies, the mint at PERGAMUM seems to have been less prolific than those of such relative backwaters as Mylasa and Aezani. The impression of a small operation is confirmed by the fact that all the obverse dies at least were produced by a single hand. The lettering is consistent throughout, but the engraver's real trademarks are Hadrian's strange hairline and his unusual downward-pointing drapery. The reverses are equally homogeneous, although the extremely crude dies 3 and 9 may be the work of a second engraver.
The association of grain stalks and eagle and standards with the mint of PERGAMUM may incidentally shed light on the identity of the mint which produced cistophori for Domitian, Nerva and Trajan. In each case it is clear that we are dealing with a single mint; its location has been a matter for speculation. The consensus favors Ephesus,17 in spite of the fact that none of the series includes a type referring to the city while the temple of Rome and Augustus at PERGAMUM is prominent in all of them. All three groups also include grain stalks and eagle and standards; those types may now be associated with PERGAMUM under Hadrian, and are most easily interpreted as an echo of the city's earlier coinage. The substitution of Asclepius for the temple of Rome and Augustus simply reflects the god's new ascendancy.18
|1||CRR 365 = RRC 747.|
|2||CRR 441 = RRC 937.|
|3||CRR 544 = RRC 1212-46.|
|4||BMCRE 1, p. 214, nos. 107-8; p. 286, nos. 3-4; BMCRE 2, p. 133, no. 613.|
|5||BMCRE 2, p. 158 ≠ = Cohen 540; p. 351 † = Cohen 666; p. 351, nos. 252-53; BMCRE 3, p. 67* = Cohen 575 without authority; p. 94, nos. 456ff. and p. 399* = Cohen 525. The type is also among those restored by Trajan: BMCRE 3, p. 133, no. 679, a restoration of the issue of C. Valerius Flaccus cited above, n. 1; BMCRE 3, p. 142, no. 699 of Divus Augustus, with no known prototype.|
|6||The issues of Flaccus, for example, refer to his campaigns as proconsul of Gaul; Nerius' were struck at the outbreak of the civil wars, and Antonius' coinage was used to pay his legions.|
|7||BMCRE 1, p. 334, nos. 149ff.|
|8||BMCRE 2, p. 252, no. 149.|
|9||Mattingly, BMCRE 2, p. xcvii; T. Mommsen, The Provinces of the Roman Empire (NEW YORK, 1887), p. 380, n. 2.|
|10||Sutherland, Cistophori, pp. 96-99.|
|11||D. Kienast, "Hadrian, Augustus und die eleusinischen Mysterien," JNG 1959-60, pp. 61-69, suggests that the introduction of the type under Augustus is connected with the emperor's introduction into the Eleusinian Mysteries: as part of the ritual initiates held stalks of grain, which symbolized the origin of the Mysteries as a festival of vegetation. The proposal is overly subtle. The direct connection of the type with fertility is easy and obvious, and a reference to the Mysteries is likely to have been lost on an Asian audience. One would also expect that any such reference would have followed Augustus' final initiation, which did not take place until 20 B.C. Even if Kienast is correct the symbolism vanished from later uses of the type since Augustus' successors employ it where no reference to the Mysteries is possible.|
|12||H. von Fritze, Die Münzen von Pergamon, Abhandlungen der königlichen preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, Phil.-hist. Klasse, Anhang 1 (Berlin, 1910), p. 39; E.V Hansen, The Attalids of Pergamon . 2nd. ed. (Ithaca, 1971), pp. 10-11.|
|14||SNGvonAulock 1369; BMCMysia, p. 123, no. 86.|
|15||W. Wroth, "Asklepios and the Coins of Pergamon," NC 1882, pp. 1-51, especially pp. 14-15.|
|16||For example, BMCMysia, pp. 163-65, nos. 350-59.|
|17||H. Mattingly, BMCRE 2, pp. lxxix, xcviii; BMCRE 3, pp. li, cviii. Eckhel (Doctrina Numorum Veterum 6 [Leipzig, 1798], p. 101) and Pinder (pp. 613-15) favored PERGAMUM.|
|18||See now M. LeGlay, "Hadrien et l'Asklépieion de Pergame," BCH 1976, pp. 347-72.|
I. Obv.: HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P
Rev. Divinity with identification
|5. HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P Head of Hadrian bare, r.||DIANA EPHESIA Cult image of Ephesian Artemis facing front, arms extended r. and l. over stags who look back at her. She wears high headdress and veil; fillets fall from wrists.|
BMCRE 1089, pl. 75, 1, 1090; RIC 474, pl. 14, 302; Cohen 535; Pinder 67, pl. 5, 3; Herzfelder, p. 13, pl. 2, 7.
|10a*||1||1||10.51||↓||Obv. on obv. Augustus, rev. temple||Boston|
|10b||1||1||10.81||Traces||Winterthur photo (ex Imhoof-Blumer coll.)|
|14*||2||4||↓||Traces on rev.||Hesperia Art Bulletin, 33, 66|
|15*||3||5||10.19||1||Obv. on obv. Antonius||ANS|
|16*||4||6||8.82||↓||Obv. on obv. Antonius||Budapest|
|17*||5||7||10.97||von Aulock (SNG 6634)|
|20*||8||10||10.66||↙||Obv. on obv. Augustus||Vienna|
|21||9||11||9.77||↓||Obv. on obv. Augustus, RIC 17||London|
|23*||11||13||9.27||↓||Obv. on obv. Augustus, rev. temple||Hoffer = Coin Galleries FPL 2, 1962, B 321 = Kress 122, 30 May 1962, 1018|
|24*||11||14||9.55||Münzen und Medaillen, FPL 281, Oct. 1967, 32 = Santamaria, 26 June 1950 (Magnaguti 3), 656 = Hess, 7 March 1935,497 Egger 39, 15 Jan. 1912, 926|
|25*||12||15||Traces||Glendining, 27 Sept. 1962 (Woodward), 298 Cahn 75, 30 May 1932, 1118|
|26*||13||16||Traces||In trade, C. H. Wolfe, 1971|
|27*||14||17||Obv. on rev. Augustus||Piancastelli 1525 = Baranowsky, 25 Feb. 1931, 1804|
|28||15||18||Traces||Salton-Schlessinger, 22 Nov. 1955, 790 Dorotheum, 12 May 1960 (Hollschek 11), 544 Herzfelder, pl. 2. 7, then in Gotha|
|29*||16||19||10.50||Traces||Helbing, 20 June 1929, 4199|
|30*||17||20||Obv. on obv. Antonius||R. Ratto FPL, 1931, 61 Rome|
|35||22||24||Hesperia Art Bulletin 21, 197 = Hesperia Art Bulletin 18, 61|
|36*||23||25||Kress 128, 9 Nov. 1963, 999|
|6. HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P||DIANA EPHESIA|
|Bust of Hadrian draped, bare, r.||Cult image of Artemis as on no. 5.|
BMCRE 1089n., citing ASFN 1884, p. 246, where P P is inadvertently omitted from the obverse legend; Herzfelder, p. 14, pl. 2, 8.
|38a||25||27||10.38||↓||Obv. on obv. Augustus, RIC 10||Berlin|
|38b*||25||27||10.60||↓||Obv. on rev. Antonius, CRR 1197||Vienna|
|7. HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P||DIANA EPHESIA|
|Bust of Hadrian draped, bare, r.||Cult image of Ephesian Artemis facing front, arms extended r. and l. She wears high headdress and veil; fillets fall to ground from wrists. No stags.|
M. J. Price, "Greek Imperial Coins. Some Recent Acquisitions by the British Museum," NC 1971, p. 130, no. 17.
|8. HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P Head of Hadrian bare, r.||DIA - NA l. and r. in field; EPHESIA in exergue Tetrastyle temple on podium of three or (rarely) four steps; within, cult image of Ephesian Artemis without stags.|
BMCRE 1091, pl. 75, 3; RIC 475 (a); Cohen 536, "deux colonnes," a slip; Pinder 70, pl. 5, 7; Herzfelder, p. 13.
|41*||1||30||10.86||On Antonius||von Aulock, SNG 6635 = Santamaría, 26 June 1950 (Magnaguti 3), 658|
|42*||1||31||Obv. on obv. Augustus, wreath rev.||Dorotheum, 12 May 1960 (Hollschek 11), 545|
|43*||23||32||Hess, 22 May 1935 (Trau), 1121|
|45*||28||34||10.55||↓||Obv. on obv. Augustus, wreath rev.||The Hague|
|47*||30||36||10.60||↓||Obv. on obv. Augustus, RIC 13||Brussels|
|48*||31||37||9.77||↓||Obv. on rev. Antonius, CRR 1198||Paris|
|49*||32||38||10.30||↓||Obv. on obv. Augustus, wreath rev.||Paris|
|50*||33||39||10.24||↓||Obv. on rev. Augustus||London|
|52||35||41||10.20||↙||Obv. on obv. Augustus, RIC 10||Budapest|
|53*||36||42||10.09||↓||Obv. on obv. Augustus||ANS|
|54*||37||43||10.05||↓||Obv. on obv. Antonius||ANS|
|55*||38||34||10.90||↓||Obv. on rev. Antonius||Boston|
|56*||39||45||10.39||↙||Obv. on rev. (wreath)||Vienna|
|57*||40||46||Santamaria, 13 March 1953, 152|
|58a*||41||47||Traces||Hirsch 20, 27 May 1907, 577|
|58b*||41||47||Traces||Münzen und Medaillen FPL 127, Aug. 1953, 43 = Hess, 2 Aug. 1933, 320|
|58c||41||47||Traces||Leu - Münzen und Medaillen, 2 Nov. 1967, (Niggeler 3), 1261 = Santamaria, 26 June 1950 (Magnaguti 3), 657|
|59*||41||48||Obv. on rev. Augustus, wreath rev.||Kress 137, 21 Nov. 1966, 580|
|60*||42||49||Traces||Münzen und Medaillen FPL 136, May 1954, 58.|
|61*||43||50||Obv. on rev. Antonius, CRR 1197||Münzen und Medaillen FPL 281, Sept. 1967, 33.|
|62*||44||51||Dorotheum, 12 May 1960 (Hollschek 11), 546|
|63*||45||52||Traces||Kress 131, 13 Nov. 1964, 509 = Kress 122, 30 May 1962, 1020|
|64||46||53||Traces||Kress 136, 19 Sept. 1966, 740.|
|9. HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P||DIA - NA l. and r. in field, EPHESIA in exergue.|
|Bust of Hadrian draped, bare, r.||Temple of Artemis as on no. 8.|
BMCRE 1093, pl. 75, 4; RIC 475 (b); Cohen 537.
|65*||47||54||10.09||↓||Obv. on rev. Antonius, CRR 1198||London|
|67||49||56||Obv. on rev. Antonius, CRR 1197||Rome|
|10. HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P||DIA-NA l. and r. in field, EPHESIA in exergue.|
|Head of Hadrian bare, r.||Hexastyle temple on podium of four steps; within, cult image of Ephesian Artemis without stags.|
BMCRE 1091n.; RIC 476; Pinder 71, pl. 5, 8; Herzfelder, p. 14, pl. 2, 9.
|68a||50||57||10.68||↓||Obv. on obv. Antonius, CRR 1197||Vienna|
|68b*||50||57||10.40||Obv. on rev. Antonius, CRR 1197||Berlin|
|11. HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P||FORTVN EPHESIA|
|Head of Hadrian bare, r.||Fortuna standing half-1, holding rudder to l. in r., cornucopiae cradled in 1.|
BMCRE, p. 395*, pl. 73, 2 (misread); Cohen 777 illustration (which however has head laur. r.).
|69*||51||58||10.09||Obv. on rev. Augustus||London|
|70*||52||59||10.38||Obv. on rev. Antonius||Paris|
|12. HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P||FORTVNA EPHESIA|
|Head of Hadrian bare, r.||Fortuna as on no. 11|
RIC 477; Cohen 777 description; Herzfelder, p. 14, pl. 3, 1.
|71a*||53||60||10.65||Obv. on rev. Augustus, RIC 13||Budapest|
|13. HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P||IOVIS OLYMPIVS|
|Head of Hadrian bare, r.||Zeus seated l. on throne holding vertical sceptre in upraised l. and small cult image of Ephesian Artemis in extended r.|
Herzfelder, p. 14, pl. 3, 2.
|72a*||54||61||9.61||Traces on rev.||Munich|
|73*||55||62||9.08||Traces; also double struck||von Aulock (SNG 6632)|
|14. HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P||IOVIS OLYMPIVS EPHESI|
|Head of Hadrian bare, r.||Zeus seated l. as on no. 13.|
W. E. Metcalf, "Hadrian, Iovis Olympius," Mnemosyne 1974, p. 59, n. 1.
|74*||56||63||11.00||↓||Obv. on obv. Augustus, RIC 10||Brussels|
|15. HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P||IOVIS OLYMPIVS EPHESIO|
|Head of Hadrian bare, r.||Zeus seated l. as on no. 13.|
|75*||57||64||↓||Traces on rev.||In trade (per C. L. Clay)|
II. Obv.: HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P
Rev.: COS III
|16. HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P||COS III|
|Head of Hadrian bare, r.||Cult image of Artemis Leukophryene standing front, arms extended r. and l. over geese facing outward. She wears high headdress and veil; fillets fall to ground from wrists. At top r. and l., crowning Victories.|
|76a*||58||65||10.84||I||Obv. on rev. Augustus. Note Vespasianic ctmk. on rev.||ANS|
|76b*||58||65||Traces||Kress 138, 17 Apr. 1967, 979 = Kress 136,19 Sept. 1966, 741|
III. Obv.: HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P
Rev.: Divinity with identification, no COS III
|17. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P||DIANA EPHESIA|
|Head of Hadrian bare, r.||Cult image of Artemis as on no. 5.|
BMCRE 1085n.; RIC 525 (a); Cohen 534; Pinder 66, pl. 5, 2; Herzfelder, p. 15.
|77*||59||66||9.79||↓||Obv. on obv. Augustus||Vienna|
|79*||61||68||10.58||↓||In trade (per L. Mildenberg)|
|18. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P||DIA - NA l. and r. in field EPHESIA in exergue.|
|Head of Hadrian bare, r.||Temple of Artemis as on no. 8.|
BMCRE, p. 393* n. = 1092, which is erroneously said to have obv. legend HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P; RIC 526 (a); Cohen 538 ("deux colonnes" - a slip); Herzfelder, p. 15, pl. 3, 3.
|80a*||62||69||10.07||↓||Obv. on obv. Augustus, wreath rev.||London = Hamburger, 19 Oct. 1925, 833|
|80b*||62||69||10.61||↓||Obv. on obv. Antonius||Vienna|
|81a*||63||70||9.64||↓||Obv. on obv. Antonius||Munich|
|81b||63||70||Hess, 22 May 1935 (Trau), 1124|
|82*||64||71||10.55||Traces||Cahn 84, 29 Nov. 1933, 359|
IV. Obv.: HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P
Rev. COS III with or without additional legend.
|19. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P||DIANA EPHESIA beginning middle 1.|
|Head of Hadrian bare, r.||COS - III beginning middle r. Cult image of Artemis as on no. 5.|
BMCRE 1085, pl. 74, 9; RIC 527; Cohen 539; Pinder 68; Herzfelder, p. 16, pl. 4, 4.
|83*||61||72||10.13||↓||Traces on rev.||London|
|84a||62||73||Traces on obv.||Münzen und Medaillen FPL 127, Aug. 1953, 42 Santamaria, 26 June 1950 (Magnaguti 3), 654 = Hamburger, 19 Oct. 1925, 854|
|85*||63||74||10.63||↓||No trace of undertype, but shape of coin suggests restriking obv. on rev.||ANS|
|86||64||75||10.63||↓||Hess-Leu, 12 Apr. 1962, 464|
|87*||65||76||10.36||↓||Obv. on obv. Augustus, RIC 14.||Cambridge = Glendining 31 Jan. 1951, 214|
|88*||66||76||10.75||↓||Obv. on obv. Augustus, rev. temple||ANS|
|20. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P||COS III|
|Head of Hadrian bare, r.||Asclepius draped, standing front head l., holding serpent-wreathed rod in r., l. arm at side.|
BMCRE 1051n.; RIC 481 (a); Cohen 290; Pinder 62, pl. 7, 15; Herzfelder, p. 16, pl. 4, 5 (obverse only).
|89b||67||77||10.25||↑||Obv. on obv. Augustus, wreath rev.||Munich|
|89c*||67||77||10.40||Santamaría, 26 June 1950 (Magnaguti 3), 653 = Hess, 25 March 1929, 808|
|89d||67||77||10.60||Glendining, 27 Sept. 1962, 300 = Naville 12, 18 Oct. 1926, 2852 = Serrure, 30 March 1914, 373|
|91*||67||79||Obv. on obv. Augustus, RIC 19||Münzen und Medaillen FPL 281, Oct. 1967, 37 von Aulock (SNG 6619)|
|93*||67||81||10.60||Obv. on rev. Antonius, CRR 1198||von Aulock (SNG 6620)|
|94*||68||82||8.98||↓||Traces||Hoffer = Hesperia Art Bulletin 26, 87.|
|96*||69||83||10.06||↓||Obv. on obv. Antonius, CRR 1198||Brussels|
|97*||70||84||Traces on rev.||Hess, 7 March 1935, 493|
|98||71||85||Hesperia Art Bulletin 37, 69|
|21. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P||COS III|
|Head of Hadrian bare, r.||Cult image of Artemis Leukophryene as on no. 16.|
SNGvon Aulock 6623.
|99*||72||86||10.43||Obv. on obv. Antonius||von Aulock (SNG 6623)|
105 coins, 88 certainly overstruck
90 die combinations
72 obverse dies
86 reverse dies
Six types are here assigned to the mint of Ephesus. Four of them have obvious and almost exclusive associations with the city; two others must be assigned here on the basis of the numismatic evidence.
Cull Image of Artemis Ephesia
The archaic xoanon of Artemis, located in the world-renowned Artemision, was the central figure of Asia's most important cult. Early Ephesian coin types relate to worship of the goddess, and she begins to appear on the city's coinage in the second century before Christ.1 The many-breasted statue wore a kalathos and veil; below the waist it was divided by horizontal and vertical bands into small areas containing ornamental relief.2 Stylized representations of the bands, usually with small dots indicating the reliefs, are regular both on imperial bronzes and on the cistophori.
Later, with increasing indifference to the symbolic importance of local coin types, the goddess began to appear on the coinage of many cities, though up to the time of Hadrian her representation was confined almost exclusively to Ephesian issues.3 She had appeared on denarii of the Roman Republic and on cistophori of Claudius;4 the disposition of the legend around the figure is borrowed from his cistophori. Hadrian's issues follow what seems to be a Trajanic innovation in adding stags on either side of the statue.5
Cult Image in Temple
The temple reverse derives directly from the cistophori of Claudius, which were the first coins to portray the Artemision.6 The great temple is regularly subjected to abbreviation to allow portrayal of the cult image: most commonly its octastyle façade is made tetrastyle, and the podium rendered with three steps.7 The stags which sometimes flank the lone cult image are never present on temple reverses.
The temple type had appeared on local bronze only under Vespasian, but became common in the late second and third centuries.8
The goddess portrayed with rudder and cornucopiae, but without turreted crown or polos, is a Latinized Tyche more familiar on Roman than on Greek coins.9 The type has no antecedents at Ephesus, not surprisingly, since Tyche had yet to become a regular fixture of the imperial bronze coinage.10 Her earliest appearance at Ephesus is otherwise during the reign of M. Aurelius.11
Iovis Olympius 12
The seated Zeus holding Artemis and described as Olympius is a type new to the cistophori, though the god had appeared on Ephesian bronzes under Domitian, described as ZEYCOΛYMΠIOC EΘECIΩN.13 By Pausanias* day Olympian Zeus had a temple at Ephesus sufficiently important to serve as a geographical guidepost for his readers:14 the Domitianic bronze has been taken as evidence for its existence as early as the 80s.15
The addition of the words EPHESI to no. 14 and EPHESIO to no. 15 indicate the direct modelling of the Hadrianic reverse on the coin of Domitian. But what might be regarded as a merely derivative type or commemoration of a prominent local deity is infused with new significance by the events of 128-9.16
In late 128, Hadrian arrived at Athens to begin the second of his great Eastern journeys. He spent six months there, during which he took part in dedication ceremonies for the massive Olympieion, begun under the Peisistratids and still unfinished.17 An altar and statue were erected in his honor,18 and he was acclaimed "Olympius," an epithet which appears frequently in subsequent inscriptions.19 The occasion was hailed with the erection of innumerable altars in Athens and throughout the Eastern Empire.20
In March 129, Hadrian departed Eleusis for Ephesus. Some details of his stay at Ephesus are provided by an inscription of that year, in which he is addressed not only by his new title Olympius, but also as the city's "founder and savior."21 Imperial favors to the city are enumerated: provision for grain shipment from Egypt, rendering the harbors navigable, and diverting the Kaÿster. First in the list are "unparalleled gifts to Artemis," which included a grant of the right of inheritance.22
Hadrian's love for Ephesus was well known in antiquity, and must have manifested itself in such favors as the inscription outlines.23 The warm expression of gratitude indicates the reciprocal nature of the relationship between emperor and subject city. But Hadrian's recent acclamation as Olympius added a new dimension to their bond of affection. Worship of Zeus Olympius was not new to Ephesus: the god had had a temple there since the time of Domitian at least.24 Thus the arrival of Hadrian was not simply the advent of an emperor or benefactor: it will have had all the aspect of a divine epiphany. Such an interpretation is reinforced by the long-standing identification of Zeus Olympius with human rulers.25
It is impossible not to see in the coin a numismatic expression of the sentiments contained in the inscription. The same events—Hadrian's acclamation, his arrival, and the welcome which followed his largesse—underlie both. The figure traditionally identified as Zeus is indeed Hadrian.
The pictorial symbolism of the reverse was operative on several levels. The portrayal of Olympius holding a small statue of Artemis epitomizes the close relationship between the emperor and his beloved city; in addition, the inscription shows that the coin reflects not only general benefactions to Ephesus but the specific grant to the cult of Artemis as well.
Finally, the god's holding the cult statue brings the emperor's power and beneficence into specific relationship with the citizens of Asia, of whom she was the chief deity.
This is not the place to explore the significance of the type for Hadrian's panhellenic program; for the moment it is sufficient to note its importance for the chronology of the Ephesian cistophori. Connection of the Iovis Olympius issue with Hadrian's Ephesian sojourn of 129 provides a terminus ad quem for all of Group I, which is associated with this coin by identity of legend and format.
Leukophryene, whose cult was centered at nearby Magnesia ad Maeandrum, derived her epithet from the city's original name, Leukophrys.26 Her cult had been located at Magnesia since at least the sixth century B.C., and her temple compared favorably with that of Ephesus in size and surpassed it in beauty, though the goddess' popularity was not as great as that of Ephesian Artemis.27 The goddess differed little in appearance: in place of stags, Leukophryene often has geese; on issues from the time of Nero and later she is frequently flanked by crowning Victories, whose significance is uncertain. The similarity of the goddesses may reflect Ephesian participation in the re-foundation of Magnesia.28
|1||On the relationship of the bee, Ephesus' famous early coin type, to Artemis see RE Suppl. 12, s.v. "Ephesos," (Karweise), cols. 315-16. The earliest appearance of the cult image is as an adjunct on cistophori; the first use of it as a type is on Ephesus' gold staters (87-85 B.C.), SNGvon Aulock 1869.|
|2||For the fullest collection of representations see H. Thiersch, Artemis Ephesia. Eine archäologische Untersuchung 1. Katalog der erhaltenen Denkmäler, Abhandlungen der Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, Dritte Folge 12 (Göttingen, 1935). The literary sources are assembled by R. Kukula in Forschungen in Ephesos 1 (Vienna, 1906), p. 247, nos. 118ff. C. T. Seltman, "The Wardrobe of Artemis," NC 1952, pp. 39-42, makes several fine points concerning her garb. Cf. also Lacroix, Reproductions, pp. 176-92.|
|3||The Artemis Ephesia reverse later became extremely common, particularly in Lydia and Phrygia. I have found it outside Ephesus before Hadrian's day only at Sebastopolis (L. Robert, Études anatoliennes [Paris, 1937], p. 356, no. 1; p. 357, no. 6); Cilbiani superiores (BMCLydia, p. 62, nos. 1-2, Domitia); Daldis (BMCLydia, p. 69, no. 1, Flavians); Tralles (BMCLydia, p. 340, nos. 91- 92, Nero-Domitian); Cadi (BMCPhrygia, p. 120, nos. 20 (Agrippina Junior), 23-24 (Domitia); Hierapolis (BMCPhrygia, p. 250, no. 130, Trajan); and Tiberiopolis (BMCPhrygia, p. 422, nos. 7-9, Trajan).|
|4||Denarii of L. Lentulus and C. Marcellus coss., RRC 445/3a-b = CRR 1031, struck in Asia; cistophori of Claudius, BMCRE 229.|
|5||The stags make their first appearance on the coins of Hierapolis and Tiberiopolis cited in n. 3; their first occurrence at Ephesus itself is on the coins under discussion and on an apparently contemporary bronze with AΔPIANOC KAICAP OAYMTTIOC, SNGvonAulock 7866.|
BMCRE 229. The employment by both Claudius and Hadrian of a flanking legend to identify the temple portrayed is
consistent with a cistophoric convention initiated by Augustus; under Titus this description was sometimes extended to the
it also appears under Domitian and Trajan.
Augustus: MART-VLTO l. and r., Sutherland VII (γ) = BMCRE 704
COM - ASIAE l. and r., Sutherland VII (ß) = BMCRE 705-6
Claudius: COM-ASI l. and r., BMCRE 228
DIAN - EPHE l. and r., BMCRE 229
Vespasian: COM - ASI l. and r., BMCRE 449
Titus: CA- PIT l. and r., RESTIT in ex., BM (Woodward, pl. 8, 3.)
Domitian Caesar: DIVO - VESP l. and r., BMCRE Titus 150
Domitian Augustus: CA - PIT l. and r., RESTIT in ex., BMCRE 251
Trajan: COM - ASI in ex., BMCRE 711-13.
The pattern is repeated on the issue under discussion, as well as Hadrianic issues of the Commune Bithyniae (nos. B1-B14) and coins of uncertain attribution with rev. Temple of Athena (no. 116). By contrast earlier imperial bronzes usually employ an encircling legend.
|7||For variation in the number of columns see Lacroix, Reproductions, pp. 182-84, and especially B. L. Trell, The Temple of Artemis at Ephesos, ANSNNM 107 (NEW YORK, 1945), pp. 7-10.|
|8||The square shape and tall podium of the Vespasianic piece suggest that the Claudian cistophori were its prototype.|
|9||Tyche does appear infrequently without head ornament, e.g. SNGvonAulock 3291 (Tralles, Elagabalus); 3430 (Ancyra, Nerva); 3592 (Eumeneia, Hadrian); 3610 (Hadrianopolis, Severus Alexander); SNGCop Lydia 448 (Sala, Elagabalus); Phrygia 98-99 (Aezani, M. Aurelius Caesar).|
|10||She first begins to appear regularly about the time of Marcus Aurelius, and most frequently on coins of the imperial women.|
|11||BMCIonia, p. 80, nos. 241-42.|
|12||The nominative form Iovis seems to be paralleled only at Ennius Ann. 62-63 (J. Vahlen, Ennianae Poesis Reliquiae, 3rd ed. [Leipzig, 1928]).|
|13||BMCIonia, p. 75, no. 215.|
|15||To my knowledge this suggestion, which accounts for an otherwise inexplicable coin type, wras first made by J. Beaujeu, La religion romaine à l'apogée de Vempire (Paris, 1955), p. 182. The statements of Benndorf (Forschungen in Ephesos [Vienna, 1906], p. 394); Bürchner (RE 5, s.v. "Ephesos," col. 2795) and Karweise (RE Suppl. 12, s.v. "Ephesos," cols. 282, 334) that the temple was built under Hadrian have no foundation in evidence and are apparently based on the attractive but misleading assumption that all Ephesian institutions associated with Olympius date from Hadrian's day. Even less acceptable is the elaborate scheme of Magie, RRAM 2, pp. 1479-80.|
|16||The following paragraphs condense my fuller discussion in Mnemosyne, ser. 4, vol. 27 (1974), pp. 59-66.|
|17||S. H. A. Hadrian 13.6.|
|18||Dio 69.16.1, Paus. 1.18.6.|
|19||Magie, RRAM 2, p. 1479, enumerates the localities in which the epithet Olympius is found applied to Hadrian.|
|20||A. S. Benjamin, "The Altars of Hadrian in Athens and Hadrian's Panhellenic Program," Hesperia 1963, pp. 57-86.|
|21||SIG 839 = E. M. Smallwood, Documents Illustrating the Reigns of Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian (Cambridge, Eng., 1966), no. 494. See also F. F. Abbott and A. C. Johnson, Municipal Administration in the Roman Empire (Princeton, 1926), pp. 407-8.|
|22||See Ulpian, Dig., fig. 22.|
|23||Philostratus VS 1.25.|
|24||See above, n. 15.|
|25||For a short but useful survey of the association of the human ruler with Zeus, which dates back to Homer, see S. Weinstock, Divus Julius (Oxford, 1971), pp. 305-10. Hadrian is explicitly identified as Olympius on a probably contemporary Ephesian bronze with obv. legend AΔPIANOC KAICAPOΛYMΠIOC, SNGvonAulock 7866.|
The number of surviving specimens and dies, and the relative infrequency of die links, shows that the output of Ephesus' cistophoric mint was consistent with her position as prōtē mētropolis of Asia. For four of the types—those comprising Group I in the catalogue—there can be no question about the attribution to Ephesus. But the connection of Groups II, III, and IV is less secure, and requires defense.
Group II. Artemis Leukophryene. The lone obverse die with Group I legend combined with a Leukophryene reverse is extremely similar in both style and lettering to others of Group I: the truncation of the neck has a single shallow identation, and the lettering is neat, regular and compact. Similarly the reverse format, with its COS III compressed in small letters at 3 and 9 o'clock, is like that of the Asclepius reverses of Group IV, to which, it is suggested below, the reverse die properly belongs.
An attribution of the Leukophryene coins of both Groups II and IV to Magnesia itself is not, obviously, out of the question: the fact that only two obverse dies were employed is no obstacle to postulation of a separate mint, since as we shall see cistophoric mints at Alabanda, Thyateira, Nysa, and Eumeneia employed three or fewer dies. But in favor of Ephesus may be offered the stylistic links to both Groups I and IV, as well as the employment of legends proper to both. In addition Ephesus is one of only two mints (the other, Unidentified Mint C) which certainly struck non-native types. If Asclepius could be portrayed on coins of Group IV, so too could the chief deity of neighboring Magnesia, in whose re-foundation Ephesus had participated.
Group III. Artemis Ephesia; Artemis Ephesia in Temple. This small group of coins is anomalous in omitting Hadrian's consular iteration: calling this class "hybrid," Herzfelder ascribed the omission to the carelessness of an engraver who employed a non-Ephesian model (for a different explanation see below). He recognized their style as purely Ephesian, and no alternative attribution can really be offered in the face of the typological and stylistic links to Group I.
Group IV. Artemis Ephesia with DIANA EPHESIA COS III; Asclepius and Artemis Leukophryene with COS III. The stylistic connection of DIANA EPHESIA COS III coins with those bearing rev. COS III Asclepius has long been recognized, and is immediately evident from comparison of the obverse dies illustrated on Plate 6. But in the past this connection has created difficulties of attribution based solely on typology. The natural temptation—to which Herzfelder and Mattingly succumbed29—is to assign these coins to Pergamum since, as has been noted in the discussion of that mint, its output seems incommensurate with the importance of the city. Now a die link with the DIANA EPHESIA cult image coins of Group III demands a re-attribution to Ephesus. The attribution of Leukophryene coins to Ephesus has been discussed above; its distribution of legends places it in this group.
Ephesus is one of only two mints which altered its obverse legend in the course of the cistophoric issue. It is clear that, as at Rome, the variation in obverse legend has chronological significance: both Groups I and IV include the cult image reverse, but in I the remaining types are exclusively Ephesian while in IV Asclepius and Artemis Leukophryene find a place in the Ephesian coinage for the only time in its history. The problem, then, is to establish the priority of I or IV. For several reasons the sequence I-IV has been adopted, and the anomalous groups II and III placed between them.
First, this sequence is demanded by the date of the IOVIS OLYMPIVS issue, discussed above. It was struck at or soon after Hadrian's arrival at Ephesus in March 129; the remaining coins of Group I are to be associated with it on the basis of obverse legend and reverse content. The sequence IV-I would require assignment of all of IV to the period from August 128 (when Hadrian adopted the title Pater Patriae) to March 129 (his arrival at Ephesus); and while IV is not a massive issue it was clearly substantial, and these are rather narrow limits for its production.
Secondly, it is hardly likely that the first issue from Ephesus consisted of a single local type combined with others foreign to the city. Conversely, Group I has all the look of an inaugural issue, celebrating not only the arrival of Hadrian but also Ephesus' tutelary deities and emphasizing their connection with the city.
Finally, the sequence I-IV provides an easier explanation for the existence of the two hybrid classes than the opposite order. The doubling of COS III in Group II probably occurred at the moment of change from one issue to another: that is, a die already prepared for the second issue was substituted prematurely. Given that reverse dies broke far more frequently than obverses, the likeliest substitution would be of a reverse die: that is, the Leukophryene die with COS III was paired with an obverse from the HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P issue until the latter broke, and an obverse die appropriate to the new issue was substituted.
In the case of Group III, the standard Ephesian types were simply carried over from Group I; it was then realized that with the new obverse legend the consular iteration was omitted. At this point it was added, rather uncomfortably, to the cult image reverses; no space being available on the temple reverse, the type was simply dropped.
It is agreed by all that the analogous classes of coins produced at Rome were struck in exactly the reverse order: HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P was inaugurated in 128 and succeeded, probably in the early 130s, by HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P. But there is no good reason to suppose that Roman mint practice is relevant, especially since the reverse types of Group I provide a simple explanation for its obverse legend, which is virtually without parallel in the rest of the series. For the types of this issue all have extensive description on the reverse, leaving no room for the consular iteration; the Group I legend was devised to allow its inclusion. When types not native to Ephesus were introduced and the epithet Ephesia dropped from all but one reverse, the consular iteration could be placed there and the standard obverse legend restored.
The cistophori of Ephesus display a general stylistic homogeneity, with the variations which might be expected in what was obviously a large scale minting operation. The rather narrow, tall busts of Group I contrast with the broader, fuller ones of Groups III and IV; Group II falls in between with its closest kinship to Group I. There are two anomalous types, nos. 7 and 10. The first of these is unusual in its portrayal of Artemis without her stags, and its obverse die is one of only two at the mint which show Hadrian with a draped bust. But the portrait is otherwise generally similar to others of Group I, and the obverse legend is peculiar to Ephesus so there is no good reason to doubt its Ephesian origin.
The second type, known from two die-identical specimens, is far cruder in style than any other Ephesian product; in addition it has a roughly executed hexastyle temple in place of the usually neat tetrastyle. The type is one of the anomalies which have led to the supposition that DIANA EPHESIA types might have been struck at more than one mint, since the goddess was worshiped all over the province and her cult image is found on the coins of a number of cities.30 That view may be correct, but for various reasons it seems safest to treat such anomalies as the work of inexperienced or incompetent engravers rather than as the products of minute mints. First, with the exceptions of Unidentified Mint C (clearly a special case, see below) and Ephesus itself, no other mint employed another city's deity as a type. Secondly it is clear that the word EPHESIA is used not only as an epithet of Diana but also to identify the city responsible for striking the nonspecific types of Zeus Olympius and Fortuna. Finally, once again, the obverse legend HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P is almost exclusively confined to Ephesus.
|26||Xen. Hell. 3.2.19.|
|28||L. R. Farnell, Culls of the Greek Slates, 2 (Oxford, 1896), p. 483.|
|29||Herzfelder, pp. 16-17; Mattingly, BMCRE 3, p. clix.|
|30||Herzfelder, p. 15; Woodward, p. 168, and n. 16; the coin mentioned there and illustrated at Herzfelder, pl. 3, 5, is left out of consideration here: see below, p. 95, n. 2.|
|22.||HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P||COS III|
|Head of Hadrian bare, r.||Cult image of Apollo Didymeus standing r., holding in extended l. a bow, in extended r. a small stag which faces him.|
BMCRE, p. 385* and 1073 (with corrigendum on p. 566); RIC 183; Cohen 286; Pinder 50, pl. 7, 12; Herzfelder, p. 8, pl. 1, 6.
|100*||1||1||10.36||↗||Traces on rev.||Copenhagen (SNG 441)|
|101*||2||2||9.86||↑||Traces on rev.||London|
|102*||3||3||9.89||↑||Obv. on obv. Antonius||Berlin|
|23.||HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P||COS III|
|Bust of Hadrian draped, bare, r.||Cult image of Apollo Didymeus as on no. 22.|
BMC RE, p. 385* note = Hess, 22 May 1935 (Trau), 1105 (this piece?).
|103*||4||4||10.47||↑||Traces on rev.||Foss = Ancient Gens, 12 July 1971, 135 = Münzen und Medaillen FPL 175, Jan. 1958, 37.|
|24.||HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P||COS III|
|Head of Hadrian bare, r.||Tetrastyle temple on podium of three steps. Within, cult image of Apollo Didymeus stands facing, holding stag in extended l. and bow in r. at side.|
BMCRE 1082 n.; RIC 519; Cohen 287 (without P P, in error); Pinder 60; Herzfelder, p. 8, pl. 1, 7.
|104*||3||5||9.12||↓||Obv. on rev. Antonius||Berlin|
|105||5||6||Obv. on rev. Augustus||Herzfelder, pl. 1, 7 (Hollschek)|
|25.||HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P||COS III|
|Bust of Hadrian draped, bare, r.||Temple of Apollo Didymeus as on no. 24.|
BMCRE 1082, pl. 64, 5; RIC 519 n.; RIN 1898, p. 49, pl. 1, 8.
|106||4||7||9.70||↑||Traces on rev.||Rome|
|107a*||6||8||10.40||Traces on rev.||Piancastelli 1524|
|26.||HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P||COS III|
|Head of Hadrian bare, r.||Artemis in long drapery standing half-1., holding patera in extended r. and bow in l.; to l., a stag looking r.|
BMCRE 1062, pl. 72, 9; RIC 490; Cohen 317; Pinder 72, pl. 5, 9; Herzfelder, p. 8, pl. 1, 5.
|108*||5||9||10.10||↑||Obv on obv. Antonius, CRR 1198||Berlin|
|109*||5||10||10.40||↑||Obv. on rev. Antonius, CRR 1198||Munich|
|110*||5||11||Obv. on obv. Augustus, rev. temple||Dorotheum, 12 May 1960 (Hollschek 11), 543.|
|111*||7||12||10.52||↑||Obv. on rev.||London|
|112||8||13||Augustus, RIC 13 Traces on rev.||Athens|
|27.||HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P||COS III|
|Bust of Hadrian draped, bare, r.||Artemis as on no. 26.|
|113*||4||14||10.94||↑||Obv. on rev. Augustus, RIC 13||Paris|
|114*||4||15||10.45||↗||Obv. on rev. Augustus, RIC 13||The Hague|
16 coins, all overstruck
15 die combinations
8 obverse dies
15 reverse dies.
Herzfelder1 first recognized the interconnection of three cistophoric types traditionally associated with Miletus, and posited the existence of a mint there.
Didymeus (or "Philesius"2) was the god of the famous oracle at Didyma, a small town some 17 km from Miletus. The relationship between the two cities was comparable to that which obtained between Athens and Eleusis, and the god of Didyma began to receive numismatic notice on the coinage of Miletus very early. Already in the seventh century the lion—symbol of Apollo—appears on the city's electrum staters; by 350, his head appears on obverses.3
Bronzes of the second century B.C. are the first coins to depict the famous and statue of Apollo by Canachus, which had been carried off during the Persian sack and returned by Seleucus I.4 The god was portrayed nude, holding a bow in his left hand and a small stag in his extended right. A vexed passage in Pliny5 seems to say that the stag could be made to move back and forth !
The cult image, usually facing right, became the chief reverse type of Miletus' imperial bronzes;6 the cistophoric reverse is very similar to these, though the translation to silver infused the short, archaic statue with a new grace dictated by the contemporary hellenizing vogue.
Didymeus in Temple
Several specimens portray the famous temple which housed Didyma's oracle. The dodecastyle façade is here made tetrastyle, with the opening thus achieved containing a frontal representation of Canachus' Apollo.
The temple was one of antiquity's largest and most impressive. Though well established as a cult center by the time of the Persian Wars, it recovered only slowly from the pillage of Darius. Reconstruction was undertaken in the time of Alexander, yet in Strabo's day the shrine remained roofless.7
Trajan's provision for the erection of a new road to accommodate the heavy traffic from Miletus to Didyma attests the continued prosperity of the cult, which continued through the second century at least.8 The temple appears on imperial bronzes well into the third century,9 the god's name is found on an inscription of 362, and he was known to Macrobius.10
The goddess portrayed with stag and bow can only be the huntress, Artemis. The cistophoric reverse type was never associated with Miletus until Imhoof-Blumer compared the image with that appearing on the city's bronzes.11 Herzfelder has been followed by other scholars in applying to the goddess the epithet "Milesia," which is not to my knowledge supported by any ancient testimony.12 Her frequent appearance on coins suggests that she is in fact the Artemis Pythia who finds extensive notice in inscriptions from Didyma.13
No archaeological remains tell us where her worship was centered, but local legend made the cult of Artemis at Didyma as old as that of her brother. The legend of their nearby birth provided an etymology for the city's name.14
The surviving Milesian cistophori form a compact group: the sixteen known specimens are struck from only eight obverse dies, and three of these are combined with two or more types: obv. die 3 is combined with rev. Apollo and Temple; obv. die 5 with revs. Apollo and Artemis; and obv. die 4 with all three types.
The style of the Milesian cistophori is distinctive, and it is clear that all the dies were produced by a single hand. Herzfelder noted the "curiously long throat," which is most evident on undraped heads. The obverse lettering, tall and narrow, is consistent throughout; the reverse legend always had the numeral 111 in tall strokes and compressed; all dies show a clumsy rendering of the letter S.
The consistent use of the die orientation ↑ ↑ may derive from a longstanding tradition at Miletus which only began to break down in the second century.15
|1||Herzfelder, pp. 8-9.|
|2||The name Philesius occurs in Pliny NH 34.75.|
|3||Head, HN, p. 585. Staters: BCMIonia, p. 183, nos. 2ff.; for the obverse portraits, p. 189, nos. 51ff.|
|4||BMCIonia, p. 197, nos. 134-37.|
|5||See above, n. 2.|
|6||Claudius: BMCIonia, p. 198, no. 146; Nero: BMCIonia, p. 198, nos. 145-49; Domitian: BMCIonia, p. 199, nos. 152-53; Hadrian: SNGCopIonia 1018; Geta: BMCIonia, p. 201, no. 163.|
|7||Strabo 14.1.5, C. 634.|
|8||K. von Stradonitz, "Vorläufiger Berichtüber die von den Königliche Museen begonnen Ausgrabungen in Milet," Silzungsber. Akad. Berlin 1900, p. 106; see B. Haussoullier, Études sur l'histoire de Milet et des Didymeion (Paris, 1902), pp. 154-55. For inscriptions from the second century, T. Wiegand, Didyma 2 (Berlin, 1958), p. 323.|
|9||For instance, Julia Domna, SNGvonAulock 2112; Geta, BMCIonia, p. 201, no. 163.|
|10||SIG 906 A; Macrob. Sat. 1.17.64.|
|11||F. Imhoof-Blumer, Münzkunde, p. 5 (= SNR 1905, p. 165). The goddess appears facing r. on coins of Nero, SNGCopIonia 1010-12 and facing l. on coins of Trajan, BMCIonia, p. 199, no. 155. The facing goddess is introduced under Hadrian on the cistophorus and a local bronze, SNGCopIonia 1017. She continues to appear in the third century: SNGvonAulock 2110 (Septimius Severus, with Didymeus); Imhoof-Blumer, Kl. M. 1, p. 89, no. 27 (Severus and Caracalla); BMC Ionia, p. 200, no. 161, Julia Domna; Imhoof-Blumer, Kl. M. 1, p. 89, no. 29 (Balbinus).|
|12||Herzfelder, p. 9.|
|13||Wiegand (above, n. 8), nos. 118, 182, 228, 312, 315, 330, 363, 388, 403. For this identification of the goddess see Laumonier, Cultes 588-89.|
|14||SIG 590.1.10. See also coins of Balbinus and Gallienus showing Leto bearing the infants Apollo and Artemis, BMCIonia, p. 201, no. 164, pl. 22, 13; SNGvonAulock 2113.|
|15||The consistent picture suggested by SNGCopIonia 957-1017, the only published record to include die axes, is borne out by specimens in the ANS: ↑ ↓ is avoided entirely until Claudius, and is still exceptional until the time of Hadrian, when it begins to dominate.|
|28.||HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P||COS III l. and r. in field SMVR in exergue|
|Head of Hadrian bare, r.||Tetrastyle temple on podium of three steps, within which stand two Nemeses facing each other.|
BMCRE 1083, pl. 74, 7; RIC 521; Herzfelder, p. 11, pl. 2, 1.
|115*||1||1||10.32||↓||Traces on rev.||London|
|29.||HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P||COS III in exergue|
|Head of Hadrian bare, r.||Zeus seated l. on throne holding small cult image of Ephesian Artemis in extended r. and vertical sceptre in upraised l.; behind, eagle to 1.|
BMCRE p. 388 †; RIC 501 (erroneously describing statuette as "Diana of Perga"); Herzfelder, p. 12, pl. 2, 2.
|116*||2||2||10.54||↑||Obv. on obv. Antonius, CRR 1198||Munich|
|117*||3||3||10.92||↗||Traces||Vienna = Bachofen von Echt, 1188|
|30.||HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P||COS III|
|Head of Hadrian bare, r.||Zeus, naked to waist, seated l. on throne, holding Victory in extended r. and vertical sceptre in upraised l. To l., an eagle.|
BMCRE 1069, pl. 73, 2; RIC 499; Cohen 272; Pinder 52, pl. 7, 5; Herzfelder, p. 12, pl. 2, 3.
|118*||4||4||10.70||Obv. on obv. Claudius, rev. temple of Artemis||Mazzini 2, 272 = Santamaria, 26 June 1950, (Magnaguti 3), 661 = Naville 11, 18 June 1925, 529|
|119*||5||5||10.29||T||Obv. on obv. Augustus, RIC 13.||London|
|120*||6||6||Obv. on obv. Augustus, RIC 12||Myers 1, 18 Nov. 1971, 524|
|121*||7||7||Traces||Münzen und Medaillen 17, 2 Dec. 1957, 443|
|123*||7||9||10.35||↑||Obv. on obv. Augustus, RIC 13||ANS = Hess, 1 Dec. 1931, 1069|
|125*||9||11||Hess, 22 May 1935, (Trau), 1096|
|126*||10||12||10.58||Traces||Hess-Leu 41, 24 Apr. 1969, 193 = von Aulock (SNG 6614)|
|31. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P||COS III|
|Head of Hadrian bare, r.||Eagle standing to front on thunderbolt, wings spread, head r.|
BMCRE 1079, pl. 74, 3,1080; RIC 516; Cohen 427 (erroneously omitting P P); Pinder 56, pl. 7, 9; Herzfelder, p. 12, pl. 2, 6.
|129||4||15||10.31||↑||Obv. on obv. Augustus, wreath rev.||Berlin|
|130a*||4||16||9.78||↑||Obv. on obv. Augustus, wreath rev.||Munich|
|130b||4||16||10.61||Santamaria, 26 June 1950, (Magnaguti 3), 666 = Hess, 22 May 1935 (Trau), 1117|
|131||4||17||10.09||Traces||Winterthur photo (ex Imhoof-Blumer coll.)|
|132*||12||18||9.95||von Aulock (SNG 6629)|
|133*||13||19||10.87||↓||Traces on rev.||London|
|134*||14||20||10.56||↓||Obv. on obv. Augustus, RIC 13||Brussels|
|135||15||21||Traces on rev.||Galerie für griech., röm. und byz. Kunst (Frankfurt/M.) 1, 1970, 40|
|32.||HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P||COS III|
|Head of Hadrian bare, r.||Two Nemeses draped, standing face to face; each holds out in r. a fold of drapery from breast. One on l. holds bridle in l., one on r. a cubit rule in 1.|
BMCRE 1074, pl. 73, 9; RIC 507; Cohen 326; Pinder 82, pl. 8, 10; Herzfelder, p. 11, pl. 2, 4.
|137*||17||23||Obv. on rev. Augustus||Glendining (Woodward), 27 Sept. 1962, 303|
|138*||18||24||10.28||↓||Traces||Boston = Hess /Leu, 2 Apr. 1958, 325 = Santamaria, 26 June 1950 (Magnaguti 3), 663|
|139*||19||25||Traces on obv.||Hess, 7 March 1935, 494 = Cahn 71, 14 Oct. 1931, 1580|
|141*||20||27||10.60||Traces||Münzen und Medaillen FPL 281, Oct. 1967, 35 = Hess, 2 Aug. 1933, 319 = Baranowsky, 25 Feb. 1931, 1784|
|142*||21||28||Salton-Schlessinger, 22 Nov. 1955, 789|
|143*||21||29||Merzbacher, 15 Nov. 1910, 1633 = B. Batto, 5 Nov. 1908, 910|
|144*||21||30||10.29||Traces||von Aulock (SNG 6627)|
|145*||22||31||Traces on rev.||Hamburger, 29 May 1929, 604 = Glendining, 1 Dec. 1927, 194 = Hamburger, 19 Oct. 1925, 842|
|148*||24||34||11.25||↓||Copenhagen (SNG 442)|
|149a*||25||35||10.68||↑||Obv. on obv. Antonius||Copenhagen (SNG 443)|
|149b||25||35||Traces on rev.||Turin|
|150||26||36||10.67||↑||Obv. on obv. Augustus||London|
|151*||26||37||10.37||↙||Obv. on obv. Antonius, CRR 1197||Vienna|
|152*||27||38||10.42||Traces||Lanz (Graz) 5, 1 Dec. 1975, 497 = Hess, 22 May 1935 (Trau), 1113|
|153*||28||39||10.08||Traces||Poindessault, 29 May, 1972, 237 = Platt, 17 March 1970, 65|
|154*||29||40||10.93||Traces||Hirsch 24, 10 May 1909, 1396|
|156a*||31||41||12.20||↓||Traces on rev.||Vatican|
|156b*||31||41||10.81||↓||Obv. on obv. Augustus, RIC 14||Berlin|
|157*||32||42||Traces||JNFA, vol. 2, no. 1 (Spring 1973), T 12 = Kress 125, 17 Apr. 1963, 668 = Münzen und Medaillen 17, 2 Dec. 1957, 445|
|158*||33||43||10.88||↓||Traces on rev.; double struck||ANS = R. Ratto FPL, 1931, 60 = Naville 12, 18 Oct. 1926, 2854 = Hirsch 33, 17 Nov. 1913, 1238|
|159*||33||44||Herzfelder, pl. 2, 4, from a cast in London|
|160*||34||45||Ciani, Apr. 1925, 199|
|33. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS PP||COS III|
|Head of Hadrian bare, r.||Cybele towered, draped, seated l. on throne holding patera in extended r. and resting l. arm on tympanum. At her feet, lion looking l., r. forepaw raised.|
BMCRE 1059, 1060, pl. 72, 6; RIC 488; Cohen 283; Pinder 80, pl. 8, 7; Herzfelder, p. 11, pl. 2, 5.
|161*||33||46||10.87||↓||Obv. on rev. Augustus, RIC 13||Oxford = Egger 39, 15 Jan. 1912, 918 = Bach- ofen von Echt 1177|
|162||33||47||Traces on rev.||Herzfelder, pl. 2, 5, from a cast in London|
|164*||35||49||10.18||Copenhagen (SNG 444)|
|165*||36||50||10.39||↑||Obv. on rev. Antonius, CRR 1197||JNFA, vol. 2, no. 1 (Spring 1973), T 14 = Salton-Schlessinger, 22 Nov. 1955, 783 = Hess, 11 March 1935, 491 = Cahn 75, 30 May 1932, 1108|
|166*||37||51||11.00||Obv. on rev. Augustus||von Aulock (SNG 6624) = Santamaría, 26 June 1950 (Magnaguti 3), 665|
|167*||38||52||10.65||↗||Obv. on rev. Augustus, RIC 13||Vienna|
|168*||39||53||10.89||↑||Obv. on obv. Antonius, CRR 1197||London|
|169*||40||54||10.87||↓||Obv. on obv. Augustus||Brussels|
|172*||43||57||10.30||Traces||Piancastelli 1520 = Hess, 22 May 1935 (Trau), 1103|
|173||44||58||JNFA, vol. 2, no. 1|
|174*||45||59||10.58||Obv. on obv. Augustus||(Spring 1973), T 15 Vienna|
|34.||SABINA AVGVSTA HADRIANI AVG PP||COS III|
|Bust of Sabina draped r.; hair coiled and bunched on top of head.||Cybele seated l. as on no. 33.|
BMCRE 1095, pl. 75, 7; RIC 533; Cohen (Sabina) 35; Pinder 104, pl. 8, 9.
|175*||46||59||9.54||↑||Obv. on obv. Antonius||London|
|176*||47||60||Traces||Kress 143, 27 May 1968, 508|
65 coins, 48 certainly overstruck
62 die combinations
47 obverse dies
60 reverse dies
The great commercial center of Smyrna possessed one of Hadrian's largest cistophoric mints. As early as Pinder the main reverse types of Nemeses and Cybele had been recognized as Smyrnaean products, but it was Herzfelder 1 who first fully outlined the mint's production, using criteria of style and die links.
All the types of Smyrna are closely associated with the city.
Nemeses in Temple; Two Nemeses
The worship of Nemesis at Smyrna was of great antiquity; whatever the origin of the cult, it seems to have been well established by the time of Alyattes' destruction of the city.2 The single goddess worshipped elsewhere became two at Smyrna: this duality is peculiar to the city and is reflected in numerous inscriptions.3 The origin of the additional goddess is unknown: Pausanias thought she reflected the foundation of the "new city" by Alexander.4 Modern scholars, more subtly but less romantically, are inclined to think that the doubling of the goddess reflects the European and Asiatic concepts of the divinity.5 That Pausanias was wrong is suggested by the antiquity of the cult: when he himself discussed the addition of wings as an attribute, he appealed to no less an authority than the archaic Smyrnaean statues, wrought in wood.6
Despite the prominence of the goddesses, they are absent from civic coinage until Imperial times. A single (winged) Nemesis appears on the coinage of Nero and Agrippina,7 and an alliance issue of Ephesus and Smyrna dating from the proconsulship of P. Calvisius Ruso shows the two goddesses face to face.8 The latter type eventually becomes standard, and enjoys periodic popularity until the third century; it is frequently used as the symbol of Smyrna on alliance coinages.9
The unique piece showing the Nemeseion has no Smyrnaean antecedent, but accords well with cistophoric depictions of cult temples at Ephesus, Miletus, and Sardis as well as some unknown mints. Its placement of the ethnic in exergue (albeit upside down) is paralleled at Sardis.10
The Nemeseion existed as late as A.D. 211,11 but nothing is known of it today. Our coin would suggest that it was of Ionic order; the prominent acroterion and antefixes and three-step podium are conventions familiar from Ephesian cistophori, and tell little about the temple's actual appearance.
Zeus Akraios, "god of the height," was worshipped at sites throughout the Greek world, but most notably at Smyrna.12 While his cult never rivalled that of the Nemeses, the god was a prominent figure on civic coinage from the time of Trajan.13 That the cistophoric reverse, with its Zeus on the Pheidiac model but substituting Victory for the customary eagle, actually represents Akraios is confirmed by analogy with bronze coins struck in the proconsulship of Vettius Bolanus, on which the god is named.14
Akraios had a large temple on the hill now known as Deirman-Tepe. Peripteral and Corinthian, it was 10 by 23 columns with an intercolumniation of 1.8 m.; it rivalled in size the temple of Zeus built by Hadrian at Athens. No trace of it can now be found; Prokesch von Osten, who saw its remains in 1824, thought it might date from the time of Hadrian,15 and Cadoux16 suggested that it was built with money which the sophist Polemo induced the emperor to bestow upon the city. His view might be confuted by bronzes of Hadrianic date with a seated Zeus and the inscription ΠOΛEMΩN CTPATΛΓOC AN EΘH KE.17
A second Zeus, this one holding a statuette of Ephesian Artemis, is linked by stylistic considerations to the lone coin with temple reverse.18 Whether he represents Akraios or Zeus in some other aspect (Olympius?) is moot. Alteration of specific attributes is not uncommon, and is well attested on Smyrnaean issues.19
Herzfelder20 suggested that this reverse represented the citizens of Smyrna "paying homage to a neighboring divinity, who incidentally was revered all over the province." For two reasons this is a dubious interpretation of the type. First, such "homage" is not only unknown on cistophori (and in general on civic coinage not falling into the "alliance" class), but impossible: for it will be shown below that the cistophori, while they draw heavily on types indigenous to the cities of their origin, were not produced under local authority, but by sanction of the Roman governor or some other prominent bureaucrat. They could not, therefore, have expressed the sentiment of any city toward another.
Secondly, the fact that Artemis' cult was widespread in Asia rendered the symbolism of the goddess herself universal. Though she was used as a civic badge only by Ephesus, she appears frequently elsewhere, and her employment as an attribute to symbolize the whole province is easily comprehensible.21
Eagle on Thunderbolt
Pinder22 believed the eagle on thunderbolt to be so universal as to defy attribution to any single city, though unspecified stylistic considerations led him to regard PERGAMUM as a possible mint for the type; Herzfelder, also on stylistic grounds, assigned the type to Smyrna.23 His observation that "the device was the usual one of the civic mint at the time of Hadrian" is not quite accurate, but the use of obverse die 4 with both this reverse and Zeus Akraios confirms his attribution.
The cistophori reproduce the statue of Cybele sculpted by Agorakritos, pupil of Pheidias, in the late fifth century B.C.25 This is the first appearance of the goddess' full figure on Roman coinage; she had been a regular feature of Smyrnaean civic issues.26
The goddess rivalled the Nemeses in importance at Smyrna; her shrine, which was probably located somewhere east of the Acropolis, was world-famous.27 She was described as εἰληχνῑα τὴν πόλιν and perhaps as the city's foundress.28
The juxtaposition of the Cybele reverse with the obverse portrait of the empress on no. 34 foreshadows the numismatic convention which became popular under the Antonines.29
The close association of the above seven types with Smyrna is reflected by their numismatic relationship to one another. All seven may be tied to each other and to the city on numismatic grounds alone.
The mint mark SMVR, combined with the type of two Nemeses in temple, is conclusive. Herzfelder 30 noted the stylistic affinities between the lone obverse die (no. 1) employed with this type and those used with reverse Zeus seated holding Artemis Ephesia (obv. dies 2 and 3): the two points at the rear neckline of the bust are the engraver's peculiarity and appear frequently on Smyrnaean obverse dies.
Herzfelder further noted an obverse die linking Cybele and Nemeses types; two such links (obv. dies 28 and 32) are now known. He also assigned to Smyrna the eagle on thunderbolt reverse (no. 31), on the basis of similarities in the obverse portrait to our nos. 32 and 33.
To his Smyrnaean mint may now be added the rare cistophori with obverse Sabina and reverse Cybele: reverse die 59 links the type to coins of similar reverse, but obverse Hadrian; and Zeus Akraios, which shares an obverse die (no. 4) with the eagle on thunderbolt issue. The latter case is instructive, since Herzfelder rejected Smyrna as the mint for this type on the basis of style and proposed Apamea instead;31 but the die link is conclusive, and the Apamean mint must be discarded.
The mint of Smyrna thus produced three discrete groups of cistophori, each consisting of two reverse types:
It is attractive to suppose that the groups represent the production of three separate officinae, but this interpretation is rendered unlikely by the uneven survival rates of both dies and specimens from each group:
If the mint of Smyrna was divided into officinae, they cannot be detected today. The close connection among the several Smyrnaean issues indicates a fairly short period of issue, but the chronological termini are rather broad: a post quem is provided, as usual, by Hadrian's adoption of the title Pater Patriae in August 128, and an ante quem by the death of Sabina in 136;32 but there is no way to determine where, within these limits, the activity of the mint is to be placed.
|1||Herzfelder, pp. 11-13.|
|2||B. Schweitzer, "Dea Nemesis Regina," JDAI 1931, pp. 202ff.|
|3||For example IGRR 4, 1402, 1431; see also the list compiled by Rossbach in Roscher, Lex. 3, p. 144.|
|4||Paus. 1.33.7. The "Vision of Alexander" is represented on Smyrna's civic coinage: Alexander sleeps under a plane tree, the two Nemeses before him: BMCIonia, p. 279, no. 346 (M. Aurelius): p. 299, no. 442 (Gordian); p. 296, no. 452 (Philip I).|
|5||Schweitzer (above, n. 2), p. 203.|
|7||BMCIonia, p. 271, no. 287; McClean 8302, pl. 288, 2.|
|8||BMCIonia, p. 101, nos. 405-6. The precise date of Ruso's proconsulship is unknown (PIR 2 C 350); it is assigned to ca. 83 by Magie, RRAM 2, pp. 1442, n. 34, and 1582. A similar type was struck by L. Caesennius Paetus, also proconsul under Domitian: BMCIonia, p. 111, nos. 407-8: see also nos. 409-10.|
|9||In addition to the coins described in n. 8 above BMCIonia, p. 308, no. 514 (M. Aurelius, with Nicomedia); p. 301, nos. 479-83 (Commodus, with Laodicea); p. 304, nos. 498-500 (Crispina, with Nicomedia); p. 308, nos. 515-16 (Crispina, with Laodicea).|
|10||See below, no. 194.|
|11||C. J. Cadoux, Ancient Smyrna (Oxford, 1938), p. 204.|
|12||RE 1, s.v. "Akraios," cols. 1193-94 (Wentzel).|
|13||BMCIonia, pp. 253-58, "Trajan-Commodus." Akraios represents Smyrna on alliance issues of the period: BMCIonia, p. 307, no. 511 (M. Aurelius, with Laodicea); p. 302, no. 485 (Commodus, with Athens); Hunter 2, p. 389, no. 278 (Commodus, with Lacedaemon).|
|14||BMCIonia, p. 272, nos. 294-96. For Vettius, P1R 1 V 323. He was suffectus in 66 (A. Degrassi, I Fasti Consolari dell' Impero Romano [Rome, 1952], p. 18); his proconsulship is placed in 70-73 by Magie, RRAM 2, p. 1582.|
|15||For the temple, RE 3A, s.v. "Smyrna," cols 755-56 (Bürchner); Cadoux (above, n. 11), p. 202. Both accounts derive ultimately from R. Prokesch von Osten, Denkwürdigkeit und Erinnerungen aus dem Orient 1 (Stuttgart, 1836), p. 522. For mention of the sacred precinct, CIG 3146.|
|16||Cadoux, (above, n. 15); Philostratus VS 1.25. For Polemo and Hadrian see especially G. W. Bowersock, Greek Sophists in the Roman Empire (Oxford, 1970), pp. 48-49, 120-23.|
|17||BMCIonia, p. 277, no. 328. The use of this coin to support Cadoux's interpretation would require parallels for an unusual use of the word ἀνέθηκε; it is doubtful whether it can refer to Polemo's acquisition of an imperial grant for the city. Though the statue of Zeus is seated r. and is in a slightly different posture than usual renderings, connection with Akraios is not to be ruled out. Variation in presentation might result from a generalized conception of the deity rather than imitation of a different cult image: cf. the great variation in detail in Smyrnaean versions of Tyche, SNGvonAulock 2205-6 (Vespasian), 2216-17 (Septimius).|
|18||Herzfelder, p. 12.|
|19||See above, n. 18; compare also an alliance issue of Smyrna and Ephesus (SNGvonAulock2246), certainly struck at Smyrna, which is exceptional in adding wings to the Nemeses.|
|20||Herzfelder (above, n. 18).|
|21||See above, p. 21.|
|22||Pinder, p. 628.|
|23||Herzfelder, pp. 12-13.|
|24||For specific association of eagles with Zeus at Smyrna, see Cadoux (above, n. 11), p. 203, n. 7.|
|25||For bibliography see M. Bieber, "The Images of Cybele in Roman Coins and Sculpture," Hommages à Marcel Renard 3, Coll. Latomus 103 (Brussels, 1969), p. 33, n. 2.|
|26||Tetradrachms of Lysimachus with rev. symbol head of Cybele are probably the earliest Smyrnaean issues to portray the goddess: Head, HN, p. 592; M. Thompson, "The Mints of Lysi- machus," in Essays in Greek Coinage Presented to Stanley Robinson, ed. C. M. Kraay and G. K. Jenkins (Oxford, 1968), p. 180. See also BMCIonia, pp. 239ff., nos. 19-46 (second to first centuries B.C.); p. 250, nos. 131-32 (Nero). The goddess often represents the city on alliance issues: SNG vonAuloek 2243-45 (Marcus Aurelius, with Antioch, Laodicea and Nicomedia respectively); BMC Ionia, p. 306, no. 507 (Caraealla, with PERGAMUM); p. 302, no. 484 (Commodus, with Athens); p. 303, no. 490 (Commodus, with Nicomedia).|
|27||RE 11, s.v. "Kybele," col. 2288 (Schwenn); see also Pliny NH 14.54.|
|28||Ael. Arist. 15, p. 575, Dindorf; Boeckh's supplement ἀϱχηγέτιν to CIG 3387 is probable but not certain.|
|29||BMCRE 4, pp. 232-33, nos. 1436-40 (Diva Faustina I); p. 403, nos. 134-35, and p. 534, nos. 932-35 (Faustina II): p. 577, no. 1208 (Lucilla).|
|30||Herzfelder, p. 11.|
|31||Herzfelder, p. 12. The coins "show vague similarities to the usual Smyrnaean style. But the fabric is much flatter, the modelling of the god's body less accurate, the heads on the obverse sometimes remarkably poor. It seems doubtful whether the evidence for Smyrna is sufficient, especially as this type of Zeus is common all over the province. Perhaps these coins belong to Apamea, where similar representations are fairly frequent."|
|32||The date of Sabina's death is not absolutely certain. It is mentioned in S.H.A. Hadr. 21.9 in connection with the adoption of L. Ceionius Commodus, which occurred in 136; moreover, Alexandrian issues bearing her portrait go only as far as the twentieth year of Hadrian (135/6). Mommsen suggested that CIL VIII (Berlin, 1881) 799 might indicate that she was still alive in 137, but his view has been adopted by no subsequent scholar (PIR 1 V 414).|
|35. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P||COS III|
|Head of Hadrian bare, r.||Apollo in long robe standing front, head l., holding raven in r. and branch in l.|
BMCRE 1050, pl. 72, 4; RIC 484; Cohen 288; Pinder 84, pl. 8,12; Herzfelder, p. 8, pl. 1.4.
|177*||1||1||10.44||Traces||von Aulock (SNG 6618)|
|178*||1||2||9.83||↓||Traces||Copenhagen (SNG 445)|
|179a*||2||3||10.41||↓||Obv. on obv. Augustus, RIC 11||London|
|179b||2||3||Obv. on rev. Antonius||Athens|
4 coins, all overstruck
3 die combinations
2 obverse dies
3 reverse dies
Herzfelder first noted the similarity of the god portrayed here with raven and branch to one appearing on the coins of Alabanda in the time of Caracalla;1 he posited a mint there.
The cistophori mark the first full-view appearance of the god on coins, though it is clear that the cult of Apollo was prominent at Alabanda from very early times. His laureate head appears on the city's early coinage, accompanied by reverse types lyre, raven and humped bull.2 Later imperial issues employ the laurel branch and raven as reverse types.3 Apollo was worshipped in two aspects at Alabanda: the one portrayed here bore the epithet Isotimos.4
The style of the Alabandan cistophori is individual; the two obverse and three reverse dies were all produced by the same hand. Hadrian's hair is arranged in fairly thin curls, while his eyebrows arc thickened. Large dots are used to portray the beard. Lettering on the obverse dies is regular, with tall and narrow letters; these also appear on the reverses. Apollo is gracefully rendered; the folds in his drapery are well articulated.
Though our record of obverse dies is probably incomplete, it is clear that the output of the mint of Alabanda was inconsiderable.
|1||Herzfelder, p. 8. For coins of Caracalla see BMCCaria, p. 7, nos. 38-39; SNGvonAulock 2400.|
|2||BMCCaria, p. 2, no. 9; pp. 3-4, nos. 16-18.|
|3||Laurel branch: BMCCaria, p. 7, nos. 36-37, 40-42 (Julia Domna, Caracalla); raven, BMCCaria, p. 5, no. 24 (late imperial).|
|4||Laumonier, Cultes, p. 438, n. 9.|
|36. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P Head of Hadrian bare, r.||COS III beginning at r. Cult image of Aphrodite of Aphrodisias r. both hands extended; in front of her, Eros standing r. aiming bow; behind, seated figure. Star high in l. field, crescent in r.|
BMCRE 1077, pl. 73, 12; RIC 512; Herzfelder, p. 8, pl. 1, 8.
|180*||1||1||10.25||↓||Obv. on obv. Antonius||London|
|37. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P Head of Hadrian bare, r.||COS III beginning at r.||As on no. 36 but in front of Aphrodite, naked figure; behind, censer (?).|
|181*||1||2||10.44||↙||Obv. on obv.||Hess-Leu, 7 Apr. 1960,|
|Antonius, CRR 1198||329|
2 coins, both overstruck
2 die combinations
1 obverse die
2 reverse dies
Two reverses sharing an obverse die portray Aphrodite of Aphrodisias; the goddess was probably a hellenized Nina-Ishtar, a deity of love and war.1 Combination of the numismatic evidence with that of reliefs and statuettes allows reconstruction of her appearance.2 Her head is surmounted by a kalathos and surrounded by a laurel wreath; a veil extends to the ground. A chiton of floor length and a corset extending to the knees cover her body. Her arms are extended frontally, in hieratic fashion. The goddess is accompanied, both on the cistophori and on many bronzes of Aphrodisias, by the star and crescent found with many eastern divinities.
The figures which flank the cult image vary. On reverse die 1 the figure seated behind seems to be a priestess, and the Eros in front of her is easily comprehensible. On reverse die 2 the naked figure in front may again be interpreted as an Eros; behind her is the object which has provided previous scholars with so much food for speculation.3 Laumonier's view, that it is a censer surmounted by the head of a lion, seems far the most reasonable.4
Aphrodite appears frequently on the coinage of Aphrodisias from the first century B.C. to the time of Salonina,5 and she represents the city on alliance coinages.6 The fact that she never appears elsewhere insures the attribution of these cistophori to Aphrodisias. Once again, though the record of dies is probably not complete, it is clear that the mint of Aphrodisias struck only briefly, and that its output was small indeed.
|1||Laumonier, Cultes, p. 478.|
|2||Lacroix, Reproductions, pp. 167-76.|
|3||The object also appears on imperial bronze coins. Head (BMCCaria, p. 31, no. 33) thought it to be an "altar in the form of the capital of a column, supported by a conical cover;" M. Bernhart thought he saw a chariot drawn by seahorses (Aphrodite auf griechischen Münzen [Munich, 1936), p. 10, no. 22).|
|4||Laumonier, Cultes, p. 478.|
|5||Her bust appears on coins of the first century B.C.: BMCCaria, pp. 26-27, nos. 6-18. The cult image first appears under Augustus (BMCCaria, p. 39, nos. 85-93) and regularly thereafter.|
|6||For instance cult image held by Demos on BMCCaria, p. 53, no. 161 (with Ephesus, Septimius Severus); Tychai holding cult image, BMCCaria, p. 53, no. 162 (with Antiochia Cariae, Severus Alexander); the cult image alone on SNGvonAulock 8057 and BMCPhrygia, p. 257, no. 166, of Commodus with Antiochia Cariae and Hierapolis respectively.|
|38. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P||COS III|
|Head of Hadrian bare, r.||Zeus Labraundos draped to feet standing front holding double axe in r. and vertical spear in l.; fillets fall to ground from wrists.|
BMCRE 1064, pl. 72, 11; RIC 496; Cohen 276 ("Jupiter à droite"); Herzfelder, p. 6, pl. 1, 1; A. Akarça, Les monnaies grecques de Mylasa, p. 59, nos. 16. 2-3.
|182*||1||1||10.39||↓||Obv. on rev. Antonius, CRR 1197||London = Akarça 16.2|
|183*||1||2||9.61||↓||Traces on obv.||Boston = Hesperia Art Bulletin 26, 85|
|184*||2||3||10.15||Obv. on obv. Augustus, RIC 13||von Aulock (SNG 6616)|
|185*||3||4||10.50||↙||Obv. on rev. Augustus||Vienna = Akarça 16.3|
|39. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P||COS III|
|Bust of Hadrian with drapery on l. shoulder, bare, r.||Zeus Labraundos as on no. 38.|
BMCRE 1064 n.; RIC 496; Pinder 49, pl. 7, 2; Akarça, p. 59, no. 16. 1.
|186a||4||5||10.92||Traces||Leu-Münzen und Medaillen, (Niggeler 3) 2 Nov. 1967, 1259 = Hess, 22 May 1935 (Trau), 1101|
|186b*||4||5||10.80||Obv. on rev. Antonius, CRR 1197||Cambridge = Akarça 16.1 (misdescribed) = W. M. Leake, Numismata hellenica (London, 1856), p. 84|
|40. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P||COS III|
|Bust of Hadrian with drapery on l. shoulder, bare, r.||Zeus Osogoa draped to feet, standing r. holding trident set vertically on crab in upraised r. and eagle in extended 1.|
BMCRE, p. 389, § n., pl. 73,4; RIC 508; Cohen 302; Pinder 54, pl. 7, 7; Akarça, p. 60, no. 18.3.
|187*||4||6||11.03||↓||Obv. on obv.||Paris = BMCRE pl.|
|Augustus||73, 4 = Akarça 18.3|
|41. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P Head of Hadrian bare, r.||COS III||Zeus Osogoa as on no. 40.|
BMCRE, p. 389, §; RIC 508; Cohen 303; Pinder 55, pl. 7, 8; Herzfelder, p. 6, pl. 1, 2; Akarça, p. 60, nos. 18.1-2 (misdescribed), 19.1.
|188*||3||7||10.64||↓||Traces on rev.||Hague|
|189*||5||8||10.30||Obv. on obv.||Hirsch 18, 27 May 1907|
|Antonius||(Imhoof-Blumer), 1883 = Herzfelder, pl. 1, 2, then in Gotha|
|190a*||6||9||10.80||↓||Traces on rev.; double struck||Berlin|
|190b*||6||9||9.95||↓||Obv. on obv. Augustus, rev. wreath||Hoffer|
|42. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P||COS III|
|Head of Hadrian bare, r.||Zeus Karios wearing robe to knees standing front, holding vertical sceptre in r. and resting l. on large round shield, in front of which is an eagle on a pedestal.|
BMCRE 1063, pl. 72, 10; RIC 495; Cohen 274; Pinder 51, pl. 7, 4; Herzfelder, pp. 6-7, pl. 1, 3; Akarça, p. 59, nos. 17, 1-2.
|191*||6||10||9.36||↓||Traces||London = Akarça 17. 1|
|192*||7||11||10.62||↓||Traces; double struck||ANS = Akarça 17. 2|
13 coins, all overstruck
11 die combinations
7 obverse dies
11 reverse dies
A small group of cistophori can be assigned on typological grounds to Mylasa in Caria. Zeus is represented in three aspects, corresponding to the three forms of his worship in the city. The nomenclature of the deities is confused, and numismatic literature has done little to clarify it. The locus classicus is a complete and coherent account in Strabo:1
The Mylasians have two temples of Zeus, one of the god called Osogoa and one of Labraundenos. The former is in the city, while Labraunda is a village some distance away, on a mountain near the pass leading from Alabanda to Mylasa. At Labraunda there is an ancient temple and xoanon of Zeus Stratios; he is worshiped by those in the area and by the Mylasians. A paved road called the Sacred Way runs almost sixty stades from the city, and is used for sacred processions. The most distinguished citizens hold the priesthoods, always for life. Now these temples belong to the city; there is also a third, which is common to all Carians, and in which the Lydians and Mysians, as brothers, have a share.
It is clear from the passage that two deities were indigenous to Mylasa: Zeus Osogoa whose temple was in the city itself, and Zeus Stratios, whose shrine was some distance away at Labraunda and who was consequently known as Labraundos.2 The third god, Zeus Karios, incidentally had a temple at Mylasa but was worshiped by Mysians and Lydians as well as Carians.
In the earliest treatment of the cistophori, Pinder confused Karios and Stratios.3 Over a century later A. Akarça, who treated the Mylasian coinage in extenso, made a similar error, taking Stratios and Labraundos to be distinct deities.4 The remarks which follow are directed in part toward unravelling this confusion and proper identification of the reverse types.
Zeus Labraundos or Stratios
The epithet Labraundos, and the name of the precinct in which the god's worship was centered, probably derive from the labrys or double axe carried by this and other Carian deities.6 The god's xoanon still existed in Strabo's day;6 it included the double axe, which may have dated back as far as Gyges.7 In addition Aelian8 mentions a xiphos, but it seems safer to trust numismatic representations, which uniformly show a long spear in the god's left hand.
The double axe appears on the coinage of Cassander's general Eupolemus, the earliest which can be assigned to Mylasa, and is a regular type thereafter.9 The god himself is shown walking right on tetradrachms of the third or (less probably) second century B.C., and his cult image appears on Augustan issues.10 The type is repeated under Titus; thereafter it disappears until Antoninus Pius.11
A. Laumonier has presented a thorough discussion of the development of reproductions of Labraundos, and his remarks may be usefully summarized. Under the influence of the trend toward Hellenism and perhaps an actual cult image fashioned in the early days of Hecatomnus (Carian satrap in 390 B.C.), early coins show the god in profile, carrying the double axe over his shoulder. Bearded and crowned with laurel, the god wore a long chiton and himation. Not until the empire did Hellenism give way to archaism; portrayals of the god then begin to resemble the xoanon. A polos is added, and sometimes breasts appear; fillets hang to the ground. But variations in detail show that the archaistic vogue still did not lead to direct imitation of the xoanon. Laumonier remarks:12
Le Cariens du II e siècle de notre ère ne semblent pas très bien savoir quel modèle suivre pour représenter leur xoanon, comme si l'idole du bois connue de Strabon était perdue ou détériorée au point d'être méconnaissable, ce qui paraît assez vraisemblable; ils semblent travailler d'imagination, s'inspirant d'abord, et de moins et moins, d'une statue de type classique, puis de la tradition et des xoana d'Artémis fréquents autour de la Lydie et même en Carie.
The cistophori show similar variation in detail: Zeus's axe, for example is rounded on reverse dies 1 and 2, but long and thin (in keeping with the portrayal on bronzes) on dies 3-5.
Osogoa, or Zenoposeidon,13 is a fusion of the sea god with Zeus. Originally Osogoa was merely a local divinity, associated with the Mylasian tribe Otorkondeis;14 but by the fourth century he had been hellenized, and his cult flourished beside that of Labraundos.15
The god's image, for which coins are the only evidence, is a simple visual expression of the fusion of Zeus and Poseidon. The bearded god stands draped, usually facing right, and holds Poseidon's trident in one hand and the eagle of Zeus in the other.
The theme is simple, variations in portrayal few, and it is impossible to determine whether or how closely numismatic representations are patterned after a cult image. Laumonier notes that the cistophoric reverse shows slight traces of a xoanon in the rigid posture and the extended left arm, but the drapery is not archaic in form, and Asian deities from all periods hold various attributes in one or both extended hands.
Mylasian coin types of all periods make reference to Osogoa. His trident appears on early tetradrachms of local type;16 his head appears in the Hellenistic period and under the empire to Hadrian.17 The cistophoric reverse is similar to the earliest issues and to a bronze of the reign of Domitian; after Hadrian only the standing type is used to represent Osogoa.18
There is far from universal agreement regarding the identity of the third deity appearing on Hadrian's Mylasian cistophori. Akarça19 calls him Zeus Stratios; A. B. Cook regarded him as a complete fusion of Osogoa and Stratios.20 Herzfelder preferred to see here the Zeus Karios mentioned by Strabo, but advanced no arguments in support of this identification.21
It is easiest to dispose of Akarça's identification of the god as Stratios; this view is refuted by Strabo's account, which states explicitly that Stratios and Labraundos are one and the same god. The identification of Labraundos as the axe-wielding deity portrayed on nos. 37-38 is beyond dispute. Akarça was led into this error by her assumption that a Zeus "Stratios"—"of the battlefield"—must appear in military attire. Yet Labraundos, though not in martial costume, carries an axe and a spear, and the erection of his statue followed a military victory by Gyges and Arselis.22
It is harder to conclusively dismiss Cook's "fusion" theory, but it may be noted that the evidence in support of it is far from compelling. Cook remarked,23 "The god confronting us is marked as Zeus by his eagle and globe (?), as Osogoa by his crab, as Stratios by his spear and shield."
Cook made the same assumption as Akarça, viz. that military garb is implied by the epithet Stratios. But the god appears fully draped and carries no shield, so that any fusion of Stratios' attributes with those of the present deity is most indirect. And even if the fusion theory is correct, there is no reason why the deity thus produced could not bear the epithet Karios.
Herzfelder's unargued hypothesis that the god is actually Karios has the weight of probability in its favor. Strabo mentions the worship of Zeus in three aspects at Mylasa; three effigies of Zeus are found on the city's cistophori. Labraundos and Osogoa can be identified with certainty, and the inference that the third god is Karios is natural and safe.
The close die linkage of these coins and the certain reference of their types led Herzfelder to begin his discussion of the cistophori with the mint of Mylasa; along with Miletus, it presents the most compact picture we have of one of Hadrian's mints. Herzfelder also asserted that all the dies of Mylasa were produced by a single engraver, but two hands may be distinguished. One produced obverse dies nos. 1, 5, 6, and 7, with their flat, undistinguished portraits, the emperor's neck long and straight, and the bust-line cut rather tentatively and without much skill. Obverse dies 2-4 have a much more handsome head with fuller bust, and a graceful truncation, The hair is rendered with regularity: there are two curving rows of curls at the temples and over the forehead. The emperor's nose and chin are more prominent, and the engraver attempted to articulate skin folds in the neck.
The lettering for both groups of obverses may, however, have been cut by the same man. The angles are narrow on those letters with diagonal strokes: A, N and V are rendered Λ, N , V. The S is composed of three virtually straight strokes, S, and the opening of the P is very small.
The axis of the cistophori of Mylasa is regularly ↑ ↓, with only slight deviations. All known coins of the mint are overstruck.
|1||Strabo 14.23, C. 659.|
|2||Strabo seems to be alone in using the term. Λαβϱανδηνόν or a variant is found elsewhere. See RE 12, s.v. "Labraundos," col. 277 (Ganszyniec).|
|3||Pinder, p. 621.|
|4||A. Akarça, Les monnaies grecques de Mylasa, Bibliothèque archéologique et historique de l'institut français d'archéologie d'Istanbul 1 (Paris, 1959), pp. 50-51, 59-60.|
|5||On the religious significance of the axe see Laumonier, Cultes, pp. 88-95.|
|6||Strabo 14.34, C 659.|
|7||Plut. QGr. 45, 301 F.|
|8||Ael. HA 12.30.|
|9||Akarça, p. 102, no. 2.|
|10||Akarça, p. 57, no. 9; p. 58, no. 14.|
|11||Akarça, p. 70, no. 52; p. 73, no. 64.|
|12||Laumonier, Cultes, pp. 65-66.|
|13||The identity of Osogoa and Zenoposeidon is assured by inscriptions enumerated by J. Schaeffer, De love apud Cares culto (Diss. Halle, 1912) and repeated by Cook, Zeus 2, p. 578, n. 4.|
|14||Schaeffer (above, n. 13), p. 390; Cook, Zeus 2, pp. 579-80.|
|15||Laumonier, Cultes, p. 109.|
|16||Akarça, p. 56, no. 6.|
|17||Akarça, p. 60, no. 20; pp. 67-68, nos. 40-42.|
|18||Akarça, p. 73, no. 66 (Antoninus Pius); p. 76, no. 73, and p. 77, no. 77 (Septimius Severus); p. 80, no. 87 (Caracalla and Geta); p. 82, no. 94 (Elagabalus); p. 84, no. 102 (Philip I and II).|
|19||Akarça, p. 50.|
|20||Cook, Zeus 2, p. 576.|
|21||Herzfelder, p. 7.|
|22||Plut. QGr. 45, 301 F.|
|23||Cook, Zeus 2, p. 578. What he calls a "globe" is in fact a short pedestal on which the eagle stands.|
|43. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P||COS III|
|Head of Hadrian bare, r.||Rape of Persephone. Hades with Persephone in fast quadriga moving r.; beneath, overturned flower basket.|
|193*||1||1||10.17||Traces on rev.||von Aulock (SNG 6628)|
1 coin, overstruck
1 die combination
1 obverse die
1 reverse die
Stylistic and typological considerations suggest the attribution of this unique coin, only recently published, to Nysa in Lydia.
The style of the piece is highly individual. Lettering is clumsy on the obverse; on the reverse the disposition of the legend (at 12 and 4 o'clock) is a departure from the familiar 9 and 3 o'clock pattern. The thick neck and broad head, bulging at the rear, are found on no other cistophoric dies. Thus it is likely that this coin stands alone, the sole surviving evidence for yet another cistophoric mint.
Nysa ad Maeandrum has far the strongest claim to that mint. According to Homer, the abduction of Persephone took place somewhere in the Nύσιον πέδιον. 1 It mattered little that Lydian Nysa was a fourth century foundation; a cult of the underworld grew up there. The town had a Plutonium,2 and in later times a festival called the Theogamia celebrated the abduction itself.3
The prominence of the cult heavily influenced the content of Nysa's coinage. The city's earliest issues, the Greek cistophori, reflect its presence by the use of Kore as a symbol;4 other early coins portray Persephone's flower basket and grain stalks5 and the head of Hades.6 During the second century the rape scene itself is introduced as a type; Hades is shown clutching his prisoner and escaping in a quadriga.7 The type appears sporadically at several cities, mainly in Lydia,8 but is closely associated with none; it is a regular feature of Nysa's imperial bronze coinage well into the third century.9
Obviously the identification of a mint on the evidence of a single coin involves a certain element of risk, but the numismatic evidence seems to point to Nysa; the city, though not a conventus center, was an important one, and had a long tradition of coinage. A cistophoric mint would have been completely appropriate.
|1||Horn. ft. Cer. 16f. This location is also suggested by Pliny NH 5. 108; Ptolem. 5.2.18; Schol. Horn. Il. 6.133; Orph. Fr. 40, 69 Kern. Nysa's claim to have been the site of the abduction was by no means uncontested: cf. RE 19, s.v. "Persephone," cols. 951-52 (Bräuninger).|
|2||Strabo 14.1.44, 650 C; 12.8.17, 579 C.|
|3||K. Regling, "Überblick über die Münzen von Nysa," in Nysa ad Maeandrum, JDAI Ergänzungsheft 10 (Berlin 1913), pp. 70-103, nos. 177, 185 (hereafter Regling).|
|4||Regling, p. 7.|
|5||Regling, p. 11.|
|7||BMCLydia pp. 172-73, nos. 15-17.|
|8||The type is found at Enna in Sicily, Gyzicus, and Elaea in Aeolis; Magnesia ad Maeandrum in Ionia, where it also appeared on the coinage of the League of Thirteen Cities; at Mazydus in Pamphylia, Casae and Syedra in Cilicia, Hierapolis in Phrygia, Ptolemais-Ace in Phoenicia, Sebaste Samariae, and Alexandria in Egypt. Lydian occurrences are as follows (with references to the earliest in each city): Aninetus (Imhoof-Blumer, "Zur Münzkunde Kleinasiens," SNR 1896, p. 6, no. 6 = Monnaies Grecques [Amsterdam, 1883], p. 470, no. 74, Augustus); Gordus Julia (BMC Lydia, p. 93, no. 23, M. Aurelius); Hermocarpelia BMCLydia, p. 101, no. 19, Trebonianus Gallus); Hyrcanis (Hunter 2, p. 454, no. 1, Commodus); Maeonia (SNGvonAulock 3018, M. Aurelius); Tomaris (BMCLydia, p. 325, no. 3, Commodus); Tralles (BMCLydia, p. 355, no. 169, Gordian III); and Sardis (SNGCopLydia 525, Vespasian).|
|9||Regling (above, n. 3) noted the following occurrences at Nysa during the imperial period: nos. 54 (Augustus and Livia), 60 (Nero), 64 (Domitian), 46 (time of Antoninus), 87 (M. Aurelius), 99 (Faustina junior), 108 (L. Verus), 119 (Julia Domna), 122 (Caracalla), 155 (Maximus).|
|44.||HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P||COS III l. and r. in field SARD inwardly in exergue|
|Head of Hadrian bare, r.||Tetrastyle temple on podium of three steps; within, cult image of Kore. Grain stalk on l., poppy and grain stalk on r.|
BMCRE, p. 392 †; RIC 522; Cohen 280; Pinder 77, pl. 8, 4; Herzfelder, p. 9, pl. 1, 10.
|194*||1||1||10.20||↑||Obv. on obv. Antonius||Munich|
|45.||HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P||COS III, but see reverse die no. 3|
|Head of Hadrian bare, r.||Demeter veiled, advancing r., holding grain stalk in r. and transverse sceptre in l.; star in upper r. field.|
BMCRE 1078 bis, p. 385 t; RIC 486; Cohen 321; Herzfelder, p. 10, pl. 1, 11.
|195*||1||2||Obv. on obv. Antonius||Herzfelder, pl. 1, 11. (ex Trau coll.)|
|196*||2||3||7.12||↑||Obv. on obv. Antonius||London|
|198||3||4||Traces (of snakes?) on rev.||Turin|
|46.||HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P||COS III|
|Head of Hadrian bare, r.||Demeter as on no. 45 but no star in field.|
BMCRE, p. 385 † n.; RIC 486; Cohen 322.
|199*||3||5||10.50||↑||Traces of wreath on obv.||Berlin|
|200*||4||6||10.58||↓||Boston = NCirc. March 1965, 1612|
|201*||5||7||9.85||↑||Obv. on obv. Augustus||Munich|
|202*||6||8||10.59||↗||Obv. on rev. Antonius||ANS = Santamaria, 26 June 1950 (Magnaguti 3), 668 = R. Ratto, 4 Apr. 1927, 2415|
|47.||HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P||COS III|
|Head of Hadrian bare, r.||Cult image of Kore facing, wearing high headdress with plume, stiff robe falling to feet, and veil draped over wrists; grain stalks at l., grain stalk and poppy at r.|
BMCRE 1075, pl. 73,10; RIC 510; Cohen 279; Pinder 76, pl. 8, 3; Herzfelder, p. 9, pl. 1, 9.
|204*||7||10||9.96||Santamaría, 26 June 1950 (Magnaguti 3), 667 = Schulman, 5 March 1923 (Vierordt), 1291|
|205*||8||11||10.83||↓||Traces on rev.||ANS|
|206*||8||12||10.57||↓||Obv. on obv. Augustus, RIC 13||Oxford = Hess, 22 May 1935 (Trau), 1102|
|207*||9||13||11.09||↙||Traces||Hess-Leu, 16 Apr. 1957, 361|
|209*||10||15||9.55||↙||Obv. on obv. Antonius||Berlin|
|210*||10||16||On Antonius||Münzhandlung Basel 10, 15 March 1938, 607|
|211*||10||17||Traces||Dorotheum, 12 May 1960 (Hollschek 11), 539|
|212*||10||18||9.67||↑||Obv. on rev. Augustus||Munich|
|213*||11||19||10.65||↙||Obv. on rev. Augustus||Vienna|
|214*||11||20||10.47||Obv. on rev. Augustus||Paris|
|215*||11||21||Münzen und Medaillen FPL 281, Oct. 1967, 38|
|216*||12||22||10.19||Obv. on obv. Augustus, RIC 11||Leu-Münzen und Medaillen, 2 Nov. 1967 (Niggeler 3), 1260|
|217*||13||23||Traces||Kress 92, 31 March 1952, 616|
|218*||14||24||10.52||Obv. on obv. Augustus, wreath rev.||Vienna|
25 coins, 23 certainly overstruck
25 die combinations
14 obverse dies
24 reverse dies
The following types are here assigned to Sardis.
Kore in Temple 1
Kore's temple is shown in typical cistophoric fashion: tetrastyle (no doubt an abbreviation of a hexastyle or octastyle façade) with the central intercolumniation widened to allow portrayal of the goddess and hence easy identification of the temple. This is its first appearance on the Sardian coinage, and also the only portrayal of it with a conventional straight lintel: later Greek imperials show an arcuated lintel,2 and this led B. L. Trell 3 (who identified the temple with the Artemision) to postulate a reconstruction of the façade before the time of Caracalla. More likely the use of the arcuation was simply a device to permit a larger depiction of the goddess.
Hadrian's cistophori mark the first numismatic appearance of the conical Sardian goddess who later appeared frequently on the city's bronze coinage.4 Her statue is veiled and completely draped; only her feet are visible. The edges of the veil seem to pass over her forearms and hang stiffly to the ground. The goddess wears a heavy collar with several large, round ornaments; they may represent breasts. Her head is surmounted by a kalathos; its most distinctive feature is an amorphous face. The bulging eyes found on cistophori are not paralleled by usage on bronze.
Her attributes, poppy and grain stalks, identify the goddess as Kore: the identification is confirmed by a bronze from the time of Caracalla which shows the goddess and bears the inscription KOPAIA AKTIA,5 and further assured by two inscriptions from Rome which mention a Sardian Kore and were accompanied by her statue.6
Kore's prominence on the imperial bronze coinage of Sardis would seem to imply that she was the city's leading deity, at least during this period. Yet her temple has not been found, and no further evidence from Sardis itself mentions her cult. Archaeological discoveries further complicate the question. In the early 1900s, a team of Americans excavated the huge "Temple of Sardis," as it was then called. A long legal document from the third century B.C. inscribed on a wall of the temple's treasury shows that the temple was dedicated not to Kore but to Artemis.7 The excavations also yielded inscribed objects of all periods dedicated to Artemis.8
The size of her temple and apparent prosperity of her cult make it difficult to account for Artemis' absence from the coinage of Sardis, and to believe that her cult was surpassed by that of Kore. It is tempting to conflate the evidence and assume that the two goddesses were assimilated into one at Sardis, and indeed this is the approach adopted by G. Radet 9 and L. Lacroix.10
An alternative has recently been offered by G. M. A. Hanfmann and M. S. Balmuth.11 Understanding Kore and Artemis as separate divinities, they suggest that Kore was a hellenized goddess of native Anatolian origin; her image may have dated from the seventh century B.C. She was soon overshadowed by Cybele and Artemis, but continued to be worshiped in rites which may have had special importance for youths. Her sudden re-emergence in the second century A.D. may be attributed to the historical and antiquarian renaissance of the period.12
There is no consensus regarding the identity of the second goddess appearing on the Sardian cistophori. She was generally known as Ceres during the nineteenth century; then Imhoof-Blumer compared similar figures from Maeonia, Sardis, and Tiberiopolis, and concluded that she might be Hera.13 Head identified similar figures as Hestia.14 Herzfelder, noting that on some specimens a star appears in upper right field, observed a similar star on bronzes portraying Kore, and concluded that this is simply the same goddess "modernized and adapted to Greco-Roman standards."15 This is in fact unsound, since there is no necessary connection between the stars; they are found with a large number of Asiatic deities.16
On two particularly well preserved specimens in the American Numismatic Society (nos. 197, 202) it is clear that the goddess holds a stalk of grain. This rules out identification with Hera or Hestia, and suggests instead Demeter or Kore. The choice between the two is not easily made, but a bronze of Antoninus Pius seems to tip the scales in favor of Demeter.17 The coin shows the goddess facing left; according to Head, she is "standing before an open chasm into which she thrusts a long flaming torch." The chasm—representing the entrance to the underworld—and the serpent above it are lacking on the cistophorus, and the goddess faces left instead of right, but the similarity in dress, attributes and posture is too striking to be accidental.
Demeter appears in more conventional form on the coinage of Sardis;18 her connection with the city will have been peripheral at worst (as mother of Kore) and she may have had a temple there.
The mint of Sardis is identified by the types employed on its products and by the mint mark SARD which appears on the temple reverse type. All reverse types are linked in a chain, as follows:
|Kore in temple||1||(shared)||1|
|[||Demeter with star||3||(2 shared)||4|
|[||Demeter without star||4||(2 shared)||4|
The fact that each reverse type is linked to one and only one other seems to suggest a simple mint structure with types being produced in succession rather than concurrently. No deterioration in the linking dies, which might indicate the chronological relationship among the types, can be observed.
A single hand appears to have produced all the obverses. The heads are uniform in size and shape, and finer details are consistent. The hair is rendered with large, thick curls; Hadrian's forelock is longer and heavier than usual. The bustline is characterized by a conspicuous bulge , far more pronounced than that observed on other cistophori. The engraver cut rather short letters with large serifs; similar though larger lettering on reverses suggests that he produced them as well. Exceptions may be noted in the Demeter group, where reverse dies 3 and 7 were produced by a much less skilled hand. Demeter is large and cut in lower relief, and the lettering is thin and tentative. On reverse die no. 3 the order of the consular iteration is reversed: .
Axes are vertical, ↑ ↑ or ↑ ↓, with only slight variations; 23 of the 25 known Sardian pieces show traces of overstriking.
|1||For the identification of the goddess see below.|
|2||SNGCopLydia 532 (Caracalla); BMCLydia, p. 265, no. 171 (Elagabalus). For a coin of Marcus Aurelius see n. 3 below.|
B. L. Trell, The Temple of Artemis at Ephesos, ANSNNM 107 (NEW YORK, 1945), pp. 46-48. She defined the arcuated lintel as one of those details "outside the norm" which
the actual appearance of a temple: it would not have been added simply to follow a current fashion. Apparently she never questioned
fact that the temple on Sardian coins might not be the Artemision, which is known to have had a straight lintel at one time;
occurrence of an arcuated lintel on coins of Caracalla forced her to the conclusion that sometime between the reigns of Hadrian
Caracalla the façade of the temple was altered. She cited archaeological evidence for a reconstruction of the temple in the
late second and
early third centuries.
Trell left out of account a coin of M. Aurelius Caesar struck by the Ionian League which shows a conical goddess in a hexastyle temple with arcuated lintel. Because of the absence of poppy and grain stalks and the presence of a crescent upon the figure's calathos, Imhoof-Blumer, who published the coin ("Beiträge zur erklärung griechischcr Münztypen," Nomisma 8 , p. 3, no. 8), was reluctant to identify the goddess portrayed as Kore and preferred to call her Artemis Panionios; Lacroix (Reproductions, p. 166) has shown that Imhoof was over-cautious, and that the goddess is indeed Kore.
The consequence for Trell is that the supposed reconstruction of the façade, far from belonging to the late second or early third century, must have taken place between 128 (the terminus post quem for the cistophorus, which bears the title P[ater] P[atriae]), and 161, when Aurelius became Augustus. For this there is no archaeological evidence; given the inherent unlikelihood of alteration of a classical temple by substitution of the orientalizing arcuated lintel, it seems best to admit that numismatic representations of temples are not always faithful and take the view adopted here. See further T. Drew-Bear, "Representations of Temples on the Greek Imperial Coinage," ANSMN 19 (1974), pp. 27-63; M. J. Price and B. L. Trell, Coins and Their Cities. Architecture on the Ancient Coins of Greece, Rome and Palestine (London/Detroit, 1977/1978), p. 19.
|4||For her appearance in temples, see above notes 2 and 3. The goddess stands alone on bronzes of Commodus (BMCLydia, p. 259, no. 145); Julia Domna (BMCLydia, p. 260, no. 149 and SNG vonAulock 8256); Caracalla (Weber 3, 6912) and Salonina (SNGCopLydia 543-44). She appears on the coinage of five other Lydian cities: Daldis (BMCLydia, pp. 69, no. 3; 72, nos. 15-16; 73, no. 19, Severans-Gallienus); Gordus Iulia. (BMCLydia, p. 93, nos. 24-25, M. Aurelius); Maeonia (BMCLydia, p. 134, no. 48, Caracalla; SNGvonAulock 3022, Geta Caesar; BMCLydia, p. 130, nos. 26-27, "Time of Trajan Decius"); Silandus (BMCLydia, p. 297, no. 5, Antonines; SNGvonAulock 3174, Lucilla); and Tmolus (BMCLydia, p. 324, no. 6).|
|5||Mionnet, 4, p. 132, no. 754; Suppl. 7, p. 428, no. 510. See also Hunter 2, p. 466, nos. 23 (Julia Domna), 26 (Severus Alexander).|
|6||IG XIV (Berlin, 1890), 1008, 1009; see L. Robert, "Notes de numismatique et d'épigraphie grecques," RA 1934. 1 p. 59, n. 6.|
|7||W. H. Buckler and D. M. Robinson, "Greek Inscriptions from Sardis II," AJA 1912, pp. 11-82, and the abbreviated discussion in W. H. Buckler and D. M. Robinson, Sardis, vol. 7, pt. 1: Greek and Latin Inscriptions (Leiden, 1932), pp. 1-5.|
|8||Sardis 7 (above, n. 7), nos. 8, 50, 52, 55, 85, 87, 88, 91-93, 177, 193.|
|9||G. Radet, Cybebé. Étude sur les transformations plastiques d'une type divin, Bibliothèque des universités du Midi 3 (Bordeaux, 1909), pp. 96-97.|
|10||Lacroix, Reproductions, p. 166.|
|11||G. M. A. Hanfmann and M. S. Balmuth, "The Image of an Anatolian Goddess at Sardis," Jahrbuch für kleinasialische Forschung 2 (Heidelberg, 1965), pp. 261-69.|
|12||Trell's view, that the temple in question is the Artemision, would of course support a theory of fusion between Artemis and Kore; but for the reasons outlined in n. 3 above I regard that view as untenable.|
|13||F. Imhoof-Blumer, Münzkunde, p. 11 (= SNR 1905, p. 171), no. 14.|
|14||For example, on a coin of Maeonia, BMCLydia, p. 132, no. 37.|
|15||Herzfelder, p. 10.|
|16||See H. Seyrig, "Antiquités Syriennes, 4. Monuments syriens du culte de Némésis," Syria 1932, p. 55, n. 7.|
|17||BMCLydia, p. 257, no. 138; for a better preserved specimen, SNGCopLydia 257.|
|18||For example, BMCLydia, pp. 254, no. 125 (Octavia Neronis); 256, no. 130 (Nerva); 259, no. 147 (Julia Domna); SNGvonAulock 3164 (Valerian, with Kore); 3165 (Salonina).|
|48. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P||COS III|
|Head of Hadrian bare, r.||Apollo naked standing front facing l. holding double axe in extended r. and grain stalks downward in l.|
BMCRE, p. 385* n.; Herzfelder, p. 22, pl. 6, 3.
1 coin, overstruck
1 die combination
1 obverse die
1 reverse die
The deity portrayed here with double axe and grain stalks is Apollo Tyrimnaios, who was worshiped chiefly at Thyateira in Lydia. The god, who fused characteristics of Apollo and Helios, had a sanctuary outside the city1 and was called πϱοπάτωϱ Θεός.2
Tyrimnaios is represented or symbolized frequently on the coinage of Thyateira. His head appears with reverse double axe in Seleucid times,3 and the axe is again used as a reverse type under Nero.4 The god appears standing as here in the time of Trajan and later,5 and is also portrayed on horseback.6 Imhoof-Blumer noted the appearance of the god at Hypaepa in Lydia, but that single coin is the only evidence for his worship outside Thyateira.7 The very extensive and almost exclusive connection of Tyrimnaios with Thyateira confirms Herzfelder's hypothesis of a mint there.8
The single known Thyateiran piece is of generally good style, but the portrait is rather weak. Hadrian's neck is too long, and the forehead proceeds directly into the nose. The eye seems to stare out at the viewer, and the neck truncation is uncertain. Letters have thick strokes, and are regular and well-shaped. The reverse figure is gracefully rendered and fills the field well: the legend is bunched around the border and the lettering resembles that of the obverse. Altogether the dies appear to be the work of a single engraver of moderate skill whose style is unlike that observed at other cistophoric mints.
|1||RE 7A, s.v. "Tyrimnos," cols. 1867-68 (J. Schmidt).|
|3||BMCLydia, p. 292, nos. 4-7.|
|4||BMCLydia, p. 293, nos. 8-9; p. 302, nos. 58-64; p. 303, no. 68.|
|5||BMCLydia, p. 294, no. 14 (Trajan or Hadrian); p. 303, no. 72 (Hadrian); p. 314, no. 99 (Julia Soaemias); p. 318, no. 137 (Maximinus); p. 319, no. 141 (Gallienus, with Artemis Ephesia).|
|6||BMCLydia, p. 294, no. 15 (Trajan or Hadrian); p. 308, no. 89 (Septimius Severus); p. 315, no. 122 (Severus Alexander).|
|7||Imhoof-Blumer, Münzkunde, p. 12 (= SNR 1905, p. 172).|
|8||Herzfelder, p. 22.|
|49. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P||COS III|
|Bust of Hadrian draped, cuirassed, bare r.||Zeus naked to waist standing l., holding eagle in outstretched r. and sceptre vertically in 1.|
BMCRE 1066 note; Herzfelder, p. 19, pl. 5, 2.
|220*||1||1||10.16||↓||Obv. on obv. Augustus, RIC 11||ANS = B. Ratto FPL, 1931, 56 = Naville 12, 18 Oct. 1926, 2851|
|221*||2||2||10.88||↓||Traces on rev.||Hess-Leu 28, 5 May 1965, 412|
|222*||3||3||Traces on rev.||Hess, 22 May 1935 (Trau), 1097|
|223a*||4||4||10.88||↓||Obv. on obv. Augustus||Brussels|
|223b*||4||4||Traces on rev.||Kress, 31 March 1952, 615|
|224*||5||5||10.70||↓||Obv. on obv. Augustus, temple rev.||Vienna = Bachofen von Echt 1182|
|225*||6||6||9.91||↓||Obv. on obv. Augustus||ANS|
|50.||HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P||COS III|
|Head of Hadrian bare r.||Zeus as on no. 49.|
BMCRE 1065, pl. 72,12; RIC 497 note.
|226*||1||7||9.30||↓||Obv. on obv. Antonius||London|
|227*||7||8||9.57||Traces||Hirsch 48, 22 June 1966, 441|
|229*||9||10||10.93||↓||Obv. on obv. Augustus||Boston = Glendining, 27 Sept. 1962 (Woodward), 302 = Batto, 12 May 1925, 1132|
|230*||10||11||8.58||Santamaría, 26 June 1950 (Magnaguti 3), 673|
|231*||11||12||Müller 14, 31 Jan. 1975, 142|
13 coins, 11 certainly overstruck
12 die combinations
11 obverse dies
12 reverse dies
Neither Pinder nor Cohen distinguished the half-draped figure with protruding belly holding eagle and sceptre from the Zeus of Laodicea; it was left for Herzfelder to point to a similar god on the imperial coins of Aezani, and to postulate a small cistophoric mint in the city. The god appears frequently on Aezinetan coins from Augustus to Gallienus;1 a sizable temple of Hadrianic date was dedicated to him, and may have replaced an earlier one.2
The low ratio of specimens to dies, and the infrequency of die linkage, may indicate that the output of the Aezinetan mint was somewhat larger than the number of surviving specimens would suggest. But the mint certainly employed only a single engraver: he cut uniformly broad heads with large noses and thick necks; his lettering is crude but consistent throughout; and his renderings of Zeus are uniformly clumsy.
|1||See BMCPhrygia, p. 30, nos. 50-54 (Augustus); pp. 31, nos. 58-59, 32, nos. 62-67, 33, nos. 69-70 (Caligula); pp. 33ff., nos. 73-90 (Claudius); p. 38, no. 108 (Antoninus Pius); p. 39, no. 113 (in temple, M. Aurelius); p. 39, no. 110 (Commodus); p. 41, no. 129 (Severus Alexander); p. 42, no. 132 (Gallienus).|
|2||On the temple see H. Weber, "Der Zeus-Tempel von Aezani—ein hellenistisches Heiligtum der Kaiserzeit," MDAI(A) 1969, pp. 182ff. Once thought to be Hellenistic, its date was established by A. Körte, "Das Alter des Zeustempels von Aizanoi," in Festschrift für Otto Benndorf (Berlin, 1898), pp. 209-14. The temple contained four inscriptions regarding a grant of land and Hadrian's adjudication of a dispute over it: G. Iacopi, "Note anatoliche," Bulletino del Museo deli Impero Romano 9, in BCAR 66 (1938), pp. 44-48.|
|51.||HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P||COS III|
|Bust of Hadrian draped, bare, r.||Apollo naked standing half-l, holding raven in extended r., double axe in l.; chlamys hangs from l. arm.|
|232*||1||1||11.00||↙||Obv. on obv. Augustus, RIC 12||Vienna|
|52.||HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P||COS III|
|Bust of Hadrian draped, bare, r.||Legionary eagle between two standards with vexilla.|
BMCRE 1081, pl. 74, 4; RIC 517 (b); Pinder 93, pl. 6, 18; Cohen 453; Herzfelder, p. 24, pl. 5, 8.
|233a*||1||2||10.92||↑||Obv. on rev. Augustus||London|
|233b||1||2||10.27||Traces||Santamaria, 26 June 1950 (Magnaguti 3), 674|
3 coins, all overstruck
2 die combinations
1 obverse die
2 reverse dies
The products of another Phrygian mint survive in only three specimens, all from a single obverse die. The types are the legionary eagle and standards and a naked male deity holding double axe and raven. The axe, an attribute of many archaic Asian deities, is here employed as an attribute of Apollo, who is identifiable through the raven.1
Herzfelder noted that a similar figure appears on the imperial coinage of Eumeneia,2 and suggested that town as the mint which produced this small issue. That attribution is perhaps confirmed by the legionary type, which may have reference to a garrison which was stationed in the town during the reign of Hadrian.3
|1||Laumonier, Cultes, pp. 85--95; Cook, Zeus 2, pp. 513ff. The identification with Apollo is confirmed by an inscription dedicated to Apollo Propylaios and decorated with a double axe: W. M. Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia 2 (Oxford, 1897), p. 374, no. 195.|
|2||BMCPhrygia, p. 217, nos. 41-43 (Nero); p. 218, nos. 47-48 (Domitian). The double axe is employed as a reverse type under Nero (BMCPhrygia, p. 216, no. 40) and, entwined by serpents, as a countermark (pp. 217, nos. 42-43, and 218, no. 49). It is not certain that the god should be identified as "Lairbenos": he appears at Hierapolis with a radiate crown, which does not occur either on the cistophorus or on Eumeneia's bronze coinage (BMCPhrygia, pp. 236-38, nos. 54-66).|
|3||E. Ritterling, "Military Forces in the Senatorial Provinces," JRS 1927, pp. 28-32,|
|53.||HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P||COS III|
|Bust of Hadrian draped, bare, r.||Laureate Apollo wearing the robe of a citharoedus, standing front holding plectrum in r. and lyre in 1.|
BMCRE 1054, pl. 72, 3, 1055; RIC 482; Cohen 285 (omitting P P in error); Pinder 61, pl. 7, 14; Herzfelder, p. 19, pl. 5, 3.
|235*||2||2||10.36||↓||Obv. on obv. Augustus, RIC 10.||ANS = B. Batto FPL, 1931, 58|
|236*||3||3||9.8||Hess, 7 March 1935, 492 = Ball 6, 9 Feb. 1932, 1296|
|237||3||4||10.60||Traces||Santamaria, 26 June 1950 (Magnaguti 3), 670|
|238*||4||5||10.19||pierced||Traces||Copenhagen (SNG 446)|
|239*||5||6||11.08||Traces||von Aulock (SNG 6617)|
|240*||6||7||Traces||Dorotheum 12 May 1960 (Hollschek 11), 540|
|241*||6||8||10.82||Hirsch 24, 10 May 1909, 1393|
|242*||7||9||10.11||↗||Obv. on obv. Augustus||Boston = Hesperia Art Bull. 26, 86|
|243*||8||10||10.60||↙||Obv. on obv. Augustus||Vienna|
|244*||8||11||Obv. on rev. Augustus, rev. wreath||G. Hirsch 87, 1 Apr. 1974, 631|
|245a*||8||12||10.63||↙||Obv. on rev. Antonius, CRR 1197||Vienna|
|245b||8||12||Obv. on rev. Augustus, RIC 13||J. Schulman FPL 206, 1975, 57|
|246*||9||13||10.11||↓||Obv. on obv. Antonius||Munich|
|247*||10||14||10.67||↓||Obv. on obv. Augustus||The Hague|
|248*||11||15||9.79||↓||Obv. on obv. Antonius, CRR 1198||Paris|
|249*||12||16||10.08||↓||Obv. on obv. Antonius||London|
|251*||14||18||Obv. on rev. Antonius||Vatican|
|252*||15||19||10.30||↓||Obv. on obv. Antonius||Bern|
|54.||HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P||COS III|
|Bust of Hadrian draped, bare, r.||Men in Phrygian cap, crescent behind shoulders, standing half-1, holding patera in extended r. and sceptre vertically in 1.|
BMCRE 1070, pl. 73, 3; RIC 502; Cohen 327; Pinder 64, pl. 7, 17; Herzfelder, p. 20, pl. 5, 4.
|254*||17||21||10.63||↓||On Augustus, RIC 11||London|
|55.||HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS PP||COS III|
|Bust of Hadrian draped, bare, r.||Beclining river god, naked to waist, holding reed and sceptre and resting l. elbow on rock from which waters gush below.|
BMCRE 1078, pl. 74, 1; 1078 note, pl. 74, 2 = p. 389*; RIC 513; Cohen 357; Pinder 65, pl. 7, 18; Herzfelder, p. 20, pl. 5, 5.
|255*||18||22||10.24||↓||Obv. on obv. Antonius||London|
|256*||19||23||10.13||↓||Obv. on rev. Antonius||Paris = BMCRE, pl. 74, 2|
24 coins, 21 certainly overstruck
23 die combinations
19 obverse dies
23 reverse dies
Though they have no common obverse dies, the common origin of these three types is indicated by strong stylistic affinities.1 For example, the emperor's portrait is characterized by a beard which curves low on the cheek and thus gives unnatural prominence to the cheekbone. Hair is arranged in neat, regular rows of tight curls. Lettering is consistent throughout: letters are wide and have thick strokes, and the engraver had obvious problems rendering G and S. Little planning preceded the execution of the obverse legend: on two dies (nos. 1 and 10) the final P had to be crowded into space available, and runs against the beginning of HADRIANVS. Similarities between the Men and Apollo reverses also point to common origin: the same method is used to depict falling drapery, , and the identical disposition of the legend, with its splayed C and small O, indicates that all the reverses were the work of a single hand.
The types point to Hierapolis as the mint for this group.
Apollo with Lyre 2
The god's head appears on the city's bronze coinage during the second century B.C;5 there is some dispute concerning the date of the first appearance of Apollo with lyre. Weber6 would put it among the earliest issues of the town, i. e. in the second century B. C.; Head7 preferred a first century date. In any case the type was traditional by the time of Hadrian, and the god regularly represented Hierapolis on alliance issues.8
The Asiatic lunar deity Men is represented in various ways on the coinage of many cities.9 Here he is portrayed in "Phrygian" costume, wearing chiton, trousers, and boots; his chlamys falls down behind. He has a crescent behind his shoulders, and holds a patera and sceptre. The portrayal is highly conventional: elsewhere a pine cone is sometimes substituted for the patera and a bucranium is added, but the god's posture rarely changes.
Men's appearance on Hierapolitan bronze coinage is confined to later periods.10 This fact in no way weakens the present attribution since the god hardly appears on any coinage as early as the reign of Hadrian.
River gods are portrayed on bronze coinage throughout Asia, and no peculiar features distinguish one from another; they can only be identified by the inscriptions which often accompany them on Greek imperial issues.11 This fact renders de Foville's attribution of these coins to Apamea useless,12 and demands that any determination of the coins' origin be based on criteria other than type. Herzfelder saw this and on stylistic grounds placed the coins in Hierapolis, where Chrysoroas appears on the imperial bronze coinage.13
The number of surviving specimens, the lack of die duplication, and the infrequency of die links suggests that the output of the Hierapolis mint was substantial: in apparent volume of coinage the mint ranks behind only such major centers as Ephesus, Sardis, Smyrna, and Laodicea.
|1||Herzfelder, pp. 19-20. Pinder, too may have had an inkling that these three types were struck at one mint, since his plate illustrates a single obverse in combination with the three; but he gave no attribution for the Apollo or river god types, and thought Men belonged at Sardis (pp. 628-29).|
|2||Perhaps it ought to be pointed out that the name citharoedus (κιθαϱῳδός), employed to describe this deity in virtually all numismatic literature, has no ancient authority. No source, Latin or Greek, employs the term with reference to Apollo; while it is conveniently descriptive, the possibility of confusion with a genuine epithet (e.g. Labraundos) suggests that it should be discarded.|
|3||For the title archegetes see CIG 3905, 3906b and BMCPhrygia, pp. 231, no. 23, 233, no. 34, and 234, no. 46.|
|4||For the god's ἱεϱόν see Damascius, Isid. in Epitoma Photiana 131. For dedications to the god see (in addition to the inscriptions cited in n. 3 above) W. Judeich, Altertümer von Hierapolis, JDAI Erganzungsheft 4 (1898), p. 128, no. 195, and p. 156, no. 278.|
|5||BMCPhrygia, p. 228, nos. 1-3.|
|6||L. Weber, "The Coins of Hierapolis in Phrygia," NC 1913, pp. 4ff.|
|7||B. V. Head, BMCPhrygia, p. 229, nos. 8-9.|
|8||L. Weber, "Die Homonoiemünzen von phrygischen Hierapolis," JIAN 14 (1912), pp. 88ff.; BMCPhrygia, pp. 256ff., nos. 162-71.|
|9||E. N. Lane, Corpus Monumentorum Religionis Dei Menis 2 (Leiden, 1975) lists 63 cities at which Mēn appears.|
|10||Lane (above, n. 9), pp. 59-62, nos. 1-8; obverses are usually IEPA BOOΛH or ΔHMOC. The earliest securely dated appearance of the god at Hierapolis is on a coin of Faustina I.|
|11||The index to Head, HN, lists 133 river gods, many of whom appear at more than one city.|
|12||J. de Foville, "Deux médaillons," pp. 47-50.|
|13||BMCPhrygia, p. 252, no. 141; SNGvonAulock 3655 (M. Aurelius Caesar); McClean 8820 (obv. Demos).|
|56. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P||COS III|
|Head of Hadrian bare, r.||Zeus of Laodicea draped to feet standing l., holding eagle in extended r. and long sceptre vertically in 1.|
BMCRE 1066, pl. 73, 1; 1067, 1068; RIC 497; Cohen 275; Pinder 48, pl. 7, 1; Herzfelder, p. 18, pl. 5, 1.
|257*||1||1||10.40||↑||Obv. on obv. Antonius, CRR 1197||Vienna|
|259*||1||3||9.86||↑||Obv. on obv.||Traces of Vespasianic ctmk.||Paris|
|260*||1||4||10.30||↑||Obv. on obv. Augustus, RIC 10||Paris|
|261*||1||5||Traces||M. Batto FPL, March 1964, 327|
|262*||2||6||Traces||Santamaría, 24 Jan. 1938, 384|
|263*||2||7||10.08||↓||Obv. on obv. Augustus, rev. temple||London|
|264*||2||8||10.27||Obv. on rev. Antonius||Mazzini, 275|
|265||2||9||Obv. on obv. Antonius, CRR 1198||Hess, 30 Apr. 1917, 3246|
|266*||3||9||10.61||↓||Obv. on obv. Augustus||Budapest|
|267*||4||10||10.55||Obv. on obv. Augustus||Santamaria, 26 June 1950 (Magnaguti 3), 671 = Hess, 25 March 1929 (Vogel), 807|
|268*||4||11||Münzen und Medaillen 17, 2 Dec. 1957, 444|
|269*||4||12||11.10||Obv. on rev. Augustus||Münzen und Medaillen 52, 19 June 1975, 622|
|270*||5||13||10.80||Traces||Helbing 63, 29 Apr. 1931, 638 = Cahn 68, 26 Nov. 1930, 368|
|272*||6||15||10.56||Traces||von Aulock (SNG 6615)|
|273*||6||16||10.35||↓||Obv. on rev. Augustus||Hoffer|
|274*||7||17||8.83||↑||Obv. on rev. Augustus||Oxford|
|275*||8||18||10.61||↓||Copenhagen (SNG 448)|
|278*||10||20||Poindessault, 29 May 1962, 236 = Platt, 17 March 1970, 64|
|279*||10||21||10.22||↓||Obv. on rev. Augustus||London|
|280*||10||22||10.20||↑||Obv. on rev. Augustus||Vienna|
|281*||10||23||10.78||↓||Obv. on rev. Augustus, RIC 13||Berlin|
|282*||11||24||10.42||Obv. on obv. Augustus, RIC 13||Santamaria, 26 June 1950 (Magnaguti 3), 672|
|283*||12||25||10.85||↑||Traces||Cambridge (McCIean, 9582, pl. 356,6) = Hirsch 24, 10 May 1909, 1392|
|284*||13||26||10.56||Obv. on obv. Augustus, RIC 11||London|
|285*||14||27||10.33||Obv. on obv. Augustus||Glendining, 1 Dec. 1927, 193 = Schulman, 5 March 1923 (Vierordt), 1290 = Helbing, 9 Apr. 1913, 1140 = Egger 39, 15 Jan. 1912, 917|
|286*||15||28||Traces||Hess, 7 March 1935, 490 = Cahn 75, 30 May 1932, 1107|
|287*||16||29||10.40||↑||Traces on rev.||Vienna|
|288*||17||30||11.10||↑||Obv. on rev. Augustus||ANS|
|290*||18||32||10.66||↓||Obv. on rev. Augustus||Munich|
|292*||20||34||9.60||↓||Copenhagen (SNG 447)|
|57. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P||COS III|
|Bust of Hadrian draped, bare, r.||Zeus of Laodicea as on no. 56.|
Cited twice in BMCRE, both times wrongly. BMCRE 1066n. cites Ratto FPL, 1931, no. 56, which is actually of Aezani and is catalogued above, no. 220. A coin of this type is cited in BMCRE 1068n. and said to be in Rome, but that coin has a cuirassed bust and is listed below, no. 295b.
|294||21||36||Obv. on obv. Augustus, rev. temple||Turin|
|58. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P||COS III|
|Bust of Hadrian draped, cuirassed, bare r.||Zeus of Laodicea as on no. 56.|
|295a*||22||37||10.38||↓||Traces||Boston = Hesperia Art Bulletin 45-46, 152|
40 coins, 34 certainly overstruck
39 die combinations
22 obverse dies
37 reverse dies
The cistophoric mint at the Phrygian metropolis Laodicea was one of the few Hadrianic mints which produced only a single reverse type. The cistophori portray a standing Zeus, fully draped and holding eagle and sceptre, who closely resembles the god who appears frequently on the city's imperial coinage.1 The god, who has been improperly styled Λαοδικηvός (Laodicenus) or Λαοδικεύς (Laodicensis)2 had a temple in the city whose importance is scarcely reflected by extant literary or epigraphic sources. Its remains have not yet been located, and the sole surviving reference to the god's cult is a notice of a pavement laid by one Q. Pomponius Flaccus.3 Only the city's name, Diospolis,4 and the god's frequent appearance on coins attest to his stature at Laodicea.
Laodicean Zeus is one of several gods—Zeus Lydios and Zeus of Aezani are others— whose similar appearance may indicate common origin. By Hadrian's day Lydios had virtually disappeared from the coinage of Sardis, and in any case never occupied the position at Sardis which Laodicean Zeus enjoyed in his city. Zeus of Laodicea is seldom found on the coins of other cities before Hadrian's day.6
The output of the mint at Laodicea was extensive; despite a relatively high ratio of surviving specimens to obverse dies, the lack of duplication among the reverse dies shows that our record of the Laodicean coinage is very incomplete. Yet the mint required only a single engraver, for all the dies were produced by the same hand.6
|1||The type is common at Laodicca from Augustus (BMCPhrygia, pp. 300ff., nos. 138-52) to Caracalla (p. 318, nos. 231-232). The god regularly represents Laodicea on alliance coinages until the reign of Philip: BMCPhrygia, pp. 332-40.|
|2||Cook, Zeus 2, p. 191, was "not aware of any such cult title."|
|3||E. Szanto, "Die Felswarte bei Smyrna," MDAI(A) 1891, p. 245; see the discussion in W. M. Ramsay, The Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia 1 (Oxford, 1895), p. 50.|
|4||Pliny NH 5.105.|
|5||I find the god outside Laodicea only at Trajanopolis (BMCPhrygia, p. 427, nos. 19-21, Trajan) and perhaps Hierapolis (p. 231, nos. 25-28, Trajan-Caracalla) before the reign of Hadrian.|
|6||Pace Herzfelder, pp. 18-19, who felt that "there must have been two engravers at work, one, w'ho succeeded in producing a few remarkably vigorous portraits, another, whose dies show the flat, expressionless style current in most Phrygian mints." But the heads are almost identical once variations in drapery are discounted. The eyes and ears adopt the same angle, and stippling of the beard is similar throughout. The moustache is thick and prominent, curving sharply downward and giving the emperor a sinister, almost sneering appearance. The hair is treated in a stylized fashion: a row of curls around the crown of the head curves backward, a second row forward and then another backward. The curls along the temples are usually five in number.|
|59. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P||COS III|
|Bust of Hadrian draped, bare r. seen from back.||Amaltheia, turreted, standing r. holding in l. the infant Zeus and in r. a vertical staff; at her feet a goat looking back at her.|
|296*||1||1||10.24||↓||Traces on rev.||Boston = Leu 18, 5 May 1977, 331|
|60. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P||COS III|
|Bust of Hadrian draped, bare r. seen from back.||Athena helmeted, draped standing half-1, holding in l. a patera and in r. a shield; behind, a spear.|
Unpublished in this style; cf. below, nos. 118, 119.
|297*||1||2||10.34||↓||Obv. on obv. Claudius, RIC 54||Hoffer = Myers-Adams 6, 6 Dec. 1973, 370|
2 coins, both certainly overstruck
2 die combinations
1 obverse die
2 reverse dies
There can be little doubt that these two pieces were struck at Synnada in Phrygia. The coins share an obverse die of fine style on which the draped imperial bust is seen from the rear. The reverse types, which are very carefully rendered, portray Amaltheia and Athena. It is the former which secures the attribution, for Amaltheia appears in precisely this form only on the coinage of Synnada;1 elsewhere she is seated or accompanied by curetes or both.2 Athena, too, appears on the coinage of Synnada, although the type taken alone would hardly provide an attribution.8 It is possible, but on grounds of style unlikely, that other coins with a similar rendering of Athena were also produced at Synnada: see below nos. 118-119.
Synnada had been a mint for Greek cistophori, and was the center of a large conventus. 4 Hadrian probably visited there during his second journey to Asia,5 and the later coinage of the city commemorates the Hadriania Panathenaia. 6
Both known coins of Synnada are overstruck; no. 297 is one of only three Hadrianic cistophori known to be overstruck on a coin of Claudius (rev. DIANA EPHESIA cult image).
|1||For example, BMCPhrygia, p. 396, no. 25, and p. 402, no. 53 (Diadumenian); p. 403, no. 57 (Gordian III); Hunter 2, p. 494, no. 3 (Maximus) and p. 404, no. 63 (Gallienus).|
|2||As at Apamea, Laodicea, Aegeai, and Crete in genere.|
|3||SNGCopPhrygia 722, where she holds an owl in r.|
|4||Jones, CERP, pp. 65-67.|
|5||Weber, Untersuchungen, p. 228, and nn. 808-9.|
|6||BMCPhrygia, p. 403, no. 58 (Gordian III); see also Mionnet 4, p. 367, no. 983.|
|61.||AVGVSTVS HADRIANVS||P M TR P COS III|
|Bust of Hadrian with drapery on l. shoulder, laureate r.||Hadrian, veiled, seated l. holding rudder in r. and transverse sceptre in l.|
BMCRE, p. 382 §; RIC 473 ("head laur. r."); Cohen 1158; Pinder 83, pl. 8,11; Herzfelder, p. 23, pl. 6, 6.
|298*||1||1||10.14||↓||Obv. on rev. Antonius||Munich|
|62.||HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS||COS at top, III at bottom|
|Bust of Hadrian with drapery on l. shoulder, laureate, r.||Eagle standing r. on thunderbolt between two standards.|
BMCRE, p. 383 (i); Herzfelder, p. 26, pl. 7, 10.
|63.||HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS||COS III l. and r. in field|
|Bust of Hadrian with drapery on l. shoulder, laureate, r.||Female, draped to feet, standing l. holding patera in extended r. and sceptre vertically in l.; at l., a prow.|
BMCRE, p. 383 (f); RIC 468 (a); Herzfelder, p. 26, pl. 7, 9.
|300*||2||3||9.90||↙||Traces on rev.||Vienna = Bachofen von Echt 1191|
|64.||HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS||COS III|
|Bust of Hadrian with drapery on l. shoulder, laureate, r.||Poppy and six grain stalks in bundle.|
BMCRE, p. 383 (j) var., citing Herzfelder's notes.
|65.||HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS||COS - III l. and r. in field.|
|Bust of Hadrian with drapery on l. shoulder, laureate, r.||Tyche, kalathos on head, standing l. holding rudder in r. and cornucopiae in 1.|
|302*||2||5||9.20||Kölner Münzkabinett 21, 4-5 Apr. 1977, 217|
|66.||HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS||COS [III] across top|
|Bust of Hadrian with drapery on l. shoulder, laureate, r.||Poppy and four grain stalks in bundle.|
BMCRE, p. 383 (j); RIC 469; Pinder 91; Herzfelder, p. 26.
|67.||HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS||III COS|
|Bust of Hadrian with drapery on l. shoulder, laureate, r.||Poseidon standing r. with l. foot on prow holding trident in upraised r. and dolphin in 1.|
BMCRE, p. 383 (b) and (c), both referring to the Munich coin; RIC 465; Cohen 306 (without mentioning drapery on l. shoulder); Pinder 58, pl. 7, 1; Herzfelder, p. 26, pl. 7,11.
|304*||4||7||9.59||↓||Obv. on rev. Augustus||Munich|
|68.||HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS||COS III|
|Bust of Hadrian laureate, draped, cuirassed r.||Bundle of six grain stalks.|
|305*||5||8||9.82||Peus 283, 14 May 1974, 212|
|69.||HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS||COS III|
|Bust of Hadrian laureate, draped, cuirassed r.||Tyche, kalathos on head, standing l. holding in r. rudder, poppy and grain stalk and in l. cornu- copiae.|
|306*||5||9||10.5||Traces||Poindessault, 29 May 1972, 239 = Platt, 17 March 1970, 66|
|70.||AVGVSTVS HADRIANVS||P M TR P COS III|
|Bust of Hadrian draped, bare, r. seen from back.||Demeter veiled, draped, standing l. holding grain stalks downward in r. and vertical sceptre in 1.|
BMCRE 1052, pl. 71, 16; RIC 472; Cohen 1077; Pinder 75; Herzfelder, p. 23, pl. 6, 7 obv. only.
|71.||AVGVSTVS HADRIANVS||COS III|
|Bust of Hadrian draped, laureate, r. seen from back.||Zeus seated r. on throne holding vertical sceptre in upraised r. and Victory in extended 1.|
|308*||7||11||Traces||Kress 158, 8 Nov. 1973, 997|
|72.||HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS||COS III|
|Bust of Hadrian draped, bare, r. seen from back.||Similar.|
|309*||8||12||11.04||↙||Traces on rev. Paris|
|73.||HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS||COS III|
|Bust of Hadrian draped, bare, r. seen from back.||Similar but eagle at feet.|
BMCRE, p. 383 (a); Cohen 273 (reading P P on obv. in error); Herzfelder, p. 18, pl. 4, 9. Herzfelder wrongly reports a die link with no. 76 below.
|74.||HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS||COS III|
|Bust of Hadrian draped, cuirassed, bare r. seen from back.||Male figure standing front, head l., holding vertical sceptre in upraised r. and unidentifiable object in l.(?).|
Woodward, p. 169; G. G. Belloni, "Acquisti e doni per il Civico museo Archeologico e per il Civico Gabinetto Numismatico," Not. Chiostro Mon. Magg. 1-2 (1968), pp. 113-14. Woodward thought the figure was "holding some narrow object upright," Belloni saw "la mano sinistra portata ail' addome."
|311a*||9||14||10.55||↓||Traces||Milan = Santamaria 26 June 1950 (Magnaguti 3), 651 = Basel Mzhdlg. 10, 15 March 1938, 608|
|311b||9||14||10.22||↓||Traces||Spink-Galerie des Monnaies, 15 Feb.1977, 546|
|75.||HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS||III COS|
|Bust of Hadrian laureate, draped, cuirassed r. seen from back.||Male figure fully draped standing front head r. holding vertical sceptre in upraised l. and unidentifiable object in r.|
|312a||10||15||8.08||↙||Obv. on obv. Augustus||ANS|
|312b*||10||15||10.60||Obv. on obv. Antonius||In trade (per C. L. Clay)|
|76.||HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS||COS III|
|Bust of Hadrian draped, cuirassed, bare r. seen from back.||Pax standing l. holding olive branch downwards in r. and vertical sceptre in 1.|
BMCRE, p. 383 (g), pl. 72, 1; Herzfelder, p. 18, pl. 4, 10, erroneously reporting a die link with no. 73 above.
|77.||HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS||COS III l. and r. in field.|
|Bust of Hadrian draped, cuirassed bare r. seen from back.||Bundle of six grain stalks.|